Head of Chechnya Ramzan Kadyrov reported returning to the republic Kusama Maskhadova- widow of the second president of the "Chechen Republic of Ichkeria" Aslana Maskhadova and the chief of staff of the “Ichkeria army” during the first Chechen war, liquidated by the FSB special forces on March 8, 2005 in the village of Tolstoy-Yurt.
At a meeting of the Chechen parliament, Ramzan Kadyrov explained: “When they said that Kusama was very ill, that she really wanted to return to her homeland in Chechnya, I ordered her to have a Russian passport and returned her to Russia. Although Maskhadov himself ordered to kill me during his lifetime. His son still insults me. But I brought Kusama home. She is not guilty of anything, she is just a woman. " The press reports: the news of the return of Kusama Maskhadova came as a surprise not only to the residents of central Russia, but also to many Chechens. No one knows for sure when Maskhadova arrived in Chechnya, where she lives, and how she exists.
With the widow of a successor Dzhokhara Dudaeva a member of the Chechen parliament managed to meet Magomed Khambiev... “Kusama Maskhadova has not been at home for 15 years. The woman was very sick and tired from the road, so the conversation with her was short, - Magomed Khambiev told Komsomolskaya Pravda. “But Kusama Maskhadova asked to convey her gratitude to everyone who helped her to return, and was happy with the restoration of the republic.” In Chechnya, it is assumed that Kusama Maskhadov received Khambiev, since he is “hers” for her. During the first Chechen campaign, Magomed Khambiev fought on the side of the separatists, personally communicated with Aslan Maskhadov.
Ramzan Kadyrov, speaking of his desire to return the widow of his failed killer to his homeland, mentioned: Kusama Maskhadova has nothing to do with the Chechen war, since she is "just a woman." But those who personally knew the Maskhadov family testify that the Chechen leader deliberately downplayed Kusama's role in those events. Maskhadov's widow, of course, did not kill anyone in those years (at least nothing is known about this), but she was not a passive observer either. With her husband, strong-willed and active Kusama was a "gray eminence". When the former colonel of the Soviet Army Aslan Maskhadov became president of Ichkeria, his wife began to play about the same role in Chechen politics as Raisa Gorbacheva in the Soviet in the last decade of the existence of the USSR. Even formally, Kusama Maskhadova was not “just a woman” in the 1990s. She owned the Marsho (Freedom) foundation, created on behalf of Maskhadov, where Kusama Maskhadova was the de facto and official president. Many events in Chechnya, which took place with the participation of Maskhadov, were actually behind his wife. More precisely, the advice of a strong-willed Chechen woman to her husband was the opinion of her relatives and the elders of her teip Gordaloy. The higher the status of Kusama, the greater the wealth of the teip, based mainly on the uncontrolled traffic of Chechen oil.
This opinion is confirmed by a number of significant facts. In 2000, when Chechen militants realized that Maskhadov was weak as president, and the Russian authorities relied on Akhmat Kadyrov, Maskhadov's wife decided to help her husband's authority, which is crumbling before our eyes. In May 2000, Kusam Maskhadov, accompanied by his daughter Fatima, the press secretary of "Marsho" Luiza Saidullaeva and assistant Maskhadova Saida Bersanova arrived via North Ossetia to Georgia. In the neighboring country of "Ichkeria", the spouse of the president of "Ichkeria" intended to meet with the president of Georgia Eduard Shevardnadze to persuade him to become a mediator in the negotiations between Maskhadov and the Russian leadership. Also, the Georgian media reported that Kusama Yazedovna met in Tbilisi with the head of the OSCE, who was then in Tbilisi. Benita Ferrero-Waldner... The Chechen woman tried to convey to the head of the OSCE the report of the Marsho Foundation on the situation in Chechnya and Aslan Maskhadov's appeal to the European community, where Aslan Maskhadov called himself the only legitimate head of Chechnya, elected by popular vote and recognized by the international community and the then Russian leadership.
It is not known exactly how Maskhadova's meetings ended. In any case, both the OSCE and the Georgian authorities kept silent about the real outcome of the negotiations. The Georgian Foreign Ministry said that Maskhadov's wife and daughter did not talk about any politics, but asked to allow them to travel through Georgia to a third country. The OSCE said that the head of the organization treated Maskhadov's wife very coldly. However, then there was information that Kusama Yazedovna managed to transfer her husband's appeal and documents on Chechnya to the OSCE, and then this information formed the basis of the document flow of international organizations that were dealing with Chechnya at that time.
