Average life expectancy of the USSR population at birth (number of years).

Years	Whole population	Men	Women
1896-1897*	32.4	31,4	33,4
1926-1927*	44,3	41,9	46,8
1958-1959	68,6	64,4	71,7
1962-1963	69,6	65,4	72,8
1964-1965	70,4	66,1	73,8
1968-1969	69,8	64,9	73,7
1970-1971	69,4	64,5	73,5
1974-1975	68,8	63,7	73,1
1978-1979	67,9	62,5	72,6
1980-1981	67,7	62,3	72,5
1982-1983	68,2	62,8	73,0
1984-1985	68,1	62,9	72,7
1986-1987	69,8	65,0	73,8
	69,5	64,6	74,0

* European part of the USSR.

Compiled from: Mortality and life expectancy of the population of the USSR.1926-1927. Mortality tables. M.-L.1930. P.2,108; Health protection in the USSR. Stat. Sat. M.1990. P.20.

For the first time after the start of the first five-year plan, due to the increase in the efficiency of social production, it became possible, without weakening investment efforts, to ensure a long-term continuous increase in the standard of living of the population. The reduction in the armed forces and defense spending in the mid-50s also played a certain role in its rise. In turn, increasing the standard of living (improving housing conditions, food supplies, meeting the needs for clothing and footwear, and health care services) had a positive effect on the efficiency of social production.

The most striking indicator of the improvement in the “quality” of life has been the increase in its duration. The average life expectancy in the USSR reached in 1964-1965. the highest mark during the years of Soviet power was 70.4 years (See Table 2). In terms of this indicator, as well as the infant mortality rate, the USSR came close to the countries of Western Europe and the USA. The number of deaths under the age of one year per 1000 live births in the USSR was 29.4 in 1964, while in the USA - 24.8, in Germany - 25.3, in France - 23.3, in Italy - 36, 1.

Having received guarantees of their personal safety, the nomenclature was no longer satisfied with legitimate state sources of income and increasingly began to look for ways of private enrichment not controlled by the state. These needs of the nomenklatura were satisfied by the emerging structures of the shadow economy. Its annual turnover, according to experts, amounted to about 5 billion rubles in the early 60s, increased by the end of the 80s to 90 billion rubles, and the number of people employed in the illegal sector, which was less than 10% in the early 60s , reached 1/4 of the total employed population by the end of the 80s. The rapid growth of the “black” market in the Soviet Union and the merging of its businessmen with the ruling bureaucracy gave rise to many Western economists, already in the stagnant years, to write about the existence of “shadow capitalism” in the USSR.

In parallel with the formation of private sources of enrichment, there was a gradual assignment of positions to officials. If characteristic feature The Stalinist nomenklatura had frequent moves from one position to another, but for the Brezhnevist nomenklatura a long stay in office was indicative. There were also record holders here. Thus, E.E. Aleksievsky served as Minister of Land Reclamation of the USSR for 16 years (1963-1979), K.N. Rudnev was Minister of Instrument Engineering for 22 years (1958-1980), B.E. Butoma was Minister of Shipbuilding Industry for 28 years (1948-1976), A.A. Ishkov - Minister of the Fishing Industry for 39 years (1940-1979).

The more firmly the nomenklatura sat in its chairs, the more it was busy searching for private sources of profit, the less interested it was in the development of social production. A typical situation in this regard in the coal industry was described in the late 80s. employees of the Institute of Coal of the Siberian Branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences V. Fedorov and N. Zhdankin:

“Practice knows many cases when, solely due to the fault of the enterprise management, the longwalls provided for in the schedules are not put into operation at all during the planned period, the installed equipment deteriorates, and other mining faces work instead of the planned ones. When mechanized complexes “suddenly” begin to work unsatisfactorily even in relatively favorable conditions mining-geological situation, when completed development workings are not exploited for a long time, and their supports are destroyed, when materials and equipment received on schedule turn out to be “unnecessary”, and associations have to redistribute them to other enterprises. When, due to miscalculations in the selection means of complex mechanization and errors in determining the parameters of technology, production is in a fever, but the situation cannot be corrected even at the cost of the sometimes heroic efforts of the miners.As a result, the workers have to not only process a huge army of “commanders”, but also pay virtually out of their own pockets for all their miscalculations. "

Already from the end of the 60s. In the USSR, scientific and technological progress began to slow down. With an increase in the number of scientific, engineering and technical workers, the number of new types of machines and equipment created decreased (from 23.1 thousand in the seventh five-year plan to 8.5 thousand in the tenth). In some important scientific areas, the Soviet Union lost its advanced scientific and technical positions during this period. Thus, having sent for the first time in the world a spaceship with a person on board, the USSR subsequently lost primacy in launching spaceship to the Moon and the creation of a reusable spacecraft. Despite the fact that the technology for continuous casting of steel was created in the USSR, by 1988 in our country only 17% of steel was produced using this technology, while in the USA - 60%, in Germany - 89%, in Japan - 93% of all steel production.

The Soviet state bourgeoisie no longer needed an increase in the education of the population. The number of university students per 10,000 population - an indicator of the development of the country's intellectual potential recognized by UNESCO - decreased from 189 in 1970 to 178 in 1987. Having taken second place in the world in terms of this indicator in the 60s, the USSR by the end of the 80s fell into on the UNESCO scale at 39th place.

The growing technical lag of the Soviet economy from Western countries coincided with a decrease in the growth of fixed production assets and material resources (deterioration of coal mining conditions, depletion of virgin lands, reduction in the investment sector) and a sharp increase in the material intensity of national economic products (for 1961-1985 - by 20%). The growth rate of labor productivity fell continuously (from 13% in the seventh five-year period to zero in the eleventh). The capital productivity ratio decreased from 0.62 in 1970 to 0.39 in 1985. All this led to a drop in the growth rate of gross national product more than twice. According to leading Western economists, if in 1950-1970 the USSR's GNP increased by an average of 5% per year, then in 1971-1989 it was only 2%.

Compensate for the decline in labor and capital productivity and contain the decline in domestic consumption in the 70s and 80s. ruling class Soviet Union tried through the export of natural resources and loans from Western banks, which accumulated excess profits of OPEC countries after the “oil shock” of 1973. The reasons that forced Western capital to provide loans to their “ideological opponents” were quite accurately determined by one of the leading American researchers of the capitalist world-system, Immanuel Wallerstein :

“The rise in oil prices, directly associated with OPEC, occurred on the initiative of such clearly pro-American regimes as Saudi Arabia and Shah's Iran. The oil supply was intended mainly to pump the world's surplus product into the central fund, which was to be put into circulation through loans to the third world and socialist countries. This ensured short-term stability in these states and artificial support of the world market for industrial goods."

As a result, the external debt of the “socialist” countries of Central and South-Eastern Europe increased more than 10 times (from 8 billion dollars in 1972 to 85 billion in 1989), and the external debt of the USSR by the end of its existence amounted to 65 billion dollars. The growing technical backwardness and financial dependence of the countries of the “socialist camp” on the West ultimately determined the defeat of the Soviet bloc in the Cold War.

However, neither the increased export of fuel resources, nor the influx of Western loans, nor the purchases of grain and consumer goods against these loans could stop the decline in the standard of living of the majority of the population. Unable to meet the growing needs of the population for food and increase the efficiency of agriculture (labor productivity in this industry in the USSR was the lowest among all sectors of the economy and almost 10 times lower than in the West), the ruling class did not find anything better, what to distribute to the townspeople land for vegetable gardens, thus beginning the reverse agrarianization of the country. As a result, if in 1965 the total consumption of material goods on average per capita in the USSR in terms of US dollars was 36.6% of the US level, then in 1985 it was only 25.8%.

