Zereg, Kobd Aimak, Mongolian People's Republic
He is married and has 4 sons.
Early life, education
Second degree
After retiring, he studied for about a year at the Economics Institute of the University of Colorado (Boulder), where he graduated in 2001. B received his Master's degree in Business Administration from the Government School. J. Kennedy of Harvard University.
Prime Minister: second term
Enkhbold announced that the government's task will be to fight corruption and poverty.
Despite the coalition agreement, the MPRP recalled its ministers from the cabinet on January 13, 2006, as a result of which Elbegdorj himself resigned. The MPRP managed to form a new government with the participation of defectors from the democratic coalition. Enkhbold became the new prime minister. These events sparked protest demonstrations, in which participants accused high-ranking members of the MPRP of corruption.
Goals and results
Elbegdorzh managed to legislate freedom of the press and public demonstrations in Mongolia. During his term in office, state-owned newspapers, television and radio stations were transformed into formally independent organizations with less state control.
He sought to reduce unemployment by supporting technical schools and specialized professions, providing the population with cheap computers and Internet access. He tried to stimulate business by cutting administrative costs, removing many compulsory licenses and removing import duties on a number of key product categories. Under him, Mongolia, along with 15 other developing countries, entered into an agreement (APS agreement), which allows most goods to be imported into the EU without import duties.
International relationships
Elbegdorj supported the granting of asylum to North Korean refugees who arrived in Mongolia via China. Many of them then went to South Korea.
Elbegdorj agreed to send a Mongolian contingent to Iraq in 2005.
In 2005, he also supported international demands for the release of Burmese opposition activist Aung San Suu Kyi and several other members of the Myanmar parliament.
Presidential Election 2009
In the presidential elections on May 24, 2009, Elbegdorj won 51.24% of the vote and defeated the incumbent president of Mongolia, Nambaryn Enkhbayar. Before that, since the proclamation of the republic (1924), the highest leaders of the country were representatives of only the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party.
Activities in non-governmental organizations
Elbegdorj is a permanent board member of the Mongolian Young Leader Foundation since 1992, and a board member of the Mongolian Academy of Political Education since 1993. In 2000, he founded the Mongolian Freedom Center, a non-governmental organization for the protection of human rights, freedom of thought and education. ...
In addition, Elbegdorj took part in a number of international organizations and actions, including under the auspices of the UN. He often lectures at universities and other public institutions in Mongolia and abroad.
Awards
Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj is a longtime and passionate Inter Milan supporter
Biographical sources
- BBC News, August 20,
(About Democratic Coalition won 36 out of 76 seats in parliament and the power sharing agreement, Elbegdorj becomes Prime Minister)
- James brooke New York Times, February 15, (Article on Elbegdorj's government changed second language from Russian into English)
- Hoover Institution, May 20,
- Bellwether Forum, September 6,
- Matthew Davis, World view Magazine Online, Volume 17, Number 4, Fall 2004 (Story on Elbegdorj's party campaigning and Mongolians "voting in 2004)
- , Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma, June 13,
- (Interview about Elbegdorj's initiation of Karakorum development), UB Post, February 14,
- ,, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, 1990-2006
- , Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, 1993-2006
- Reuters, January 15,
- - article in Lentapedia. year 2012.
Speeches, interviews
- James Brooke, (About Elbegdorj) New York Times, Page 5, December 26,,
- Stuart Frohm, Mackinac Center for Public Policy, September 15,
- , Bellwether Forum, September 9,
- Peter & Helen Evans,,,, (Interview with Elbegdorj), Renew America, March / April, 2004
- , Mongolia Web, December 2005
- (Elbegdorj's talk), Heritage Foundation, May 30,
Change of government in 2006
- Lulu zhou Harvard's Crimson- Harvard University's daily newspaper, January 20,
- , Reuters, January 24,
- John J. Tkacik, Jr. , the Heritage Foundation's Press Room, January 21,
- AFP, January 15,
- Sumya bazar Mail and guardian, January 12,
The organization
- A Mongolian non-government organization founded by Elbegdorj.
- Henry jackson society British think tank of which Elbegdorj is a patron.
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An excerpt characterizing Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj
The next day, on the advice of Marya Dmitrievna, Count Ilya Andreevich went with Natasha to see Prince Nikolai Andreevich. The count with a gloomy spirit was going to this visit: in his soul he was scared. The last meeting during the militia, when the count, in response to his invitation to dinner, heard an ardent reprimand for not delivering people, was remembered by Count Ilya Andreich. Natasha, dressed in her best dress, was opposite in the most cheerful frame of mind. “It cannot be that they do not love me, she thought: everyone has always loved me. And I am so ready to do for them whatever they want, so ready to love him - because he is a father, and her because she is a sister, that there is nothing for them not to love me! "They drove up to an old, gloomy house on Vzdvizhenka and entered the entrance.