One can say for sure: the shuttle diplomacy of Maskhadov's wife in 2000, which was difficult for the head of Ichkeria, turned out to be much more effective for Ichkeria than the real policy of the Ichkerian president himself. Thanks to his wife, the late Maskhadov is still “shaking hands” in liberal circles in Europe and is considered there a “victim of Russian imperialism”. In 2000, the Georgian authorities also turned out to be not so indifferent to appeals from "Ichkeria", as the Georgian Foreign Ministry tried to present. Since the beginning of the 2000s, Georgia has become practically an official refuge for Chechen separatists. The permanent representation of "Ichkeria" is located in Tbilisi, and in the Pankisi region there are stationary accommodation centers and training camps for militants arriving from Chechnya. It is unlikely that this could have happened without the assistance of Maskhadov's clever and active wife. And also, to be completely honest, without the then President of North Ossetia-Alania Alexandra Dzasokhova, who allowed the Maskhadov family to settle in 1999 near Vladikavkaz and provided them with support and protection. From Ossetia, Kusama Maskhadova went on her diplomatic trips, where she defended "honor and conscience" of "independent Ichkeria" in different offices.
With the death of her husband, the diplomatic activity of Kusama Maskhadova only increased. Besides Georgia, she actively worked in Azerbaijan. For example, with her submission, the Azerbaijani authorities in March 2007 gave the go-ahead for mourning events to take place in Maskhadov's honor in the Land of Fires. In Baku, the two-year anniversary of Maskhadov's death was celebrated for two days - from 8 to 10 March. In one of the cinemas of the Khatai district of Baku, the film "The Price of Freedom", dedicated to Aslan Maskhadov, was shown.
The film had a great response in Azerbaijan. But the central figure in mourning for Maskhadov was not the deceased himself, but his wife. In the presence of the leading media outlets who then flocked to Azerbaijan, Kusama Maskhadova accused Russia of violating human rights in Chechnya. According to her, refugees from Chechnya in Azerbaijan are regularly abducted by Russian special services, and the FSB is even trying to kill some prominent refugees. Thus, Maskhadova reported that the FSB allegedly tried several times to kill her son Anzor. Considering that the leading Western media were accredited to mourn for Maskhadov in 2007, it is easy to imagine what resonance these loud confessions of Maskhadov's widow had in the civilized West.
Especially the western man in the street was shocked by such confessions of Maskhadova: “The Russian leadership, calling the President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria a“ terrorist, ”is trying to absolve itself of the blame for his murder. And he does not give out the body for burial, violating universal human norms. This is blasphemous in the conditions of the modern civilized world and contradicts the commandments of all world religions. " Ms. Maskhadova, of course, reasonably kept silent that the special services of the civilized world, to which she appeals, are free to dispose of the bodies of the killed terrorists as they see fit. Most likely, she was not worried about the fate of her husband's remains. The main thing is PR. Moreover, even emotionally, the spouses were already strangers to each other for a long time: in 2002, Aslan Maskhadov divorced Kusama and married a young Chechen woman from the village of Iskhoy-Yurt, who bore him a daughter. The Kusama family and her teip Gordaloi took this fact calmly.
The strong-willed and smart widow of the second president of "Ichkeria" did not abandon her by no means female struggle for "Ichkeria" for the entire time she was outside Chechnya - for more than 15 years. Her son Anzor follows his mother's footsteps. In social networks and in confessions to journalists, he does not miss the opportunity to show how noble his father was, "treacherously killed" by the FSB. Maskhadov's son demonstrates unconcealed hatred towards Ramzan Kadyrov.
Why did Kusama Maskhadova, after 15 years in voluntary emigration, decide to return to Russia, and even to the "lair of her enemy" - to Chechnya? Russian and Chechen experts do not yet give a clear answer to this. There are only three versions, not yet supported by any facts.