The deterioration of living conditions for the bulk of direct producers was reflected, in particular, in the growth of alcoholism (only in Russian Federation The incidence of alcoholism and alcoholic psychosis, according to official data, per 100,000 people increased from 95.8 cases in 1970 to 265 in 1985, i.e. more than 2.5 times), and in increasing the mortality rate, especially among children. The infant mortality rate, which was 24.7 per 1000 births in the USSR in 1970, jumped to 30.6 by 1975, and only by 1988 was it able to be reduced again to the 1970 level. Moreover, in terms of this indicator, the Soviet Union again found itself at the level of developing countries such as Mexico and Argentina. Average life expectancy in the USSR decreased from 70.4 in 1964-1965. to 68.1 in 1984 - 1985 (in 1981 - 1982 it was even lower - 67.7 years).

Thus, by the mid-1980s, the system of state capitalism that had developed in the USSR had turned into an obstacle to the development of productive forces. Having gotten rid of fear for their lives under Khrushchev, the ruling state bourgeoisie in the USSR retained fear for their position and career. Therefore, as illegal sources of enrichment grew, the state bourgeoisie revealed an increasingly clear desire to consolidate income and warm places and privileges in private property and the transition to privately owned forms of exploitation.

IX PERESTROYCY AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT:

Years	Whole population	Men	Women
1896-1897*	32.4	31,4	33,4
1926-1927*	44,3	41,9	46,8
1958-1959	68,6	64,4	71,7
1962-1963	69,6	65,4	72,8
1964-1965	70,4	66,1	73,8
1968-1969	69,8	64,9	73,7
1970-1971	69,4	64,5	73,5
1974-1975	68,8	63,7	73,1
1978-1979	67,9	62,5	72,6
1980-1981	67,7	62,3	72,5
1982-1983	68,2	62,8	73,0
1984-1985	68,1	62,9	72,7
1986-1987	69,8	65,0	73,8
	69,5	64,6	74,0

* European part of the USSR.

Compiled from: Mortality and life expectancy of the population of the USSR.1926-1927. Mortality tables. M.-L.1930. P.2,108; Health protection in the USSR. Stat. Sat. M.1990. P.20.

For the first time after the start of the first five-year plan, due to the increase in the efficiency of social production, it became possible, without weakening investment efforts, to ensure a long-term continuous increase in the standard of living of the population. The reduction in the armed forces and defense spending in the mid-50s also played a certain role in its rise. In turn, increasing the standard of living (improving housing conditions, food supplies, meeting the needs for clothing and footwear, and health care services) had a positive effect on the efficiency of social production.

The most striking indicator of the improvement in the “quality” of life has been the increase in its duration. The average life expectancy in the USSR reached in 1964-1965. the highest mark during the years of Soviet power was 70.4 years (See Table 2). In terms of this indicator, as well as the infant mortality rate, the USSR came close to the countries of Western Europe and the USA. The number of deaths under the age of one year per 1000 live births in the USSR was 29.4 in 1964, while in the USA - 24.8, in Germany - 25.3, in France - 23.3, in Italy - 36, 1.

Having received guarantees of their personal safety, the nomenclature was no longer satisfied with legitimate state sources of income and increasingly began to look for ways of private enrichment not controlled by the state. These needs of the nomenklatura were satisfied by the emerging structures of the shadow economy. Its annual turnover, according to experts, amounted to about 5 billion rubles in the early 60s, increased by the end of the 80s to 90 billion rubles, and the number of people employed in the illegal sector, which was less than 10% in the early 60s , reached 1/4 of the total employed population by the end of the 80s. The rapid growth of the “black” market in the Soviet Union and the merging of its businessmen with the ruling bureaucracy gave rise to many Western economists, already in the stagnant years, to write about the existence of “shadow capitalism” in the USSR.

In parallel with the formation of private sources of enrichment, there was a gradual assignment of positions to officials. If a characteristic feature of the Stalinist nomenklatura was frequent movements from one position to another, then the Brezhnevian nomenklatura was characterized by a long stay in office. There were also record holders here. Thus, E.E. Aleksievsky served as Minister of Land Reclamation of the USSR for 16 years (1963-1979), K.N. Rudnev was Minister of Instrument Engineering for 22 years (1958-1980), B.E. Butoma was Minister of Shipbuilding Industry for 28 years (1948-1976), A.A. Ishkov - Minister of the Fishing Industry for 39 years (1940-1979).

The more firmly the nomenklatura sat in its chairs, the more it was busy searching for private sources of profit, the less interested it was in the development of social production. A typical situation in this regard in the coal industry was described in the late 80s. employees of the Institute of Coal of the Siberian Branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences V. Fedorov and N. Zhdankin:

“Practice knows many cases when, solely due to the fault of the enterprise management, the longwalls provided for in the schedules are not put into operation at all during the planned period, the installed equipment deteriorates, and other mining faces work instead of the planned ones. When mechanized complexes “suddenly” begin to work unsatisfactorily even in relatively favorable conditions mining-geological situation, when completed development workings are not exploited for a long time, and their supports are destroyed, when materials and equipment received on schedule turn out to be “unnecessary”, and associations have to redistribute them to other enterprises. When, due to miscalculations in the selection means of complex mechanization and errors in determining the parameters of technology, production is in a fever, but the situation cannot be corrected even at the cost of the sometimes heroic efforts of the miners.As a result, the workers have to not only process a huge army of “commanders”, but also pay virtually out of their own pockets for all their miscalculations. "

Already from the end of the 60s. In the USSR, scientific and technological progress began to slow down. With an increase in the number of scientific, engineering and technical workers, the number of new types of machines and equipment created decreased (from 23.1 thousand in the seventh five-year plan to 8.5 thousand in the tenth). In some important scientific areas, the Soviet Union lost its advanced scientific and technical positions during this period. Thus, having sent for the first time in the world a spaceship with a person on board, the USSR subsequently ceded its primacy in launching a spacecraft to the Moon and creating a reusable spacecraft. Despite the fact that the technology for continuous casting of steel was created in the USSR, by 1988 in our country only 17% of steel was produced using this technology, while in the USA - 60%, in Germany - 89%, in Japan - 93% of all steel production.

The Soviet state bourgeoisie no longer needed an increase in the education of the population. The number of university students per 10,000 population - an indicator of the development of the country's intellectual potential recognized by UNESCO - decreased from 189 in 1970 to 178 in 1987. Having taken second place in the world in terms of this indicator in the 60s, the USSR by the end of the 80s fell into on the UNESCO scale at 39th place.

The growing technical lag of the Soviet economy from Western countries coincided with a decrease in the growth of fixed production assets and material resources (deterioration of coal mining conditions, depletion of virgin lands, reduction in the investment sector) and a sharp increase in the material intensity of national economic products (for 1961-1985 - by 20%). The growth rate of labor productivity fell continuously (from 13% in the seventh five-year period to zero in the eleventh). The capital productivity ratio decreased from 0.62 in 1970 to 0.39 in 1985. All this led to a drop in the growth rate of the gross national product by more than half. According to leading Western economists, if in 1950-1970 the USSR's GNP increased by an average of 5% per year, then in 1971-1989 it was only 2%.

Compensate for the decline in labor and capital productivity and contain the decline in domestic consumption in the 70s and 80s. the ruling class of the Soviet Union tried through the export of natural resources and loans from Western banks, which accumulated windfall profits from OPEC countries after the “oil shock” of 1973. The reasons that forced Western capital to provide loans to their “ideological opponents” were quite accurately determined by one of the leading American researchers of the capitalist world - Immanuel Wallerstein systems:

“The rise in oil prices, directly associated with OPEC, occurred on the initiative of such clearly pro-American regimes as Saudi Arabia and the Shah’s Iran. The oil supply was intended mainly for pumping the world’s excess product into the central fund, which was supposed to be put into circulation through loans to the third world and socialist countries. This ensured short-term stability in these states and artificial support of the world market for the sale of industrial goods."

As a result, the external debt of the “socialist” countries of Central and South-Eastern Europe increased more than 10 times (from 8 billion dollars in 1972 to 85 billion in 1989), and the external debt of the USSR by the end of its existence amounted to 65 billion dollars. The growing technical backwardness and financial dependence of the countries of the “socialist camp” on the West ultimately determined the defeat of the Soviet bloc in the Cold War.