- Well, God bless, - said the count, half joking, half serious; but Natasha noticed that her father was in a hurry, entering the hall, and timidly, quietly asked if the prince and the princess were at home. After the report on their arrival, there was confusion between the servants of the prince. A footman who ran to report on them was stopped by another footman in the hall and they were whispering about something. A maid girl ran into the hall, and hurriedly also said something, mentioning the princess. Finally one old, with an angry look, a footman came out and reported to the Rostovs that the prince could not accept, but the princess asked to come to her. The first to meet the guests was m lle Bourienne. She greeted her father and daughter with particular courtesy and escorted them to the princess. The princess, with an agitated, frightened face covered with red spots, ran out, stepping heavily towards the guests, and in vain trying to seem free and welcoming. At first glance, Natasha did not like Princess Marya. She seemed to her too elegant, frivolously cheerful and vain. Princess Marya did not know that before she saw her future daughter-in-law, she was already ill-disposed towards her out of involuntary envy of her beauty, youth and happiness, and out of jealousy for her brother's love. In addition to this overwhelming feeling of antipathy towards her, Princess Mary at that moment was also agitated by the fact that when reporting on the arrival of the Rostovs, the prince shouted that he did not need them, that let Princess Mary accept them if he wanted, but that they would not be allowed to him. ... Princess Marya decided to receive the Rostovs, but at every moment she was afraid that the prince would do some kind of trick, since he seemed very agitated by the arrival of the Rostovs.
“Well, here, my dear princess, I brought you my songstress,” said the count, bowing his feet and looking around uneasily, as if he was afraid that the old prince might ascend. “How glad I am that you met ... It’s a pity, it’s a pity that the prince is not well,” and having said a few more general phrases, he stood up. “If you will allow me, princess, to estimate my Natasha for a quarter of an hour, I would go, here two steps, to the Dog's Area, to Anna Semyonovna, and I’ll pick her up.”
Ilya Andreevich came up with this diplomatic trick in order to give the future sister-in-law room to explain with his daughter-in-law (as he said after his daughter) and also in order to avoid the possibility of meeting with the prince, whom he was afraid of. He did not tell this to his daughter, but Natasha understood this fear and concern of her father and felt insulted. She blushed for her father, became even more angry for blushing, and with a bold, defiant look, which said that she was not afraid of anyone, looked at the princess. The princess told the count that she was very glad and asked him only to stay longer with Anna Semyonovna, and Ilya Andreich left.
M lle Bourienne, in spite of the restless glances thrown at her by Princess Marya, who wanted to talk privately with Natasha, did not leave the room and kept a firm conversation about Moscow's pleasures and theaters. Natasha was offended by the confusion in the hall, by her father's anxiety, and by the unnatural tone of the princess, who, it seemed to her, was doing mercy by accepting her. And then everything was unpleasant to her. Princess Marya did not like her. She seemed to her a very bad self, feigned and dry. Natasha suddenly cringed morally and involuntarily adopted such a careless tone, which even more repelled Princess Marya from her. After five minutes of heavy, feigned conversation, they heard fast, slippery footsteps approaching. The face of Princess Marya expressed fear, the door of the room opened and the prince entered in a white cap and dressing gown.
“Ah, madam,” he began, “madam, countess… Countess of Rostov, if I’m not mistaken… I beg your pardon, excuse me… I didn’t know, madam. God knows that you have honored us with your visit, he went to see his daughter in such a suit. I beg your pardon ... God doesn't know, ”he repeated so unnaturally, striking the word God and so unpleasant that Princess Marya stood with her eyes downcast, not daring to look either at her father or at Natasha. Natasha, getting up and sitting down, also did not know what to do. One m lle Bourienne smiled pleasantly.
- I beg your pardon, I beg your pardon! God knows he didn't know, - the old man muttered and, having examined Natasha from head to toe, went out. M lle Bourienne was the first to find herself after this appearance and began a conversation about the prince's ill health. Natasha and Princess Marya looked at each other in silence, and the longer they silently looked at each other, without expressing what they needed to say, the more unkindly they thought of each other.
When the count returned, Natasha was impolitely delighted with him and hurried to leave: at that moment she almost hated this dry old princess, who could put her in such an awkward position and spend half an hour with her without saying anything about Prince Andrei. “After all, I couldn’t be the first to start talking about him in front of this Frenchwoman,” thought Natasha. Princess Marya, meanwhile, was tormented by the same thing. She knew what she needed to tell Natasha, but she could not do this both because m lle Bourienne was in her way, and because she herself did not know why it was so hard for her to start talking about this marriage. When the count was already leaving the room, Princess Marya walked up to Natasha with quick steps, took her hands and, sighing heavily, said: "Wait, I need ..." Natasha mockingly, not knowing what she was, looked at Princess Marya.
“Dear Natalie,” said Princess Marya, “you should know that I am glad that my brother has found happiness ...” She stopped, feeling that she was telling a lie. Natasha noticed this stop and guessed the reason for it.
“I think, princess, that it’s awkward to talk about this now,” Natasha said with outward dignity and coldness and with tears that she felt in her throat.
"What did I say, what did I do!" she thought as soon as she left the room.
They waited a long time for Natasha for dinner that day. She sat in her room and sobbed like a child, blowing her nose and sobbing. Sonya stood over her and kissed her hair.
- Natasha, what are you talking about? She said. - What do you care about them? Everything will pass, Natasha.
- No, if you only knew how insulting it is ... as if I ...
“Don’t tell me, Natasha, you’re not to blame, so what’s the matter with you?” Kiss me, - said Sonya.
Natasha raised her head, and kissing her friend on the lips, pressed her wet face to her.
- I can’t say, I don’t know. Nobody is to blame, - said Natasha, - I am to blame. But it all hurts terribly. Oh, that he is not going! ...