First, the entourage of Ramzan Kadyrov, in which there are many former Dudayevites, managed to convince Kusam that Chechnya in its current status received what the ideologists of Ichkeria called for: economic freedom and de facto sovereignty, including the right to conduct its own economic policy and the presence of its own armed forces. formations.
The second version: the return of Kusama Maskhadova to Chechnya is a strategic move by the Kremlin. If this is indeed the case, then the Kremlin can celebrate diplomatic success. It is much better for Russia to have a strong-willed, intelligent and active Kusama Maskhadova in Chechnya than in the West or Turkey. And the very fact of the return of such an active separatist to Chechnya is a strong PR move for Russia.
The third version is purely personal. Kusama Maskhadova is already a middle-aged woman. She could be corny tired of constant wandering in a foreign land and took the feeling of being eternally lowered. Therefore, she decided to return to her homeland in order to finally live the way any elderly Chechen woman of her age wants to live - like a respected by all respectable woman, mother and grandmother.
“A purely human version may be correct: Kusama came to Chechnya because she wants warmth and peace. She is an elderly and sick person, ”a source in Chechnya said. But, according to the source, this option is hard to believe: “In this case, her return looks like surrender. And Kusama is not the kind of person who is used to giving up. "
Analytical group of the North Caucasian edition of EADaily
Aslan Maskhadov was directly involved in the organization of armed formations in the 1990s. During the 1st Chechen war, he headed the headquarters of these formations. In 1997-2005 he was the President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. Killed by FSB special forces on March 8, 2005.
The beginning of the biography
The birthplace of Maskhadov is Kazakhstan, Karaganda region, Oskarovsky district, Shakai village. In 1944, his entire family was deported there, which left the Alleroy teip in Chechnya. His father's name is Ali. Aslan had three brothers and two sisters.
Only in 1957 was the family able to return to Chechnya. They began to live in the village of Zebir-Yurt in the Nadterechny district. In 1968 Aslan graduated from a ten-year school in the village of Nadterechny.
Military career
In 1969, Aslan Maskhadov entered the artillery school in Tbilisi, which he graduated in 1972. Further, his military career is as follows:
- 1972-1978 - served near Ussuriysk in the Far Eastern Military District, where he rose to the position of chief of staff of an artillery battalion.
- 1978-1981 - studies in Leningrad at the Military Artillery Academy named after V.I. Kalinin. He graduated with honors, was sent to the southern group of forces in Hungary, where the last was the post of regiment commander.
- Since 1986 - command of a regiment in the Baltic States.
- In 1990 - chief of artillery in a division, secretary of the party committee and chairman of the officers' meeting.
- Since 1991 - the headquarters command in the missile and artillery forces in Vilnius. He had the rank of colonel at the date of his dismissal from the army.
Chief of staff
In December 1992, when the situation on the border aggravated between Ingushetia and Chechnya, Maskhadov resigned and came to the city of Grozny. Dzhokhar Dudayev appoints him the head of civil defense in Chechnya. Shortly thereafter, he became the first deputy chief of the General Staff in the armed forces of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. The continuation of Maskhadov's military career is as follows:
- 1993-1994 - leadership of hostilities directed against the anti-Dudaev opposition;
- 1994, March - appointed chief of staff in the armed forces of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria;
- 1994-1996 (1st Chechen War) - planning and leadership of large-scale militant operations - combat and sabotage;
- late 1994 - early 1995 - leadership of the defense of the Presidential Palace in Grozny;
- February 1995 - the Dudaevs were awarded the non-existent rank of divisional general.
Criminal proceedings
From August to December 1995, Aslan Maskhadov is at the head of a group of military representatives included in the separatist delegation in negotiations with the federal government. Then he is appointed to a special supervisory commission as its co-chairman.
On August 6, 1966, under his leadership, the "Jihad" operation was developed and carried out, during which the militants attacked Grozny, as well as Gudermes and Argun.
In March 1995, the Russian prosecutor's office opened a criminal case against Maskhadov, and he was put on the wanted list. Nevertheless, in 1995 and 1996, he repeatedly took part in negotiations with the authorities of the Russian Federation. On August 31, 1995, he signed the Khasavyurt agreements on the Chechen side.