However, neither the increased export of fuel resources, nor the influx of Western loans, nor the purchases of grain and consumer goods against these loans could stop the decline in the standard of living of the majority of the population. Unable to meet the growing needs of the population for food and increase the efficiency of agriculture (labor productivity in this industry in the USSR was the lowest among all sectors of the economy and almost 10 times lower than in the West), the ruling class did not find anything better, than to distribute plots of land for vegetable gardens to city residents, thus beginning the reverse agrarianization of the country. As a result, if in 1965 the total consumption of material goods on average per capita in the USSR in terms of US dollars was 36.6% of the US level, then in 1985 it was only 25.8%.

The deterioration of the living conditions of the bulk of direct producers was reflected, in particular, in the growth of alcoholism (in the Russian Federation alone, the incidence of alcoholism and alcoholic psychosis, according to official data, per 100,000 people increased from 95.8 cases in 1970 to 265 in 1985, i.e. more than 2.5 times), and in increasing the mortality rate, especially among children. The infant mortality rate, which was 24.7 per 1000 births in the USSR in 1970, jumped to 30.6 by 1975, and only by 1988 was it able to be reduced again to the 1970 level. Moreover, in terms of this indicator, the Soviet Union again found itself at the level of developing countries such as Mexico and Argentina. Average life expectancy in the USSR decreased from 70.4 in 1964-1965. to 68.1 in 1984 - 1985 (in 1981 - 1982 it was even lower - 67.7 years).

Thus, by the mid-1980s, the system of state capitalism that had developed in the USSR had turned into an obstacle to the development of productive forces. Having gotten rid of fear for their lives under Khrushchev, the ruling state bourgeoisie in the USSR retained fear for their position and career. Therefore, as illegal sources of enrichment grew, the state bourgeoisie revealed an increasingly clear desire to consolidate profitable and warm places and privileges into private ownership and the transition to privately owned forms of exploitation.

IX PERESTROYCY AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT:

CLASS ALIGNMENT OF POWER

With the coming to power of M.S. Gorbachev, it became obvious that for most of the nomenklatura the existing super-centralized system was no longer needed. True, concerned about the decline in labor productivity and the increase in economic losses from drunkenness, the ruling class of the Soviet Union in the mid-80s. tried to reduce the level of alcoholism among the working masses by limiting the consumption of alcoholic beverages. However, since social reasons alcoholism - social inequality, exploitation of man by man and the system of wage slavery - the state bourgeoisie was not going to touch, then the fight for a sober lifestyle eventually took on caricatured forms, profaning the very idea of ​​​​the fight against alcoholism. Although these measures made it possible to significantly reduce mortality and increase life expectancy (see Table 2), neither the anti-alcohol campaign nor the simultaneously announced campaign to “accelerate” socio-economic and scientific and technical development could save the Soviet system due to the absence of the main thing – interest of the nomenclature.

Interests for the most part ruling class consisted of a transition to privately owned forms of exploitation and the legalization of private entrepreneurial methods of enrichment. This was primarily due to the liberalization of economic legislation. If the right to open cooperatives at state enterprises, granted by the law on cooperation (1988), and the transfer of enterprises to self-financing opened up wide opportunities for the private accumulation of monetary capital for the economic nomenklatura, then the permission of independent cooperative, and then small (1990) and joint (1991) private enterprises provided excellent opportunities for the laundering and legalization of their capital to businessmen in the shadow economy and the formation of a “new Russian” bourgeoisie. It was then that a saying arose in business circles: “Strike iron while Gorbachev does.” As one of Russia’s leading experts on the shadow economy, V.V., writes. Kolesnikov,

“opening (registration) of enterprises (cooperatives) without presenting declarations of the origin of funds is nonsense for the civilized world, but the rule for us...”

The assignment of positions to the nomenklatura was also facilitated by the direct elections introduced at the turn of the 90s, first of directors of enterprises, and then, to a greater extent, of presidents of republics, city mayors and regional governors. A directly elected president, mayor or governor concentrated almost unlimited power in his hands with almost complete irresponsibility. Formally, such an official is responsible to all voters; in fact, he is not responsible to either higher or lower elected bodies.

Who today can really control the activities of the “popularly elected” president, mayor or governor?

Obviously, the one who can actually pay or, more precisely, provide (since in this case, power and control over funds plays no less a role than money mass media, the opportunity to organize meetings of labor collectives in support, etc.) of his election campaign. Today, either bureaucratic nomenclature clans, or shadow (criminal) structures, or financial oligarchy groups (the top of banking corporations, etc.) are able to do this. It is these clans, structures, and groups that today can control the activities of presidents, mayors and governors. Often, however, such officials themselves lead these groups. It is these clans, structures and groups that the newly elected heads of republics, provinces and cities have given a monopoly right to rob their voters, without forgetting, of course, their own pockets.

Under such conditions, the Soviet state bourgeoisie no longer needed the revolutionary symbols and attributes, communist slogans and quotes that had been preserved since 1917. Following the example of her Western class brethren, she adopts an openly bourgeois ideology and organizes anti-communist hysteria in the media. The essence of this process was quite accurately formulated by the famous African economist and publicist Samir Amin:

“In attacking its own system, this class takes into account all the hackneyed prejudices of the criticism of socialism of bourgeois ideology, but does not dare to say that the system it abandoned was completely effective, since it allowed it to be constituted into the bourgeoisie.”

The state and emerging private bourgeoisie were equally interested in the speedy division of “socialist” property into private estates. Therefore, the first priority of the newly elected presidents was the privatization of state property. Wide opportunities for nomenklatura privatization were created by the economic legislation of the CIS countries in the early 90s. As shown, for example, an analysis of the bankruptcy procedure for a state-owned enterprise enshrined in the decree of the President of the Russian Federation dated June 14, 1992, this procedure created all the conditions for the administration to illegally enrich itself and seize the means of production: first, the management of the enterprise deliberately in its own interests or (for bribes) interests of third parties, brings the enterprise to a state of bankruptcy (by concluding unprofitable transactions, debt obligations, etc.), then declares the enterprise bankrupt and sells it at auction, where, using the monopoly of information about the state of the enterprise, it acquires it for next to nothing. Moreover, when holding auctions, declarations were also not required: when asked by the Chief State Inspector of the Russian Federation, Yu. Boldyrev, about declarations, the then Chairman of the State Property Committee of Russia, A. Chubais, replied that if we demand them during the auction, we will disrupt privatization.

A significant part of the nomenklatura, its children and relatives have firmly established themselves in commercial structures created with state and party funds. According to the Commission for Investigation of the State Emergency Committee, over 600 enterprises were created with party money, including 10 leading Russian commercial banks, in authorized capitals of which CPSU funds amounted to 7.5 billion rubles. still at those prices. The Leningrad Regional Committee of the CPSU alone created 48 small and joint enterprises. According to the president of the foreign economic association "Rosart" A. Rudenko, nomenklatura or so-called "red" business, which arose on the basis of administrative and state funds and connections, makes up about 80% of all Russian business. It is not surprising that even the former organ of the CPSU Central Committee, the magazine Party Life, has been published since 1991 under the name Delovaya Zhizn.

The division of state property into private estates was accompanied by an acute internecine struggle for power, influence and property between different clans and factions of the ruling class, a struggle in which they used all available means - from provoked ethnic conflicts and economic crises to political assassinations and local wars (whether either in Moscow or the most remote areas Central Asia).

Determining the origin of Russian capitalists, A. Solovyov refers to the data of the social portrait of the average Russian millionaire, compiled in 1994 by the Institute of Applied Politics, according to which only 12% of Russian millionaires built their careers in the CPSU, KGB, Komsomol, etc. From this the author concludes: “As we see, entrepreneurs are mainly not from party functionaries, but from the economic nomenklatura,” although he does not provide data on the share of people from the economic nomenklatura among entrepreneurs. However, taking into account the fact that the average salary in Russia in 1994 was 220.4 thousand rubles. per month, and in some industries and organizations even exceeded the million mark, the majority of Russian millionaires in 1994 can hardly be classified even as the lower stratum of the bourgeoisie.