She went out for dinner with red eyes. Marya Dmitrievna, who knew how the prince received the Rostovs, pretended that she did not notice Natasha's upset face and joked firmly and loudly at the table with the count and other guests.
That evening the Rostovs went to the opera, for which Marya Dmitrievna got a ticket.
Natasha did not want to go, but she could not refuse Marya Dmitrievna's affection, which was exclusively for her. When she, dressed, went out into the hall, waiting for her father and looking in the large mirror, saw that she was good, very good, she became even more sad; but sadly sweet and loving.
“My God, if only he was here; then I would not like before, with some kind of stupid timidity before something, but in a new, simple way, I would hug him, cuddle up to him, make him look at me with those searching, curious eyes with which he so often looked at me and then would make him laugh, as he laughed then, and his eyes - as I see those eyes! thought Natasha. - And what do I care about his father and sister: I love him alone, him, him, with this face and eyes, with his smile, male and together with the child ... No, it's better not to think about him, not to think, to forget, completely forget about this time. I can’t bear this expectation, I’m going to sob now, ”and she moved away from the mirror, making an effort to avoid crying. - “And how can Sonya love Nikolinka so calmly, so calmly, and wait so long and patiently”! she thought, looking at Sonya who was entering, also dressed, with a fan in her hands.
“No, she's completely different. I can not"!
Natasha felt at that moment so softened and relaxed that it was not enough for her to love and to know that she was loved: now, now she needed to hug her beloved one and speak and hear from him the words of love with which her heart was full. While she rode in the carriage, sitting next to her father, and gazed thoughtfully at the lights of the lanterns flashing in the frozen window, she felt even more in love and sadder and forgot with whom and where she was going. Once in the line of carriages, the Rostovs' carriage drove up to the theater, slowly squealing its wheels in the snow. Natasha and Sonya hurried out, picking up their dresses; the count came out, supported by footmen, and between the ladies and men who entered and sold posters, all three went into the corridor of the benoir. The sound of music was already heard from behind the half-closed doors.
- Nathalie, vos cheveux, [Natalie, your hair,] - Sonya whispered. The attendant courteously and hastily slipped in front of the ladies and opened the door of the box. The music became brighter at the door, the illuminated rows of boxes with bare shoulders and ladies' hands flashed, and the parterre, noisy and shining in uniforms. The lady entering the neighboring benoir looked Natasha with a feminine, envious glance. The curtain had not yet risen and the overture was being played. Natasha, straightening her dress, walked along with Sonya and sat down, looking around the illuminated rows of opposite boxes. The sensation, which she had not experienced for a long time, that hundreds of eyes were looking at her bare arms and neck, suddenly and pleasantly and unpleasantly seized her, causing a whole swarm of memories, desires and worries corresponding to this sensation.
Two remarkably pretty girls, Natasha and Sonya, with Count Ilya Andreich, who had not been seen in Moscow for a long time, attracted general attention. In addition, everyone knew vaguely about Natasha's conspiracy with Prince Andrei, they knew that since then the Rostovs lived in the village, and looked with curiosity at the bride of one of the best suitors in Russia.
Natasha became prettier in the country, as everyone told her, and that evening, thanks to her agitated state, she was especially good. She amazed with the fullness of life and beauty, combined with indifference to everything around her. Her black eyes looked at the crowd, not looking for anyone, and a thin hand, bare above the elbow, leaned on a velvet ramp, obviously unconsciously, in time with the overture, clenched and unclenched, crumpling the poster.
- Look, here is Alenina - said Sonya, - it seems to be with her mother!
- Fathers! Mikhail Kirilich is still getting fat, - said the old count.
- Look! Our Anna Mikhailovna is in a current!
- The Karagins, Julie and Boris are with them. Now you can see the bride and groom. - Drubetskoy made an offer!
“How did I find out today,” said Shinshin, who was entering the Rostovs' box.
Natasha looked in the direction in which her father was looking, and saw Julie, who with pearls on her thick red neck (Natasha knew, sprinkled with powder) was sitting with a happy look, next to her mother.
Behind them with a smile, with an ear bent over Julie's mouth, could be seen the smoothly combed, beautiful head of Boris. He looked at the Rostovs from under his brows and said something to his bride with a smile.
"They talk about us, about me with him!" thought Natasha. “And he surely soothes his bride's jealousy of me: they needlessly worry! If only they knew how I don't care about any of them. "
Behind was sitting in a green current, with a devoted to the will of God and a happy, festive face, Anna Mikhailovna. In their box there was that atmosphere - the groom and the bride, whom Natasha knew and loved so much. She turned away and suddenly everything that was humiliating in her morning visit came to her mind.
“What right does he have not to want to accept me into his kinship? Ah, it's better not to think about it, not to think about it before his arrival! " she said to herself and began to look around the familiar and unfamiliar faces in the stalls. In front of the parterre, in the very middle, with his back to the ramp, stood Dolokhov with a huge, combed up shock of curly hair, in a Persian suit. He stood in the very sight of the theater, knowing that he attracted the attention of the entire hall, as freely as if he were standing in his room. The most brilliant youth of Moscow stood around him, and he apparently took the lead among them.
Count Ilya Andreevich, laughing, pushed the blushing Sonya, pointing to her former adorer.
- Did you find out? - he asked. - And where did he come from, - the count turned to Shinshin, - he disappeared somewhere?