Aslan Maskhadov's presidential term
On October 17, 1996, he became prime minister in the coalition government of Chechnya. November 23, 1996 signs an agreement with Chernomyrdin, Prime Minister of the Russian Federation. It is devoted to the principles of relations between the CRI and the federal center. On January 27, 1997, Maskhadov, who received 59.3% of the vote, was elected president of Chechnya. In February, he also becomes the chairman of the government.
May 12, 1997 in Moscow, Russian President Yeltsin and Maskhadov sign a peace treaty. According to historians, while in office, Maskhadov turned out to be incapable of consolidating Chechen society. He supported an exclusively armed minority and rejected cooperation with centrists and forces loyal to Russia.
In the fall of 1998, the president was accused by Raduev, Israpilov and Basayev of collusion with Moscow, and they demanded his resignation. In response, the Basayev government was dismissed. As a result of the conflict with the field commanders Maskhadov, control was lost in the overwhelming territory outside of Grozny.
Going underground
After Russian troops were brought into Chechnya, Maskhadov became the head of the armed resistance. In March 2000, the authorities of the Russian Federation once again declared him on the federal wanted list, in 2002 - on the international one. Until 2002 Maskhadov with a small detachment was in the mountains. In 2002, at a meeting of field commanders, the separatists decided to create a unified command, to which all power was transferred during the war. For this, amendments were made to the Chechen constitution.
Aslan Maskhadov, having lost support among the militants and the population, remained only the elected leader of the separatists, with whom the Russian leadership, in the opinion of the foreign public, could negotiate. Many of his supporters could not stand the hardships of the partisan war and surrendered to the federal authorities, ending open resistance.
The question of involvement in terrorist attacks
From time to time, information appeared that between Maskhadov and such leaders of the radical wing as Basayev and Umarov, disagreements arose over the methods of armed struggle. Allegedly, the former does not support the actions of taking hostages and exploding residential buildings, which led to the death of civilians in the Russian Federation.
In November 2002, although after a certain pause, he was convicted of the terrorist attack that took place on Dubrovka. He announced that a criminal case had been opened against Basayev for this act of terrorism and threatened that he would remove the latter from office. Nevertheless, no significant action was taken by him. Immediately after Basayev announced that he was responsible for the atrocity, he resigned on his own. However, he also lived in Chechnya, and Maskhadov silently agreed with this.
After the terrorist attack, the leadership of the Russian Federation refused any contacts with Maskhadov, accusing him of involvement in the action.
During the terrorist act in Beslan, for which Shamil Basayev declared himself responsible, the President of North Ossetia A. Dzasokhov (through A. Zakayev) asked Maskhadov for assistance.
On September 2, 2004, A. Zakayev told the Agence France-Presse news agency on behalf of Maskhadov that he was ready to fly to Beslan and to take measures to free the hostages. But at the same time, he must receive guarantees of his inviolability.
On the morning of September 3, 2004, Maskhadov made a personal statement condemning the attack. At noon, an agreement was reached with Dzasokhov. It was supposed to arrive on the same day in the case of the provision of personal guarantees from the President of Chechnya. After two explosions, the assault began (May 13).
Evidence of involvement
Already five months after the terrorist attack in Beslan, Basayev was reinstated by Maskhadov as military emir. In 2006, the Supreme Court of North Ossetia recognized the latter as one of the customers behind the terrorist act.
On September 8, 2004, the FSB announced that it would pay 300 million rubles for information that could help neutralize the leaders of the gangs, Aslan Maskhadov and Shamil Basayev.
On September 17, 2004, Deputy Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation V. Kolesnikov made a statement that the Prosecutor General's Office had evidence of Maskhadov's involvement in the terrorist act in Beslan. This was the result of an objective investigation. At the same time, Kolesnikov called Maskhadov a subhuman.
On November 25, 2004, the Russian authorities announced that a special intelligence service was engaged in the capture of the two main Chechen terrorists. She is part of the counter-terrorist group of forces located in the North Caucasus. It brings together the efforts of such departments as the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the FSB and the military intelligence (GRU).
On January 14, 2005, Maskhadov made another attempt to settle the Chechen conflict peacefully. He signed an order that suspended (for February) the offensive in Chechnya and beyond. This was done unilaterally. It was first published in the media.
On February 3, 2005, in pursuance of this order, Basayev also ordered his subordinates to suspend offensive actions until February 22.