Another fact cited by A. Solovyov is of much greater interest:

87% of former party workers now function either in government and local administrations, or in commercial structures.

It shows that if one part of the nomenklatura, having exchanged “communist” signs for democratic ones, remained in bureaucratic chairs and prefers state sources of enrichment, then the other has already become private owners and switched to privately owned forms of exploitation.

However, the question arises: where did the remaining 13% of the party nomenklatura go? It is not difficult to answer this question by paying attention to the composition of the leadership of modern “communist” parties and their parliamentary factions. Their loud phrases about the collapse of Russian statehood and demands to stop privatization show that their interests are connected primarily with the preservation of the huge state-capitalist sector of the economy, which provides them with power and privileges. Partly pushed out of power in 1991 by more clever class brethren, today they, like the old aristocracy, are waving the beggar's purse of the proletariat* in order to lead the people and, with their help, restore their power. However, numerous statements by modern communist leaders about supporting domestic entrepreneurship indicate that they are not at all going to abandon private capitalist sources of enrichment. It is not for nothing that their ideal is the so-called “Chinese model” of socialism.

The struggle between these two factions of the state bourgeoisie - supporters of a rapid transition to the market ("democrats" in the style of Yeltsin, Kravchuk, Chernomyrdin, Shevardnadze and CO) and supporters of the conservation of the state form of capitalism with a neo-Stalinist dictatorship ("communists" like Zyuganov, Makashov and CO) - is leitmotif political life CIS countries in the 90s, but contradictions between them emerged already in the early stages of perestroika. They manifested themselves especially clearly in relation to the developments that have unfolded since the late 80s. labor movement.

True, at first the nomenklatura was more or less united in its desire to prevent and prohibit the labor movement. Thus, in the spring of 1989, when the first still timid strikes swept through the mines of Kuzbass, the Bureau of the Kemerovo Regional Committee of the CPSU adopted a resolution in which these actions (as regional committee officials then shyly called them - "facts of group refusals of workers to work") qualified as attempts to use slogans of democratization, openness, expansion of human rights and freedoms by those "who would like to turn democracy into licentiousness, lawlessness, permissiveness". Participation in strikes was declared incompatible with party membership.

However, already in the summer of 1989, when the strike movement engulfed the entire coal industry throughout the country and it was no longer possible to stop it, the “perestroika” faction of the nomenklatura decided to channel the legitimate dissatisfaction of the working class with its position into the channel of support for perestroika, to use the miners’ actions to accelerate economic reforms and privatization of profitable places. So, already on July 23, 1989, in an interview with central television M.S. Gorbachev stated: “We need to carry out perestroika more decisively. This idea is heard in the miners’ speeches... the working class is asking the question correctly.”. B.N. also used the labor movement more actively and cynically. Yeltsin.

The positions of another part of the nomenklatura reflected the sentiments expressed by Odessa resident G. Sidlyarevsky in a letter to Literaturnaya Gazeta (dated August 6, 1989):

“On the initiative of those who supported the strikers, it was proposed to adopt a law on strikes. That is, to legalize strikes in the USSR. For those who understand what this means, such a prospect hurts the ears. So, the country of victorious socialism is proposed to slide down to the level of countries where exploitation of man by man flourishes. Why? Should we inoculate our country with this disease of industrial paralysis?”

As we see, the logic here is clear: since socialism flourishes in the Soviet Union, and there is no exploitation of man by man, then proletarians have no right to fight for their rights in such a way as a strike.

It is characteristic that even today, leaders of the “communist” parties of the CIS countries continue to consider miners as “traitors to socialism,” showing not only the absence of a Marxist approach, but also the poorly concealed anger of slave owners at their rebellious slaves who “betrayed” their masters. So, for example, according to the newspaper of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine "Komunist", having demanded in 1989 a human attitude towards oneself and normal working conditions (it is worth recalling that every million tons of coal then cost the life of one miner who died in the face - without taking into account those who died prematurely from occupational diseases received in the mine), the miners turn out to have betrayed not only "socialism", but also "their fathers, who fought for the better lot of the people... in October 1917."

The best answer to this kind of accusation would be a simple comparison of the experiences of the Paris Commune of 1871, the Great October Revolution and the miners' strike of 1989. First of all, we must note exclusively high level miners' organization. In the very first days of the strike, strike committees created workers' squads to maintain order in squares and streets during negotiations, as well as to picket mines in order to prevent the shipment of coal and other work without the permission of the strike committee. In the Donbass, miners - former "Afghans" - kept order during the strike. On the initiative of the strike committees in the cities affected by the strike, the sale of alcoholic beverages was prohibited, and all wine and vodka stores were sealed. In some cities of Kuzbass for weddings, funerals, etc. In some cases, permission to purchase alcohol was issued by authorized strike committee officials. As the newspaper's correspondent writes, " Soviet Russia" By Kemerovo region V.V. Kostyukovsky, this was the only document with which you could buy alcohol. The Miner's region was, for the most part, sober as never before. As a result, crime in the areas affected by the strike decreased by 3-4 times. A police lieutenant colonel from Novokuznetsk even joked when addressing the strike committee members:

“The situation is such that for me, they would be on strike for the rest of their lives.”

And here is how K. Marx describes the situation in Paris during the Commune of 1871:

“The Commune amazingly transformed Paris! The dissolute Paris of the Second Empire disappeared without a trace... There is not a single corpse in the morgue; there are no night robberies, almost no thefts. Since February 1848, the streets of Paris became safe for the first time, although there was not a single policeman on them.” .

It was during the 1989 strike that real workers' control over production was exercised in the Soviet Union for the first time since the 1917 revolution. To avoid the threat of putting the mines out of operation, in Gorlovka, Dzerzhinsk and other cities, strike committee members agreed with the management of the mines to organize the necessary preventive work in the longwalls under the leadership of engineers and mine strike committees. The Chervonograd strike committee (Lviv-Volyn basin) issued an order to coordinate all actions to ensure the necessary work with the strike committees.

In the coal regions of the country, a de facto dual power was established. At the end of the strike, the strike committees were transformed into workers' committees, which were entrusted with monitoring the fulfillment of what the government had promised.

A situation characteristic in this regard was described in his book by the same V.V. Kostyukovsky using the example of Mezhdurechensk:

“Not in the city committee, not in the executive committee, not in people’s control, but in the working committee, citizens began to come and call, complaining about violations social justice, bureaucracy and red tape. The committee checked several warehouses and discovered scarce goods hidden."

One of the first historians of the Donbass labor movement of the late 80s. A.N. Rusnachenko denies any dual power. However, he also notes that

"strike committees organized inspections of state trade enterprises, consumer cooperatives, workers' canteens, rest homes, distribution of apartments, cars - and major violations were identified everywhere... Joint meetings of strike committees with city executive committees and city councils were organized, the leaders of which had to report to the committees or the protesting miners."

A different understanding of the role of workers’ self-government bodies was voiced in a speech at the third conference of Kuzbass workers’ committees by the representative of Karaganda miners K. Ainabekov:

"Working committees for modern stage represent the real power of the working class and express the basic interests of the working people. Naturally, we must now transfer this power to the Soviets. But we have advice, you yourself know... the people are not the same now. Therefore, we really hold this power... And if we feel that the Councils of People's Deputies are worthy, then we relieve ourselves of the obligation to have this power. We remain as controlling bodies from below. But if, let’s say, the Soviets are directed against the working class, then the working class turns from a controlling class into real power, takes away this power and says: “Soviets, you are doing the wrong thing!” This, this must be done, this and that must be removed, then everything will be fine." And then we return power to the Soviets again..."

Alas, the level of class and political consciousness of the working class was not yet developed enough to formulate its own political program.

“The workers could not find deeply thought-out, balanced decisions, precisely calculated ways... Awakened political energy, awakened initiative, newfound citizenship are looking for a way out. And... so far, it seems to me, they have not found it,” writes an eyewitness to the events.