- Lost, - answered Shinshin. - I was in the Caucasus, and there I fled, and, they say, some sovereign prince was a minister in Persia, he killed Shakhov's brother there: well, all the Moscow ladies are going crazy! Dolochoff le Persan, [Persianin Dolokhov,] and it's over. We now have no word without Dolokhov: they swear to him, they call him like a sterlet, - said Shinshin. - Dolokhov, yes Kuragin Anatol - all our ladies were driven crazy.
A tall, beautiful lady with a huge braid and very bare, white, full shoulders and a neck on which there was a double string of large pearls entered the neighboring benoir, and sat down for a long time, rustling with her thick silk dress.
Natasha involuntarily looked into this neck, shoulders, pearls, hairdo and admired the beauty of the shoulders and pearls. While Natasha was peering into her for the second time, the lady looked round and, meeting her eyes with Count Ilya Andreich, nodded her head and smiled. It was Countess Bezukhova, Pierre's wife. Ilya Andreevich, who knew everyone in the world, bent over and spoke to her.
“Have you come long ago, Countess?” He said. - I’ll come, I’ll come, kiss the handle. But I came here on business and brought my girls with me. They say that Semyonova plays incomparably, - said Ilya Andreevich. - Count Pyotr Kirillovich never forgot us. He's here?
“Yes, he wanted to come in,” Helene said and looked attentively at Natasha.
Count Ilya Andreich again sat down in his place.
- Isn't it good? He said to Natasha in a whisper.
- Miracle! - said Natasha, - you can fall in love! At this time, the last chords of the overture sounded and the bandmaster's wand rattled. In the stalls, belated men marched into their seats and the curtain went up.
As soon as the curtain rose, everything fell silent in the boxes and the stalls, and all the men, old and young, in uniforms and tailcoats, all women in jewels on their naked bodies, with eager curiosity turned their attention to the stage. Natasha also began to watch.
On the stage there were even boards in the middle, on the sides there were painted paintings depicting trees, behind there was a canvas stretched on the boards. In the middle of the stage were girls in red bodices and white skirts. One, very fat, in a white silk dress, sat apart on a low bench, to which a green cardboard was glued behind. They all sang something. When they finished their song, the girl in white approached the prompter's booth, and a man in silk, tight-fitting trousers with thick legs, with a feather and a dagger approached her and began to sing and spread his arms.
A man in covered pantaloons sang one, then she sang. Then both fell silent, music began to play, and the man began to touch the hand of the girl in a white dress with his fingers, obviously waiting for a beat again to begin his part with her. They sang together, and everyone in the theater began to clap and shout, and the man and woman on the stage, who portrayed lovers, began to bow, smiling and spreading their arms.
Chairman of the Mongolian Democratic Party since March 2006, former chairman of the Mongolian National Democratic Party and leader of the Mongolian Democratic Union. Twice served as Prime Minister of Mongolia (1998, 2004-2006). Elected Member of the Mongolian Parliament in 1990, 1992 and 1996. He was the vice-speaker of the State Great Khural (1996-1998) and the leader of the parliamentary majority (1996-2000). In 1989-1990 he was one of the leaders of the peaceful revolution in Mongolia.
Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj was born on March 30, 1963 in somon (district) Zereg aimak (region) Khovd of the Mongolian People's Republic in the family of a shepherd. Elbegdorj was the youngest of eight children.
In 1981, after graduating from high school, Elbegdorj was going to leave for Ulaanbaatar and get the profession of a journalist, but that year there was no admission to universities for this specialty. Then he moved to the city of Erdenet, where for about a year he worked as a repairman and machinist at the Soviet-Mongolian joint venture "Erdenet" - the largest producer of copper raw materials in the country.
Soon Elbegdorj was drafted into the Mongolian People's Army, in which he had to serve for three years. In the army, he became a member of the Mongolian Revolutionary Youth League and was promoted to sergeant. In addition, Elbegdorzh was fond of poetry, wrote poetry. After two of his small works were published in the army newspaper, the editor-in-chief of the publication met with Elbegdorj and offered to go to the Soviet Union to get a journalism education. He agreed to try, passed three exams and got one of two places distributed among fifty applicants.
In 1983-1988, Elbegdorzh studied in Ukraine at the Lviv Higher Military-Political School, after which he received a diploma as a military journalist. During his studies, Elbegdorj and his friends tried to publish their own student newspaper: only one issue was published, after which the students were explained that their initiative was illegal, and further issues were prohibited on pain of expulsion from the university.
In 1988 Elbegdorj returned to Mongolia and for some time worked as a correspondent for the army newspaper "Ulaan od" ("Red Star").
In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Elbegdorj became one of the first "Young Democrats". At the end of November 1989, Elbegdorj was sent as a delegate and one of the organizers of a major youth conference. In the course of an informal discussion of the tasks of the upcoming conference, a small group of organizers decided to appeal to the delegates with the idea of creating a non-governmental organization - a Mongolian movement in support of a policy of perestroika and glasnost, similar to the one pursued in the USSR by the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Mikhail Gorbachev. In addition, Elbegdorj proposed to start publishing his own newspaper.
It was Elbegdorzh who was instructed to come up with these ideas at the conference, which brought together not only more than a thousand delegates from various youth organizations, but also members of the Politburo of the monopoly ruling Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP). Elbegdorj won the right to speak and invited interested delegates to gather after the conference. More than a hundred people responded to his call. They created the Mongolian Democratic Union, Elbegdorj became one of the leaders of the new organization, nicknamed the "thirteen first democrats."