Liquidation of Aslan Maskhadov
On March 8, 2005, he was killed during a special operation, which was carried out in the Grozny rural area, in the village of Tolstoy-Yurt, by the FSB. There he was hiding with his distant relative in a bunker under the house. In the process of storming the bunker, they were resisted, and the special forces were forced to throw several grenades into the bunker. Their break led to a fatal wound of Maskhadov.
During the special operation, his personal assistant, nephew and two other people were detained. All of them received different terms of imprisonment for illegal carrying of weapons and for participation in bandit formations.
According to Aslan Alievich Maskhadov's son, Anzor, the Russian special services managed to calculate the location of his father using special equipment that determines the coordinates of a mobile phone using the IMEI code.
The village of Tolstoy-Yurt, which the Chechens call Doikur-Evl, is the ancestral village of Ruslan Khasbulatov. It has always been viewed as the center of the anti-Dudaev and later anti-Maskhad coalition. After the start of the 2nd war, in 1999, many of Maskhadov's compatriots and relatives moved there from the Nozhai-Yurtovsky region.
According to the version expressed by the Chechen Mujahideen, the death of Aslan Alievich Maskhadov occurred as a result of betrayal. And there is an indirect confirmation of this in the message that was made by the FSB Public Relations Center on March 15, 2005. It spoke about the payment of remuneration in the amount of $ 1 million "for Maskhadov." At the same time, it was not reported to whom they were paid.
Family and awards
In 1972 Maskhadov married Kusama Semieva, a telephone operator. In 1979 they had a son, which was mentioned above. Left Aslan Alievich Maskhadov and his daughter Fatima, born in 1981. After a while, the couple divorced, and Aslan married a young girl from the village of Iskhoy-Yurt.
At the end of 2004, there was talk of the abduction of Maskhadov's distant relatives. According to rumors, at some point they were at the base of the Security Service of the President of Chechnya R. Kadyrov, located in the south-east of the republic, in his ancestral village of Tsentaroy.
After Maskhadov's death, his family lives in Finland. And the ex-wife, Kusama, returned to Chechnya in 2016.
Among the awards of Aslan Maskhadov - the Order "For Service in the USSR Armed Forces" of two degrees, 2nd and 3rd, as well as the highest order of Ichkeria called "Honor of the Nation".
The territory of the Chechen Republic went to its self-proclaimed President Aslan Maskhadov, devastated. History claims that the troubles that befell the Chechen people did not happen without the participation of this politician. Maskhadov, in a duet with, caused a lot of grief to the Russians: it is believed that he was involved in the terrorist attacks on Dubrovka and in Beslan. However, the activist was never officially recognized as a terrorist.
Childhood and youth
Aslan Alievich Maskhadov was born on September 21, 1951 in the Shokai village of the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic, into a family of deported Chechens. In addition to Aslan, the parents raised 5 children - the sons Lecha, Aslambek and Lema, the daughters Bucha and Zhovzan.
Aslan Maskhadov with his parents and grandmother
In 1957, after the restoration of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, the Maskhadovs returned to their native land and settled in the village of Zebir-Yurt, Nadterechny District. Here, in 1968, Aslan received a diploma of secondary education.
Aslan Maskhadov wanted to become a military man in order to help his fatherland cope with external aggressors. For this, in 1969, the young man entered the Tbilisi Higher Artillery Command School, in 1972, after receiving a diploma, he went to serve in the Far Eastern Military District. For 6 years of service, he was rapidly moving up the career ladder, having risen to the rank of deputy commander of an artillery battalion.
Received in the army, the Order "For Service to the Motherland in the Armed Forces of the USSR" helped Aslan in 1978 to enter the Leningrad Mikhailovskaya Military Artillery Academy out of competition. In an interview with the Komsomolskaya Pravda newspaper, Maskhadov's classmate described him as follows:
“I didn’t aspire to become a commander. I was not a zealous Muslim, I did not read the Koran. Loved to drink. "
Graduated from Aslan Academy with honors. Memories of colleagues and classmates about Maskhadov make up the book "Honor is more precious than life." The collection, in addition to articles and letters, includes photos from family and military archives.