Lacking a unifying program and a mass political party, the labor movement actually helped class forces alien to it realize its interests and itself soon disintegrated. However, the prospect of transforming workers' committees into real authorities even then worried the most far-sighted representatives of the ruling class. Thus, two weeks before the August putsch, the then chairman of the Central Control Commission of the Communist Party of the RSFSR N. Stolyarov published an article in Komsomolskaya Pravda, “Is it worth starting all over again?” Noting that the emergence of new movements and currents in the party is a normal phenomenon, he further writes:

“The concern today is something else.

In the movement, the old inertia is gaining strength, which can be called the desire to start all over again. Bolshevik slogans against the authorities (then tsarist, now presidential) are heard again, revelations of “agents of imperialism” follow again, calls for the formation of workers’ committees at enterprises - in essence, parallel authorities(emphasis added by us. - A.Z.) - to combat laws on denationalization, privatization, etc."

As we see, the author was quite clearly aware of the danger that the labor movement, used by the “perestroika” faction of the nomenklatura, could be turned against it and against the ruling class as a whole.

Comparing the miners' protests of 1989 with the Paris Commune of 1871, the workers' Soviets of 1905 and 1917-1918 in Russia, it should be recognized that it was in the workers' movement of 1989 and the bodies created by it that the traditions of the revolutionary workers' movement of the 19th century manifested themselves most clearly. XX centuries and the preconditions for a new form of power were formed - the dictatorship of the proletariat. For the first time after the revolutionary storms of the first quarter of the 20th century. The proletariat of Russia, Ukraine and Kazakhstan showed their gigantic strength. However, due to the absence of a proletarian party, these features were never developed. Moreover, as has happened more than once in history, the bourgeoisie took advantage of the labor movement, in particular that part of the Soviet state bourgeoisie that was interested in a speedy transition from state capitalism to private capitalism.

Related information.

According to Soviet statisticians, the worst situation with life expectancy in the USSR was in the Central Asian republics. Russia was not the leader in this sense, but it was not trailing behind either.

As the team of authors (E.M. Andreev, L.E. Darsky, T.L. Kharkova) wrote in their work “Population of the Soviet Union 1922 - 1991”, five republics were in the lead in life expectancy in the Soviet Union former USSR- Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Belarus and Ukraine. This figure was 3-4 years higher than in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. Russia followed the top five republics, but lagged behind them due to a large number of deaths due to endogenous causes (bad heredity, endocrine diseases of parents, etc.) and injuries.

From 1980 to 1989, life expectancy increased in all republics of the USSR, except Armenia, where an earthquake of catastrophic proportions occurred in 1988. The increase in life expectancy was caused by a decrease in mortality from respiratory diseases and other exogenous diseases characteristic of all Soviet republics. Second the most important factor There was a decrease in mortality from injuries, also in all republics except Armenia, and for women - except Belarus and Turkmenistan. The Central Asian republics and Azerbaijan in the USSR were the first in terms of infant mortality, and this is partly why Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan always occupied last places in general statistics in terms of life expectancy. On the contrary, the Baltic republics and Belarus were in the lead. According to World Organization healthcare, by 1990 in Belarus the level of life expectancy was the highest - 70.8 years, while in Turkmenistan it reached only 62.8 years. According to the conclusions of Soviet statisticians, by the end of the 80s - early 90s, in terms of life expectancy, Russia lagged behind developed countries by 3 years for men and 4.3 years for women, Estonia, respectively, by 3.2 and 4.1 years , Lithuania - by 2.2 and 3.3, Latvia - by 3.2 and 4, Belarus - by 2.4 and 3.3, Ukraine - by 2.4 and 4. These indicators are E. M. Andreev, L E. Darsky and T. L. Kharkov are associated with an increase in the mortality rate of the working-age population from diseases of the circulatory system. In second place among men were injuries and diseases of the respiratory system (associated primarily with smoking).

There was a high mortality rate among children in Central Asia

The relatively low life expectancy of the population of Central Asia, Azerbaijan and partly Kazakhstan was influenced by the high mortality rate from exogenous diseases, mainly among children. For example, from 1970 to 1980 in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, there were an average of 40 or more infant deaths per thousand children born. In addition, in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan there were more deaths from injuries and endogenous diseases than in other republics of the USSR. In Moldova, there was a high mortality rate from injuries and diseases of the digestive system associated with an unfavorable environmental situation. As a result, this republic lagged behind the Midwestern level of life expectancy by 2 years. The highest mortality rate in the USSR was in Turkmenistan, where the critical demographic situation was combined with pollution environment pesticides and defoliants, coupled with environmental disaster Aral region. Similar problems, according to the UN, to varying degrees, were typical for other Central Asian republics.

Dynamics of average life expectancy in Russia-USSR
(data taken from: Urlanis B.U. Fertility and life expectancy in the USSR. M., 1963. pp. 103-104)

Year Average life expectancy in the USSR

1917 32
1927 44
1939 47
1955 64
1956 67
1958 68
1959 69
1961 70
1975 70,4
1980 70,9
1985 71,4
1990 69,5
1995 64
2000 62
2005 60

Considering the data in this table as a result of the development of the Soviet state and society, the primary foundations of which were laid in 1917, it should be noted that the lag in average life expectancy by 1917 was. in comparison with other most developed bourgeois states it was very large. From the most developed countries (England, USA, France) it was more than 20 years. Even from the most backward in Europe - Austria-Hungary - more than 7-8 years.
It is very interesting to compare this leap in this main indicator of historical progress in the USSR, made in the 20th century, with a similar situation that took place in the USA, England, France, the Netherlands, Denmark and Norway. The data regarding this is shown in the following table. (data from: Rosset E. Duration of human life. M. 1981, p. 207)

Year Average life expectancy
1840 41,0
1860 42,2
1880 45,2
1900 50,5
1910 54,3
1920 58,3
1930 61,7
1940 64,6
1950 69,8
1960 72,0
1965 72,3

By way of commenting on this table, I will note that to achieve approximately the same level of life expectancy that was in the USSR in 1985, these countries took almost 120 years, while ours took about 70. I will also note that the countdown in this table is taken from 1840 ., where the life expectancy was already 9 years higher than that of Russia in 1917. From this we can conclude that one of the main lines of historical progress, which I reduce to the growth of the life expectancy in the conditions Soviet society, was 1.8 times more intense than in these bourgeois countries. The data presented indicate that after 1917 the USSR took very large steps along the main road of historical progress, despite a number of negative phenomena in these years.
If we compare this process with other European countries, not included in the above tables, then in comparison with the USSR in mid-1970, in terms of life expectancy, they were almost the same as ours. In Italy this figure was 72 years, in Bulgaria - 71.3. in the GDR -71.2, in the FRG - 70.6, in Poland - 71. (data from: Rosset E. Human life expectancy. M. 1981, p. 207)
In the 70s - 80s of the XX century. Life expectancy in other countries of the world was significantly lower than in the USSR and amounted to 45-65 years. The exceptions were Cuba, China, and North Korea. South Korea, Singapore, Puerto Rico, where it was almost equal, and in some years even slightly higher or lower. In the mid-80s, the USSR was firmly among the top ten countries with the highest life expectancy, where it reached and exceeded 70 years. (Rosset E. Op. cit. p. 212, World population. Demographic reference book. M., 1989. pp. 210-237.)

These facts indicate that Russia during the Soviet period made a colossal step forward in the level and quality of life of the people, despite all the trials of the century. And the transition to capitalism in the 90s led to the extinction of the nation, which continues to this day. The solution is a return to socialism. The oligarchic regime of Putin-Medvedev must be destroyed mercilessly by the National Revolution! Socialism is the only one best option existence of Russian civilization. Glory to socialist Russia!!! Let it be so!!!

The issue of life extension is one of the most serious problems of humanity. Entire teams of scientists, sponsored by both the state and private companies and individuals, have worked and are working on its solution. Recently, Rosstat published important news that the life expectancy of Russians has reached a historical maximum, exceeding 72 years, and we decided to dig into statistics for Russia and the world to sort this out interesting topic“to the bones.”