On December 10, 1989, on International Human Rights Day, the Mongolian Democratic Union held the first demonstration, demanding that the country's authorities introduce a multi-party system, privatize socialist property, and proclaim freedom of speech and religion. Every week, the organizers of the action began to organize rallies throughout the country, at which they told whether the Mongolian leadership had accepted their proposals: if about a thousand people came for the first time, then in a month there were already a hundred thousand. At the same time, it was Elbegdorj who spoke at all large mass rallies, becoming the main orator of the Democrats. In 1990 he started publishing the newspaper Democracy.
On March 9, 1990, three months after the start of peaceful protests that engulfed the entire country, the Politburo of the MPRP resigned.
In June 1990, the first democratic elections to the Mongolian parliament, the Great People's Khural, were held, as a result of which Elbegdorj became a deputy. At the same time, the MPRP remained in power, since the Democrats were supported by only 10 percent of voters. According to the results of elections to the State Great Khural in 1992, after the new constitution of the country was adopted, the democrats were defeated again (although Elbegdorj himself again became a member of parliament), and the MPRP received 70 out of 76 deputy mandates.
It is known that Elbegdorj remained a deputy until 1994, after which he worked as an expert in the National Security Council for two years.
In 1996, Elbegdorj was re-elected as a Member of Parliament. This time, the Democrats won for the first time. Of the 76 seats in the State Great Khural, 35 went to the Mongolian Democratic Union, and 15 to their partners in the Democratic Union coalition. Thus, the Democrats ended up with 50 deputy mandates - one less than was required to obtain a qualified majority (two-thirds of the total) required to pass laws.
Elbegdorj was named the most likely candidate for the post of Prime Minister of Mongolia. As a result, this post went to Mandsaikhany Enkhsaikhan, and Elbegdorj became the vice-speaker of the State Great Khural of the second convocation and the leader of the parliamentary majority, being at the head of the democratic faction. In addition, in the same 1996, Elbegdorj became chairman of the Mongolian National Democratic Party (MNDP). It is also known that he was the chairman of the state commission for the rehabilitation of victims of political repression.
In April 1998, after the faction led by the MNDP leader initiated the resignation of the Enkhsaikhan government, Elbegdorj himself became the head of the Mongolian government. True, after three months, party colleagues also achieved his removal from this post. At the same time, Elbegdorj, who was acting prime minister, led the cabinet until December 1998, when the Democrats elected a new head of government. During their four years in power, the Democrats managed to appoint five prime ministers of Mongolia.
After the resignation of Elbegdorj, until the end of the term of office of the State Great Khural of the second convocation, he was the leader of the parliamentary majority. In 2000, the MPRP won the regular elections again, and its representatives won 70 out of 76 seats in parliament.
Elbegdorj was not elected a member of the State Great Khural of the third convocation and left for the United States. In 2002, he graduated from the John F Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University with a master's degree in public administration. In 2002-2003 Elbegdorj worked for the UN Millennium Development Goals program and was a consultant on the Free Press Project Governing Council in Washington.
Elbegdorj returned to Mongolia in 2004, on the eve of the parliamentary elections, but did not run for office. According to the voting results, none of the parties received a majority of votes: the MPRP got 37 seats, and the Motherland-Democracy coalition - 35, three more parliamentary mandates went to independent candidates, and one - to the representative of the Republican Party. The main political opponents were forced to conclude an agreement, according to which the post of speaker of parliament went to MPRP member Nambaryn Enkhbayar, and they decided to approve the famous politician Elbegdorj as prime minister.
The second time Elbegdorj headed the government of Mongolia from August 2004 to January 2006. He was dismissed on the initiative of the MPRP, which managed to obtain a majority in parliament after one of the Democratic deputies joined the faction. Elbegdorj insisted that the government was unlawfully dismissed, and his supporters staged a mass demonstration, which ended with the storming of the MPRP building. According to some experts, the growing authority of the Prime Minister was the reason for the government's resignation. Elbegdorj then said: "We are leaving, but we will return. We will return, increasing our ranks."
In March 2006, Elbegdorj was elected chairman of the Democratic Party of Mongolia. He took up preparations for the 2008 parliamentary elections: strengthening of internal party work in primary, city and aimak organizations, party re-registration and admission of new members.
In the summer of 2006, Elbegdorj was named by experts and sources in diplomatic circles as one of the possible candidates for the post of UN Secretary General to replace the retiring Kofi Annan. However, the post eventually went to South Korean diplomat Ban Ki-moon.
At the end of June 2008, regular parliamentary elections were held in Mongolia. According to preliminary data, the MPRP won them, having received more than half of the seats in the Great State Khural. Following the announcement of the results, Elbegdorge, the leader of the Mongolian Democratic Party, disagreed with the election results, calling them rigged. Unrest began in Ulan Bator. After open consultations with representatives of the authorities, the MPRP and all opposition parties, Mongolian President Enkhbayar declared a state of emergency in the capital for a period of four days on the night of July 2–3.
The President of Mongolia is elected for a four-year term. Since this Asian country, the head of state is not the sole executor of power, although he exercises command of the army and has the right to veto laws passed by parliament. The President of Mongolia was first elected by the people in 1990. Today this country is ruled by Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj. He is the fourth president of Mongolia.