Military service and government activities
Even in his youth, Maskhadov strove for leadership. The artillery regiment, which was under his command in Hungary, was repeatedly awarded the Red Banner of the Military Council for conscientious service. Tactical and combat skills allowed him to rise to the rank of colonel by 1992.
With the collapse of the USSR, the situation between the once friendly republics has worsened. The newly formed states and republics, which failed to secede from Russia, fought for territory. One of the largest conflicts was the Chechen wars.
In 1992, the first self-proclaimed president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (CRI), appointed Maskhadov as the head of Chechnya's civil defense. In the first Chechen war of 1994-1996, Maskhadov entered the Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. It was his orders that the militants obeyed, engaging in battles with Russian troops; according to his strategies, the battles for Grozny were fought in 1996.
In 1995, the prosecutor's office of the Russian Federation accused Maskhadov of abuse of office, treason and banditry, which was punishable by death. The military leader was put on the wanted list.
Despite the impending threat of imprisonment or even death, in November 1996 Maskhadov announced his intention to run for president of the republic. The terrorist Shamil Basayev became his rival in the election race. In January 1997, by a majority of votes (59.3%), Maskhadov was elected head of the CRI. Six months later, Shamil Basayev was appointed its "prime minister".
Under Maskhadov, the internal political situation in Chechnya deteriorated significantly. People lived in ruined cities and villages, without sewerage, electricity and water supply. There was no medical assistance. Due to poor quality products and unsanitary conditions, the republic is mired in disease. Hunger flourished. In kindergartens, schools and universities, windows and doors were boarded up. Those who had money left for the move fled from Chechnya.
The level of crime in the republic has reached a critical limit. Every day people were kidnapped, explosions thundered, fires blazed. Drugs were openly sold, counterfeit banknotes were circulated, and radical Islam was actively promoted.
Chechen militants carried out armed raids on neighboring Russian regions and recruited young Muslims into their ranks. In the republics of the North Caucasus, for example, Dagestan, Karachay-Cherkessia, Kabardino-Balkaria, the ideas of separatism and anti-Semitism were actively promoted.
In other words, Maskhadov's internal policy was aimed at destabilizing Chechen society and inciting hatred against the federal authorities. Thus, the slogan was broadcast on the Kavkaz TV channel:
“We have no equal. We will sweep it all away.
Hold on, Russia - we are coming! ".
By 1998, the situation got out of Maskhadov's control: opposition groups of militants appeared in the CRI. The largest groups were headed by one of the most famous representatives of the Chechen terrorists, and his associates Shamil Basayev and Amir ibn al-Khattab.
For help in the fight against crime, Maskhadov turned to Russia. The state intervened when Basayev and Khattab invaded Dagestan in August 1999. The Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation sent a letter to the President of the Chechen Republic with a proposal to develop a comprehensive approach to the elimination of militants, but he remained on the sidelines of the armed conflict.
When the threat of a second military campaign loomed over the republic, Maskhadov acted by all available methods. He sought support from the leaders of Ingushetia and North Ossetia, accused Russia of aggravating the situation on the territory of Chechnya, and at the same time announced his intention to become "the most important strategic partner in the North Caucasus" for the state.
Aslan asked for a personal meeting with the Russian Prime Minister, but he decided to immediately launch an operation to eliminate the militants. Federal troops entered the territory of Chechnya on September 30, 1999. The president of the republic, who had previously sought help in the fight against terrorists, teamed up with the militants of Basayev and Khattab for a war with Russia.
On the side of Maskhadov, immigrants from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Turkey and Al-Qaeda fought. Aslan Maskhadov personally supervised military operations. On October 23, 2002, 916 people were captured in the theatrical center of Moscow. As a result of a three-day confinement and liberation operation, 130 people died. Shamil Basayev took responsibility for the incident.
One of the militants who took part in holding the hostages said that Maskhadov had a hand in preparing the terrorist attack. The President of the Chechen Republic himself denied his involvement and, as a punishment, threatened to remove Basayev from his posts, but did not take concrete action.
On September 1, 2004, the largest terrorist attack in the history of modern Russia took place: 1,128 people, mostly students of school No. 1 in Beslan, were taken hostage. 314 people, including 186 children, died in this tragedy. Shamil Basayev again claimed responsibility for the attack. On September 17 of the same year, Russia announced that it had evidence of Aslan Maskhadov's involvement in the terrorist attack. In 2006, North Ossetia named him as one of the customers of the attack.