Some shifts in this direction are already noticeable, but it is still very early to talk about a stable mass overcoming of the century age. BelowReconomica will consider basic information related to current issues of life extension and health preservation in old age.

How the average life expectancy has changed in Russia: from Rosstat statistics by year

So, let's look at the secrets of active longevity. First, some general information. Table average life expectancy in the Russian Federation by year (since the nineties to this day) looks like this:

Year	General	For men	For women
1990	69.1	63.7	74.3
1995	64.5	58.1	71.5
2000	65.5	59	72.2
2002	64.9	58.6	71.9
2005	65.3	58.9	72.4
2007	67.6	61.4	74
2008	67.9	61.9	74.2
2009	68.7	62.8	74.7
2010	68.9	63	74.8
2011	69.8	64	75.6
2012	70.2	64.5	75.8
2013	70.8	65.1	76.3
2014	70.9	65.3	76.5
2015	71.4	65.9	76.7
2016	71.9	66.5	77

Taking a quick look at the table, you can do 2 important conclusions:

1. The average life expectancy of men in Russia, although increasing since 1995, still remains very low. In fact, almost all of the overall increase was achieved by reducing male mortality from catastrophically high to simply high. Women still live 11 years longer. Many people do not understand what the term “life expectancy” means. In simple words, this means that every average girl born in 2017 will presumably live the last 11 years of her life having already buried her spouse.
2. As we see, difficult for the country the nineties with a high mortality rate economic reasons, as well as from alcoholism and other addictions, reflected in the statistics. When technological progress pushed up the standard of living in developed countries, Russia was going downhill due to an economic disaster.

So, let’s remember the current figures for today in order to analyze them further:

• The average life expectancy of men in Russia in 2017 is 66.5 years
• Women - 77 years old
• On average, Russia, according to Rosstat as of mid-2017, reached a level of 72.4 years in life expectancy.

On August 14, Deputy Prime Minister Olga Golodets announced that average duration life in Russia for the first time exceeded 72 years , amounting to 72.4 years based on the results of the first half of 2017, according to preliminary estimates by Rosstat.

How many years did people live in the USSR?

When assessing some parameters of modern life, people often like to remember how things were before the collapse of the USSR. Therefore, we present data on life expectancy in the Soviet Union in the quietest years:

Of the year	Average duration, years
1958-1959	68.5
1960-1961	69.5
1962-1963	69.5
1964-1965	70.5
1966-1967	70
1968-1969	69.5
1970-1971	69.5
1972-1973	69.5
1974-1975	68.5
1976-1977	68
1978-1979	68
1980-1981	67.5
1982-1983	68

However, statistics for the USSR are considered to be overestimated. The main reason is inaccurate information about mortality in Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Moldova.

How are our neighbors doing? Ukraine, Belarus, Kazakhstan and other CIS countries by life expectancy today

Table for CIS/former USSR countries (current data for the full year 2016):

State	average life expectancy
Azerbaijan	66.3
Armenia	72.4
Belarus	70.2
Kazakhstan	67.35
Kyrgyzstan	68.9
Moldova	70.3
Tajikistan	64.7
Turkmenistan	68.35
Uzbekistan	65.1
Georgia (formerly part of the CIS)	76.55
Ukraine (formerly part of the CIS)	68.1

As we see, today, of our closest neighbors, only Georgia is ahead of the Russian Federation in terms of life expectancy; Armenia is at the same level, taking into account the measurement error.

List of countries in the world by average life expectancy (as of 2017 year)

Let us present statistics on longevity by country of the world, separately general, and separately for men and women.

Since there are no statistics for 2017 yet, the rating is based on data for the full year 2016:

List of countries by average life expectancy, part 1

List of countries by average life expectancy, part 2

List of countries by average life expectancy, part 3

List of countries by average life expectancy, part 4

As you can see, global statistics have not yet officially recognized the data for Russia. Collecting statistics around the world is difficult and slow because national results are verified before being published in the peer-reviewed scientific publications from which we obtained the data.

But the data that the Russian Federation has almost reached the 72-year mark comes from Rosstat, which means that we are now between 90th and 100th place in the world in terms of life expectancy. It is also worth saying that this is a national historical record!

Why do women live longer around the world?

There is a clear gender disparity in life expectancy: Women in all countries live longer on average than the stronger sex.

Briefly in numbers: The number of women who lived to 85 years old is on average 2 times more than men. And of the 49 most old people There are only 2 men in the world. Why?

Because:

1. Attitude to your own health. Men pay much less attention to their health, often “delaying it” until the last minute, until the symptoms of the disease interfere with their lives. Women are much more attentive to their health, more willing to visit doctors and more accurately follow their instructions.
2. Attitude to one's own safety. Have you ever seen women who, for the sake of an unusual video, will climb onto the roof along the wall of a house? Or women who happily jump into water from several stories high? Of course, there are such people, but much more often it is men who commit reckless and dangerous acts.
3. Level of psychological stress. Most often, a man's work is constant stress. Add to this the eternal rush to earn more. And moral fatigue, which accumulates over the years, will certainly lead to the appearance of physical problems.
4. Lack of time to rest. A man who strives to earn more to provide for his family, in addition to his psychological health, also loses proper rest and often does not get enough sleep.
5. Working conditions. The vast majority of all “dangerous” professions are men. And difficult working conditions over a long period of time often lead to either serious illnesses or a general deterioration in health.
6. Difference in work hormonal system . Testosterone (male sex hormone) partially interferes with the functioning of the immune system, while estradiol (female hormone), on the contrary, helps.
7. Difference in nutrition. Men do not have such a need to look slim and count every kilogram. Men don't have enough time to cook healthy food. Men require much more calories than women. All this leads to the fact that representatives of the stronger sex often eat incorrectly.

Role of race: Whose family is destined to live long?

If we talk about racial predisposition to longevity, then it is impossible to single out one race that lives longer than others.

Switzerland leads the ranking of centenarians, with Japan close behind. However, this does not mean that Asians and Europeans live the longest: in other European and Asian countries, the average life expectancy is not nearly as high. Low life expectancy in the countries of the African continent can easily be explained by poverty, hunger, sanitation problems and lack of clean fresh water. Place a European or Japanese in such conditions - how long will he live?

The reason is that the main factor influencing longevity is not nationality or race, but living conditions.

Climate influence

The climate in which a person lives is also important in matters of longevity. It’s not for nothing that trips to the sea or to nature are considered healthy?

Indirectly from climatic conditions depends:

1. Diet. For example, in coastal cities, people have more seafood on their menu, which is considered healthier than animal meat.
2. Industry sectors. If the region is not suitable for the construction of large industrial facilities- the ecology in such an area will be better and cleaner.

The North Caucasus has the most centenarians in Russia.

The climate directly affects the human body as follows:

1. Northern. Low temperatures require the body to spend more calories to “warm up”. Also, due to the lack of sunlight and frosty air, problems with the respiratory system intensify. Lack of light is considered the cause of long-term depression and high mortality from suicide.
2. Deserted. Dry air high temperatures, dust - such conditions constantly keep the respiratory system under tension, making it more susceptible to disease.
3. Mountain. In the mountains, the air is not only cleaner: it contains less oxygen. It stimulates nervous system, increasing performance. When living in the mountains, immunity is usually stronger, and health itself is better.
4. Seaside. IN coastal zone the air is usually cleaner, but also more humid. These conditions may not be suitable for people who have heart or lung disease.

Level of development and accessibility of medicine in developed countries

One of the main factors influencing longevity among residents of developed countries is the level of medical services. Moreover, this nuance can be conditionally divided into several:

1. Treatment in case of illness.
2. Preventive measures for each citizen individually (vaccinations, diagnostics).
3. Preventive measures for the population as a whole (monitoring the state of the environment, quality drinking water, food products).

Longevity is largely influenced by the quality of medical services. Where would you rather lie?