Biography
By nationality, the current zahchin. He was born in March 1963. The youngest of eight sons of a shepherd, Elbegdorj graduated from high school, and then, while awaiting draft, worked for a year at a mining plant in the town of Erdenet. During a year of service in the army, the young man managed to write and publish several poems in one of the central army newspapers, thanks to which, having demobilized, he received a referral to study at a higher military school in Lvov. Here he studied, having received a diploma of a military journalist upon graduation.
Political activity
While studying in the Soviet Union, the future president of Mongolia was inspired by the policies that were carried out there. Returning to his homeland, he, already a recognized journalist, began to actively promote the idea of perestroika and glasnost. And in 1989, in Ulan Bator, in front of the Youth Palace, the first rally in support of the ideas of democracy took place, at which Elbegdorj announced that he was creating the Mongolian Democratic Union. For several months, activists of the movement continued to organize meetings and gatherings, they went on hunger strike, went on strike. Support for Elbegdorj's ideas grew not only in the capital, but also among the population of distant villages. The Politburo of the MPRP, which by that time consisted mainly only of elderly politicians, having failed to cope with the situation that had arisen, entered into negotiations with the leaders of the democratic movement.
In business and media
It was the current President of Mongolia, Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj, whose biography is closely related to journalism, who founded the country's first independent newspaper called Democracy. In 1990, he became its editor-in-chief. For his tremendous work to establish freedom of the press in his homeland, he received the "Star of the Freedom of the Press." Elbegdorj is also the founder of the Association of Entrepreneurs, which helped with the privatization of livestock by herders, as well as the return of property previously lost during collectivization. Elbegdorj also took part in the creation of the independent television channel Eagle TV, which in 1994 became the first of its kind in the country.
Future president
From 1990 to 2000, Elbegdorj was elected a deputy of the Great Khural three times. He actively participated in the preparation and drafting of the country's new Constitution, which guaranteed human rights and adherence to democracy and the principles of a market economy. As chairman of the state commission for rehabilitation, the future President of Mongolia initiated an apology at the state level to the victims and families of people repressed or killed during the MPRP. He played a key role in the adoption of the Rehabilitation Law, which was very relevant at the time. After the victory of the Democratic coalition in the elections in 1996, Elbegdorj headed the parliamentary majority, and from 1996 to 1998 he was the vice-speaker.
In April 1998, he became the youngest prime minister in Mongolian history. But soon his reputation was undermined. The reason was the sale of the state-owned Bank for Reconstruction to private capital - Golomt Bank. As a result, already two months after his inauguration as prime minister, Elbegdorj completely lost the support of the Great Khural. However, he did not resign, since it was not possible to form a new government immediately. Elbegdorj remained in the post of prime minister until the end of the year, but all this time the then president of Mongolia vetoed almost all the proposals of his party. In the 2009 elections, Elbegdorj won 51.24 percent of the vote, defeating the incumbent head of state.
In 2014, the President of Mongolia came to Moscow. Photos of the heads of the two states instantly flew around the world. A few months later, the head of Russia went on a return visit to Mongolia. Elbegdorj was able to legislate freedom of the press and demonstrations in his country. During his leadership, all newspapers, television and radio stations were transformed into independent organizations with minimal state control.
President of the Republic of Mongolia
President of the Republic of Mongolia since June 2009. Former Chairman of the Mongolian Democratic Party (2006-2008), Former Chairman of the Mongolian National Democratic Party (1996-1999). Twice served as Prime Minister of Mongolia (1998, 2004-2006). Elected Member of the Mongolian Parliament in 1990, 1992 and 1996. He was the vice-speaker of the State Great Khural (1996-1998) and the leader of the parliamentary majority (1996-2000). Mentioned in the media as one of the founders of the Mongolian Democratic Union and the leader of the peaceful revolution in Mongolia.
Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj was born on March 30, 1963 in somon (district) Zereg aimak (region) Khovd of the Mongolian People's Republic, in the family of a shepherd. Elbegdorj was the youngest of eight children.
Soon Elbegdorj was drafted into the Mongolian People's Army, in which he had to serve for three years. In the army, he became a member of the Mongolian Revolutionary Youth League, and was promoted to sergeant. In addition, Elbegdorzh was fond of poetry, wrote poetry. After two of his small works were published in the army newspaper, the editor-in-chief of the publication met with Elbegdorzh and offered to go to the Soviet Union to get a journalism education. He agreed to try, passed three exams and got one of two places, distributed among fifty applicants.
In 1988 Elbegdorj returned to Mongolia and for some time worked as a correspondent for the army newspaper "Ulaan od" ("Red Star").
In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Elbegdorj became one of the first "Young Democrats." At the end of November 1989, Elbegdorj was sent as a delegate and one of the organizers of a major youth conference. In the course of an informal discussion of the tasks of the upcoming conference, a small group of organizers decided to appeal to the delegates with the idea of creating a non-governmental organization - a Mongolian movement in support of a policy of perestroika and glasnost, similar to the one pursued in the USSR by the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Mikhail Gorbachev. In addition, Elbegdorj proposed to start publishing his own newspaper.
It was Elbegdorzh who was instructed to come up with these ideas at the conference, which brought together not only more than a thousand delegates from various youth organizations, but also members of the Politburo of the monopoly ruling Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP). Elbegdorj won the right to speak and invited interested delegates to gather after the conference. More than a hundred people responded to his appeal, who created the opposition association Mongolian Democratic Union. Elbegdorj became one of the leaders of the new organization, nicknamed "the thirteen first democrats."