Personal life
In contrast to his political career, Aslan Maskhadov's personal life is not so contradictory. In 1972 he married Kusama Yazedovna Semieva. 7 years later, their firstborn son Anzor was born, in 1981 their daughter Fatima.
It is assumed that in 2002 Aslan entered into a second marriage with a native of the village of Iskhoy-Yurt, but there is no reliable information about this.
Death
After the terrorist attack in Beslan, the FSB of the Russian Federation appointed a reward of 300 million rubles for information that will help eliminate Basayev and the self-proclaimed president of the Chechen Republic. In November 2004, the authorities announced the start of a special operation to capture terrorists. Aslan Maskhadov died on March 8, 2005 in the Chechen village of Tolstoy-Yurt. There are several versions of the death of the president of the unrecognized CRI.
According to official information, on March 8, Maskhadov, together with his associates, planned to blow up the building of the village administration. On the day of the terrorist attack, the activist was hiding in the basement of his distant relative's house, where he was discovered by the special services. Explosives were used to capture the state criminal. It is assumed that Maskhadov died from the resulting barotrauma.
Later, a gunshot wound was found on Aslan's body, which became fatal. The results of the ballistic examination showed that the bullet was fired from a Makarov pistol, which belonged to Maskhadov's nephew and bodyguard, Viskhan Khadzhimuratov.
At the trial, the bodyguard was confused in the testimony. Once he confessed to what he had done, referring to his uncle's request to kill him,
“If he is wounded and they try to take him prisoner. He said that if he was taken prisoner, he would be mocked, like Saddam Hussein. "
According to other testimonies, Viskhan lost the creature from the explosion, and when he woke up, Maskhadov had already been killed. The current head of Chechnya suggested that the Russian special services wanted to take the state criminal alive, but
"The guard, apparently, having made a sharp movement, spontaneously fired."A documentary film about Aslan Maskhadov "Illusion"
After Maskhadov was liquidated, the FSB paid $ 10 million to an anonymous informant, who indicated the time and place of Aslan's stay. However, his son Anzor told the press that his father had independently revealed his whereabouts by frequent telephone calls. The same assumptions were made by Shamil Basayev.
All versions of the death of the Chechen politician, as well as the biographies of those who, side by side with Maskhadov, gradually destroyed the Chechen Republic, are covered in the documentary Illusion (2017).
ALL PHOTOS
Aslan Maskhadov's son Anzor is hiding in one of the European countries. He gave an interview to the weekly newspaper "Interlocutor" on condition of nondisclosure of his place of stay. He may be in Germany.
Anzor Maskhadov came for an interview in a cafe in one of the European cities with his bodyguard. He said that he left Chechnya "even before the second war, at the beginning of 1999." “I went to study in Malaysia. Then the war began. My father tried to take me to him, but he could not. And how can I return home with my passport, where the name of Maskhadov is, through all these checkpoints? I wanted to enter the Islamic University. But for this I had to know English well, and I learned the language. And then I left Malaysia for the Emirates, Turkey, then for Baku, "Maskhadov said.
"I still receive strange calls - with threats, provocations. Recently they called from Chechnya and demanded that our family return home. They even promised to meet them at the Dagestan border. But we know what will happen next, I know these methods," Maskhadov's son said ...
“The main thing for me now is to take and bury my father’s body. We even turned to Alexy II to help him - after all, it’s supposed to bury a person according to any religion. We were told: because he is a symbol of resistance, people will gather at his grave. But it is not customary for us to gather crowds at graves, only relatives go. If I could bury him, I would not even tell anyone where. I'm afraid, There were many such cases. My uncle died - and only we know where he is buried. And the Russian side is still looking for his body, "Maskhadov said.
Anzor Maskhadov told why he does not want to return to Chechnya. "When we corresponded with the Prosecutor General's Office about the body of his father, Ustinov said that they personally had no complaints about me. But I am sure - only I will return, they will assign something. They will make a loud show trial out of this," Maskhadov's son said. ...