In developed countries, all these factors are controlled and carried out at a high level, using modern methods and equipment.

In less developed countries it is the other way around: the medical sector is often neglected. This affects both the quality of treatment of existing diseases among citizens and preventive measures (which leads to an increase in morbidity).

Russians are starting to live longer: whose merit is this?

In recent years, the life expectancy of Russian citizens has been steadily increasing, as the table at the beginning of the article reliably demonstrates. There are several reasons for this:

1. The number of smokers and alcohol consumption decreases. Control over the circulation of alcohol and tobacco has been noticeably tightened in recent years, and prices for these products are rising. In addition, bad habits are going out of fashion: now people pay more attention to healthy image life and career.
2. Reduced drug use. If we remember the nineties and the beginning of the 2000s, when drugs could be purchased practically without problems and without risk, now in this regard everything has become seriously tougher and more complicated. Of course, drugs are still distributed illegally, and there is more choice, but now both users are tracked and distributors are prosecuted much more effectively.
3. The standard of living of the population has increased. The average salary in Russia in 2004 was about 7 thousand rubles. . Of course, prices have also increased, but the situation on the labor market has improved, and the population has the opportunity to spend more on good nutrition, and for treatment, although in the last 2-3 years there has been some demand due to the crisis.
4. The quality of healthcare has improved. It's about both about public clinics and private medical institutions, of which there are much more than 15-20 years ago.
5. The economic situation in the country has improved. This led to a decrease in crime rates.

What factors influence a person's life expectancy?

The following factors directly or indirectly influence life expectancy:

1. Genetics, hereditary diseases and predisposition to them.
2. Nutrition.
3. Bad habits.
4. Regular physical activity(we’re not talking about daily two-hour workouts in the gym, but about moderate activity - exercises, walking, active species sports).
5. Climate.
6. Psychological health (lack of stress, worries).
7. Attention to health in childhood and adolescence(on the part of the parents - whether diseases were treated in a timely manner, vaccinations were given, whether the diet was correct, whether the parents led the correct lifestyle before conception and during pregnancy).
8. Job(is it associated with heavy physical labor, does it lead to regular stress, does it leave enough time for sleep and rest).
9. Quality of medical care(both hospitals that treat existing diseases, and structures that prevent their development).
10. Ecology in the region.

What has changed in economics, ecology and medicine over the past 20 years?

Since longevity statistics directly depend on these areas of human activity, we present brief description the most significant news (for the Russian Federation).

In ecology.

In terms of ecology, there have been no positive changes. On the contrary, the situation in this area continues to deteriorate (not only in the Russian Federation - in the world as a whole). Specifically in the Russian Federation, a harmful factor is a large number of large industrial facilities that deteriorate air quality with emissions.

Plant “Tatelektromash” (Naberezhnye Chelny), emergency salvo release during commissioning, April 14, 2016

Moreover, due to crises, enterprises have to save money (including on modernization and cleaning), which makes the situation even worse. In addition: uneven deforestation is carried out, discharge is poorly controlled Wastewater into water bodies, minerals are often extracted without following safe technology.

In economics.

If we compare the situation in the “nineties” and the state of the economy today, only positive changes are noticeable. Average salaries of the population have increased, the unemployment rate has decreased, and the number of diverse enterprises has increased. On Russian market Foreign investors are also active.

Here is a brief table of specific figures, comparing 2000 and 2014 (the last pre-crisis year when the maximum positive dynamics were observed):

Parameter
GDP, per capita, thousand rubles
Agricultural products produced, billion rubles
Residential space commissioned, million m²
Population, millions
Number of unemployed, as a percentage of the working population
Average salary in the Russian Federation, thousand rubles

In medicine.

Just some specific numbers: in 2000, there were 10.7 thousand hospitals and 21.3 thousand clinics operating in the Russian Federation. In 2015, this figure was approximately halved: hospitals - 4,400, clinics - 13,800. However, according to the authorities, this is being done to optimize costs. However, in fact, the population experiences a shortage of medical personnel, primarily pediatricians and general practitioners.

The quality of service and medical capabilities have increased. Qualitative breakthroughs are being observed in dentistry, and in cardiology, and in prosthetics, and in diagnostics, and in gynecology, and in the treatment of oncological diseases, and in pediatrics - that is, in all the most basic and widespread areas. In addition, salaries for medical personnel have increased, which can also indirectly affect the quality of service and the popularity of medical professions. Now . Modern Russian hospitals are better equipped than 15-20 years ago. True, this is not relevant for all medical institutions - in many medical institutions in the regions, the equipment still remains outdated.

Differences by region of the Russian Federation: where do people live longer?

Since Russia is a large country, and conditions in the regions differ from each other, life expectancy in them will also be different.

The figures (for the full year 2015) are as follows:

As we see, people in Russia live long or live in clean environmental conditions North Caucasus, or in the conditions of the developed infrastructure of large cities, where an ambulance is guaranteed to arrive and take you to a normal hospital, which has “living” equipment and the necessary medications.

We identify the key factor in longevity from statistics

If we rationally analyze all the information about longevity (countries in which centenarians live, the standard of living of the population in these countries, the quality of medical care, and so on), then The key factors include the high standard of living of the population and economic stability in the country.

If a citizen has high income- he can afford highly qualified medical care, proper rest (both moral and physical), proper nutrition, accommodation in comfortable conditions. If a country has a high standard of living, it means that everything is fine with its economy. This means that the state has the opportunity to allocate funds to maintain the normal state of the environment, to prevent illness, to build modern medical facilities, water treatment plants, to produce high-quality food products, and so on.

Centenarians - who are they?

According to Wikipedia, a person who lives to be 90 years old is considered a centenarian. This age is comparatively high for all countries. However, in some states there are more such people (if we take the ratio of centenarians to the total population), in others there are fewer. Let's try to figure out why.

In which countries do people live to be a hundred years old?

Let's give list of countries where the most people lived to be 100 years old:

1. Japan. Moreover, women are long-lived - approximately 87.3% (if we take the last 30 years).
2. Sweden. The “concentration” of centenarians in relation to the population here is quite high: with 9.4 million citizens, there are about 1,600 centenarians (that is, approximately 1 in 5,888 people lives to be 100 years old).
3. Great Britain. There is 1 centenarian for every 6,777 citizens.
4. Cuba. In total, about 1,500 people live in Cuba who celebrated their 100th anniversary. In relation to the total number - 1 centenarian per 7222 people.

As we see, the chances of the average person to overcome the century mark today are really negligible! It’s easier to win a large sum in the lottery.

About long-lived record holders (video)

Guinness Book of Records record holders

Here is a list of the “most-most” long-livers.

Among those living today:

1. V. Brown (Jamaica). Born March 10, 1900 (age 117).
2. Nabi Tajima (Japan). August 4, 1900 (116 years old).
3. Chiyo Miyako (Japan) May 2, 1901 (116 years old).
4. Marie-Josephine Gaudette (Italy). March 25, 1902 (115 years old).
5. Giuseppina Proetto-Frau (Italy). May 30, 1902 (115 years old).
6. Kane Tanaka (Japan). January 2, 1903 (114 years old).
7. Maria Giuseppa Robucci-Nargiso (Italy). March 20, 1903 (114 years old).
8. Iso Nakamura (Japan). April 23, 1903 (114 years old).
9. Tae Ito (Japan). July 11, 1903 (114 years old).

In 2017, two centenarians from this list died:

1. Ana Vela Rubio (Spain). October 29, 1901 (died at 116 years old).
2. Emma Morano (Italy) November 29, 1899 (died at 117 years old).

Of the confirmed dead:

1. Jeanne Calment (France). She lived 122 years and 164 days.
2. Sarah Knauss (USA). Lived 119 years and 97 days.
3. Lucy Hannah (USA). She lived 117 years and 248 days.
4. Maria Louise Meyer (Canada). She lived 117 years and 230 days.
5. Emma Morano (Italy). She lived 117 years and 137 days.
6. Misao Okawa (Japan). Lived 117 years and 27 days.
7. Maria Esther de Capovilla (Ecuador). She lived 116 years and 347 days.
8. Suzanne Mushatt Jones (USA). She lived 116 years and 311 days.
9. Gertrude Weaver (USA). She lived 116 years and 276 days.
10. Tane Ikai (Japan). She lived 116 years and 175 days.