On December 10, 1989, on International Human Rights Day, the Mongolian Democratic Union held the first demonstration, demanding that the country's authorities introduce a multi-party system, privatize socialist property, and proclaim freedom of speech and religion. Every week, the organizers of the action began to organize rallies throughout the country, at which they told whether the Mongolian leadership had accepted their proposals: if about a thousand people came for the first time, then in a month there were already a hundred thousand. At the same time, it was Elbegdorj who spoke at all large mass rallies, becoming the main orator of the Democrats. In 1990 he began to publish the newspaper "Democracy",,.
On March 9, 1990, three months after the start of peaceful protests that engulfed the entire country, the MPRP Politburo resigned.
In June 1990, the first democratic elections to the Mongolian parliament, the Great People's Khural, were held, as a result of which Elbegdorj became a deputy. At the same time, the MPRP remained in power, since the Democrats were supported by only 10 percent of voters. According to the results of elections to the State Great Khural in 1992, after the new constitution of the country was adopted, the democrats were defeated again (although Elbegdorj himself again became a member of parliament), and the MPRP received 70 out of 76 deputy mandates.
It is known that Elbegdorj remained a deputy until 1994, after which he worked as an expert in the National Security Council for two years.
In 1996, Elbegdorj was re-elected as a Member of Parliament. This time, the Democrats won for the first time. Of the 76 seats in the State Great Khural, 35 went to the Mongolian Democratic Union, and 15 to their partners in the Democratic Union coalition. Thus, the Democrats ended up with 50 deputy mandates - one less than was required to obtain a qualified majority (two-thirds of the total) required to pass laws.
Elbegdorj was named the most likely candidate for the post of Prime Minister of Mongolia. As a result, this post went to Mandsaikhany Enkhsaikhan, and Elbegdorj became the vice-speaker of the Great State Khural of the second convocation and the leader of the parliamentary majority, being at the head of the democratic faction. Then, in 1996, Elbegdorj became chairman of the Mongolian National Democratic Party (MNDP). During the same period, he was mentioned in the media as the chairman of the state commission for the rehabilitation of victims of political repression.
In April 1998, after the faction led by the MNDP leader initiated the resignation of the Enkhsaikhan government, Elbegdorj himself became the head of the Mongolian government. True, after three months, party colleagues also achieved his removal from this post,,. At the same time, Elbegdorj, who was acting prime minister, led the cabinet until December 1998, when the Democrats elected a new head of government. During their four years in power, the Democrats managed to appoint five prime ministers of Mongolia.
After the resignation of Elbegdorj, until the end of the term of office of the State Great Khural of the second convocation, he was the leader of the parliamentary majority. In April 1999, the leadership of the MNDP "was completely replaced": Elbegdorj left the post of party leader, and the current head of government, Zhanlavyn Narantsatsralt, was elected to his place. In 2000, the Democrats were defeated - the MPRP won the next elections, and Elbegdorj was not elected a member of the Great State Khural of the third convocation.
After losing the election, Elbegdorj left for the United States. In 2001, he graduated from the Institute of Economics at the University of Colorado, and in 2002 from the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University with a master's degree in public administration. In 2002-2003 Elbegdorj worked for the UN Millennium Development Goals program and was a consultant on the Free Press Project Governing Council in Washington.
Elbegdorj returned to Mongolia in 2004, on the eve of the parliamentary elections, but did not run for office. According to the voting results, none of the parties received a majority of votes: the MPRP got 37 seats, and the Motherland-Democracy coalition - 35, three more parliamentary mandates went to independent candidates, and one - to the representative of the Republican Party. The main political opponents were forced to conclude an agreement, according to which the post of speaker of parliament went to MPRP member Nambaryn Enkhbayar, and they decided to approve the well-known politician Elbegdorj as prime minister.
The second time Elbegdorj headed the government of Mongolia from August 2004 to January 2006,,. He was dismissed on the initiative of the MPRP, which managed to obtain a majority in parliament after one of the Democratic deputies joined the faction. Elbegdorj insisted that the government was unlawfully dismissed, and his supporters staged a mass demonstration, which ended with the storming of the MPRP building. According to some experts, the reason for the government's resignation was the growing authority of the prime minister. Elbegdorj then said: "We are leaving, but we will return. We will return, increasing our ranks."
In March 2006, Elbegdorj was elected chairman of the Democratic Party of Mongolia, created in December 2000 as a result of the merger of the MNDP and the Mongolian Social Democratic Party. He took up preparations for the 2008 parliamentary elections: strengthening of internal party work in primary, city and aimak organizations, party re-registration and admission of new members.
In the summer of 2006, Elbegdorj was named by experts and sources in diplomatic circles as one of the possible candidates for the post of UN Secretary General to replace the retiring Kofi Annan,,,. However, the post eventually went to South Korean diplomat Ban Ki-moon.