An interesting nuance: the first man from this list is found only in the 16th position, and there are only 6 men in the list of 99 items.

Unconfirmed centenarians (age is known only from the words of the person himself):

1. Li Qingyun (China). Supposedly lived 256 years.
2. Anna Feinset (USA). Supposedly she lived to be 195 years old.
3. Mom Efisho (Nigeria). She supposedly lived to be 193 years old.
4. Elizabeth Mahony (USA). She supposedly lived to be 191 years old.
5. Mahashta Murasi (India). Supposedly he lived to be 182 years old.
6. Tense Abaeva (South Ossetia). Supposedly she lived 180 years.
7. Ezekiel Srenze (Uganda). Supposedly lived 180 years.
8. James Olofintuyi (Nigeria). He supposedly lived to be 172 years old.
9. Pa Aki Onoforere (Nigeria). Supposedly he lived to be 170 years old.
10. Hancer Nine (Türkiye). She supposedly lived to be 169 years old.

About a man who lived (?) 256 years: truth or fiction? (video)

Where do long-livers live: the role of nutrition and ecology

Let's highlight several places where people are statistically more likely to live to 90 years of age. The data was collected by Dan Buettner (an American researcher, traveler, writer who researched the secrets of longevity).

1. Japan - Okinawa Island. It’s easy to meet a person aged 80-90 on this island (whose population is about 1 million inhabitants). Moreover, he will look 10-30 years younger than the number in the passport. Okinawans eat often, but in small portions. The diet includes fresh vegetables and fruits, soy and tofu. Martial arts are common on the island; various breathing techniques, and in general the population leads an active lifestyle.
2. Italy - island of Sardinia, city of Ovvoda. One of the most beautiful paradises in the Mediterranean. Residents of the island do not adhere to any special diet, eating what is common in their region (seafood and traditional Italian dishes). However, Den Büttner cites an interesting fact: previously, the inhabitants of Ovvod lived separately, and often married only within their community. Genetically, people born here are predisposed to longevity.
3. Costa Rica - Nicoya Peninsula. There are no ultra-modern medical centers or any very healthy products food produced nearby. Pure nature and a calm flow of life - perhaps this is what has a positive effect on longevity local residents. Statistically, they are about 4 times more likely to live to age 90 than the average US citizen (who spends much more money on healthcare).
4. Greece - Icarus Island. About 6 out of 10 local residents live to be 90 years old. Among the features of the lifestyle are a diet with a predominance of seafood and fresh vegetables, regularity and tranquility, clean air and a warm and favorable climate. Local wine, which is prepared right there, without preservatives or chemical additives, is also highly valued here. This type of diet is also known as the “Mediterranean diet.” Numerous studies have proven the positive effects of such a diet on health.

As we see, The main factors for longevity are a warm (but not abnormally hot) climate, fresh and clean air, a measured life and nutrition without an abundance of harmful foods.

Proven: Daily work keeps you healthy and sane until the very end.

Many of those who have lived beyond 90 years point to constant activity as their secret to longevity.

And also to longevity!

A simple analogy can be given: any equipment that sits idle deteriorates (it rusts, some parts dry out, dust accumulates in the mechanisms, and so on). Inaction has a bad effect on the human body, both moral and physical.

That is why it is extremely important to constantly develop and be active in different directions (work both physically and mentally). We are not talking about exhausting work for 14-20 hours a day - you need to work in moderation, but regularly.

This also applies to those who have already retired (or for some reason can afford not to work). Various studies have a similar conclusion: early retirement from work leads to premature extinction: the meaning of life is lost, depression occurs from lack of communication, physical activity decreases, and the desire to live further disappears. And after that, nature simply gets rid of the “obsolete material.”

What centenarians themselves say about their secret to longevity: 5 quotes

Emma Morano, Italian centenarian, 117 years old (oldest person to live in 3 centuries: born 1899 and died 2017).

According to Emma, ​​starting at the age of 20, she ate 3 eggs (raw or boiled) daily, on the advice of her doctor. Otherwise, in terms of diet, she did not adhere to any strict restrictions: she ate meat, chocolate, and sometimes drank alcohol. According to her doctor, there weren’t very many fruits and vegetables in her diet.

She considers one of the secrets of longevity to be a small number of years in marriage, thanks to which she did not waste energy on relationships. She was married twice, after 1938 and until the end of her life - she lived without a husband.

Leila Denmark, USA, 114 years old.

I believed that the secret of longevity lies in happy marriage(she lived with her husband for more than 60 years) and her favorite job. Leila continued to work until she was 103 years old.

Israel, 110 years old.

Being a talented musician (pianist), she believed that the secret of longevity was doing what she loved, which made her happy. She said that the worst thing that can happen in life is boredom.

You can also highlight optimism: Alice believed that there should be no time for pessimism and hatred, and that they eat up the soul.

Misao Okawa, Japan, 117 years old.

She said that the key to a long life lies in a sufficient amount of rest (at least 8 hours a day, and, if possible, naps during the day), the ability to relax and proper nutrition. Misao's favorite dish was sushi, which she could eat three times a day. I also drank coffee every day.

According to doctors, the secret to a woman's longevity was good health(she had never suffered from anything serious throughout her life) and a strong psyche.

Giselle Cazadsu, France, 102 years old.

I believed that the key to longevity is love: for your husband, for your children, for your family. She also said that it is necessary to always study, since training the mind slows down its old age.

She led a relatively healthy lifestyle: she monitored her diet (sometimes allowing herself wine), and did regular physical exercise. She also doesn’t forget about genetics: in terms of health, she didn’t experience any special problems.

1. Give up bad habits . Smoking, alcohol - all this is unacceptable even in minimal doses.
2. Get your diet in order. You will have to learn a lot about the rules of healthy eating: dietetics is a whole science that should be applied individually for each person.
3. Get your routine in order. It is advisable to sleep for 7-8 hours, and ideally at night.
4. Stay physically active. It is not necessary to be a professional athlete, but regular (ideally daily) exercise for 15-20 minutes will definitely be useful. Walk more, get yourself some kind of active hobby (swimming, cycling, table tennis, and so on - as desired).
5. Monitor your health. Prevention is easier than cure - so visit doctors every 1-2 years (at least). You can make a basic list of specialists: cardiologist, urologist (gynecologist), therapist, gastroenterologist, neurologist. If you don’t have the time or desire, you can limit yourself to a therapist. It is also advisable to get tested annually.
6. Don't delay treatment. The main problem preventing our people from living long is the development of diseases. Many of us go to the doctor only when the symptoms become obvious and intolerable.
7. Avoid stress. Conflict less, quarrel, try to avoid communicating with people who are unpleasant to you. Spend more time with your loved ones, do something together.
8. Choose the right job. If the goal is longevity, then you definitely shouldn’t work in difficult places for a long time. Loaders, miners, workers in “heavy” industry - among such professions, long-livers are unlikely to be very common.
9. If possible, change your place of residence, if your city has environmental problems.
10. Be more social. Socially active and outgoing people tend to be more optimistic and positive.

If we upset someone with dry numbers and facts, breaking the plan to live more than 100 years, don’t worry in vain. Statistics in general reflect the past more; we ALREADY live in a different world. Eg, The average life expectancy in Russia in the 19th century was only 32 years(and in Europe - not much more than this figure; no one lived in European countries for more than 40 years at that time). Could anyone then have imagined that at 70-80 years old one could be an active person? And only a little more than 100 years have passed.

We don't know the future. Until now, technological progress has only increased life expectancy. For the Japanese, who are 80-90 years old today, they already dropped 2 during their lifetime nuclear bombs! Stay positive and take care of your health, you will need it for many years to come!