At the end of June 2008, regular parliamentary elections were held in Mongolia. It was announced that the MPRP won them, gaining more than half of the seats (48) in the State Great Khural, while the Democrats won only 25 seats. After the announcement of the results, Elbegdorge declared disagreement with the election results, calling them falsified. Unrest began in Ulan Bator (later these events were called the "yurt revolution" in the press). After open consultations with representatives of the authorities, the MPRP and all opposition parties, the President of Mongolia, Enkhbayar, declared a state of emergency in the capital for four days on the night of July 2 to 3, on the night of July 5 to 6, the state of emergency was lifted. Enkhbayar promised to investigate the facts of election violations. Subsequently, the Mongolian authorities agreed not only to consider the facts of violations during the parliamentary elections, but also to partially revise the voting results. However, for the Democratic Party, the results remained unchanged - it lost the elections. After the defeat of the party in August 2008, Elbegdorj resigned from the post of party leader (in September the Democratic Party was headed by Norovyn Altankhuyag).
In April 2009, the Democratic National Advisory Committee nominated Elbegjorj as a candidate for the presidential elections in Mongolia. In May of the same year, elections for the head of state were held in the country. Even before the announcement of their official results, the democrats of Mongolia announced the victory of Elbegdorj, and his rival Enkhbayar, whose candidacy was nominated by the MPRP, admitted defeat. The inauguration ceremony of the new head of state took place in June 2009 in the capital of Mongolia, Ulan Bator.
Used materials
The inauguration ceremony of the new head of state was held in Mongolia. - NIA-Khakassia, 18.06.2009
The candidate from the Democratic Party Ts.Elbegdorj won the presidential elections in Mongolia, N. Enkhbayar admitted his defeat. - Prime-TASS, 25.05.2009
Democrats of Mongolia announced the victory of their candidate in the presidential elections. - BBC News, Russian Service, 24.05.2009
The pro-Western Democratic Party has nominated Elbegjorzh. - Zabinfo.ru, 08.04.2009
The Democratic Party of Mongolia has a new chairman. - Zabinfo.ru, 02.09.2008
Alexander Gabuev... In the depths of Mongolian ores. - Power, 14.07.2008. - № 27 (780)
Early life, education
Second degree
After retiring, he studied for about a year at the Economics Institute of the University of Colorado (Boulder), where he graduated in 2001. B received his Master's degree in Business Administration from the Government School. J. Kennedy of Harvard University.
Prime Minister: second term
Elbegdorj with Russian President Dmitry Medvedev in Ulan Bator during a state visit to Mongolia on August 25, 2009
Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj makes a speech
Goals and results
Elbegdorzh managed to legislate freedom of the press and public demonstrations in Mongolia. During his term in office, state-owned newspapers, television and radio stations were transformed into formally independent organizations with less state control.
He sought to reduce unemployment by supporting technical schools and specialized professions, providing the population with cheap computers and Internet access. He tried to stimulate business by cutting administrative costs, removing many compulsory licenses and removing import duties on a number of key product categories. Under him, Mongolia, along with 15 other developing countries, entered into an agreement (APS agreement), which allows most goods to be imported into the EU without import duties.
International relationships
Elbegdorj supported the granting of asylum to North Korean refugees who arrived in Mongolia via China. Many of them then went to South Korea.
Elbegdorj agreed to send a Mongolian contingent to Iraq in 2005.
In 2005, he also supported international demands for the release of Burmese opposition activist Aung San Suu Kyi and several other members of the Myanmar parliament.
Election 2009
Elbegdorj, Tsakhiagiin
Selected publications
- Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj Footstep of the Truth Is White, Ulaanbaatar 2000
- Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj The Years of Bearing Weight, Ulaanbaatar 2000
- Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj Mongolia: Moving Mountains, Washington Post, November 21, 2005.
Notes (edit)
Links
Biographical sources
(About Democratic Coalition won 36 out of 76 seats in parliament and the power sharing agreement, Elbegdorj becomes Prime Minister)
- James brooke For Mongolians, E Is for English, F Is for Future New York Times, February 15, (Article on Elbegdorj's government changed second language from Russian into English)
- Elbegdorj speaks on Mongolia's transition to capitalism Hoover Institution, May 20,
- Matthew davis Voting mongolia , World view Magazine Online, Volume 17, Number 4, Fall 2004 (Story on Elbegdorj's party campaigning and Mongolians "voting in 2004)
- It is time to act on Burma, Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma, June 13,
- To move or not to move?(Interview about Elbegdorj's initiation of Karakorum development), UB Post, February 14,
- Mongolian daily newspapers, newspapers in Mongolian language, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, 1990-2006
- Daily News of Mongolia, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, 1993-2006
- Mongolia ready for protests over political crisis Reuters, January 15,
Speeches, interviews
- James brooke Mongolian PM evolves from journalist to statesman, (About Elbegdorj) New York Times, Page 5, December 26,,
- Stuart frohm Mongol khan-quest, Mackinac Center for Public Policy, September 15,
- Mongolian Prime Minister’s remarks, Bellwether Forum, September 9,
- Peter & Helen Evans One year toward freedom- part 1, part 2, part 3, part 4, (Interview with Elbegdorj), Renew America, March / April, 2004
- Letter from President Bush to Prime Minister Elbegdorj, Mongolia Web, December 2005
- Communism to Democracy: Lessons from Mongolia on the Eve of the Election Campaign(Elbegdorj's talk), Heritage Foundation, May 30, Webcast of the talk
Change of government in 2006
- Lulu zhou Mongolian PM Out of Office Harvard's Crimson- Harvard University's daily newspaper, January 20,
- Mongolians gather for large, snowy protest , Reuters, January 24,
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