He gave details of how his father was hiding in Chechnya. “He lived in 2003 in Gudermes, not far from Kadyrov’s house. I also have photographs. When it became known, Kadyrov got mad. My father wrote to me:“ You know, Anzor, if you knew where I am ... 2-3 meters of armored vehicles passing by, "- said Maskhadov's son.
He also admitted that he felt sorry for the Prime Minister of Chechnya, Ramzan Kadyrov. "I feel sorry for him that he chose this path. God is the judge of everyone. He can be killed like Kadyrov senior. Perhaps even his own people," said Anzor Maskhadov.
Up to 10 thousand militants and refugees from Chechnya live in Azerbaijan
Currently, 4-10 thousand Chechens live in the capital of Azerbaijan, Baku. For a long time, the widow of the first Chechen President Alla Dudayeva rented an expensive room in the Absheron hotel on the luxury 8th floor. The 4th floor was entirely occupied by the residence of Khozh-Akhmed Nukhaev. Here, Forbes editor Paul Khlebnikov had long conversations with Nukhaev, which later became the book "Conversations with a Barbarian."
"Now living in Baku: Maskhadov's family, Basayev's mother and second wife, and several brigadier generals are resting," said Eynulla Fetullayev, editor-in-chief of the opposition newspaper Realny Azerbaijan. At one time he wrote chronicles of the Chechen underground, notes "Interlocutor".
The "Chechen" house is located on a "five-story building" (a district in Baku), next to a park. Foreign journalists love to film this building. The Chechen house in Azerbaijan seems to them very "Russian" - satellite dishes and clothesline with clothes to dry are alternately hung along the facade.
"Some Chechens used to gather in the park in the neighborhood. They differ from us, Azerbaijanis, both in appearance and in the manner of dressing, and their women tie their headscarves in a different way. We immediately recognize them. Although now they are no longer sticking out like that." , - said Fetullaev.
In Baku, they do not trump with the names known in Chechnya. This is a dangerous fame. Salman Raduev's brother was beaten with reinforcement bars, his body was stuffed into the trunk of a car and thrown into the Volch'i Vorota cliff. It was a costly murder. The investigation insists on the version that Raduev's brother had a falling out with his accomplices over several major kidnappings in Azerbaijan.
Several years ago, groups from the Russian special services came to Baku, shot the Chechens associated with the resistance, and then left. The most famous of the victims is Vakha Ibragimov, Maskhadov's ambassador to Afghanistan and then the press secretary of Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev, and at the end of his life - a Baku businessman.
"Basayev's mother moved to Turkey a long time ago, and his second wife Kameta divorced him when he brought his fourth or fifth wife into the house. She said," I'm not your toy! "She rented an apartment right above mine, and then left Azerbaijan. I told her: “Don't leave your address and phone number, I don’t want to know, they can pick me up at any moment,” said one of the Chechens, who identified himself as Musa.
He also said that he was a judge of a Sharia court in one of the regions of Chechnya and fled after Kadyrov came to power.
In the summer of 2006, Ramzan Kadyrov sent to Baku Magomed Khambiev, the Minister of Defense under Maskhadov, who, according to rumors, went over to Kadyrov's side after taking his relatives hostage. Khambiev was supposed to carry out in Baku a favorite demonstration action of the Russian and Chechen authorities - "an amnesty for surrendered militants."
"It's nonsense that I came to Baku secretly and with security," said Magomed Khambiev. they set me a condition that I first return my relatives to Chechnya. I took my brother's wife and her children from Baku. But at the border I was detained, humiliated and insulted by Russian border guards. I realized that Russia did not need the return of Chechens. And abandoned my plans. go with the same mission to Turkey, Germany, Belgium. And my relatives left again for Baku. "
Maskhadov Aslan Alievich is one of the most controversial personalities in modern history. Some people consider him a hero of the Chechen people, others - a terrorist. Who was Aslan Maskhadov really? The biography of this historical figure will become the subject of our study.
Childhood and youth
Maskhadov Aslan Alievich was born in the fall of 1951 in a small village on the territory of the Kazakh SSR, where at one time his parents were deported. His family came from teip Alleroy.
In 1957, with the beginning of the thaw, the rehabilitation of the deported took place, which allowed Aslan and his parents to return to the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. There they lived in one of the villages of the Nadterchensky region.
In 1966, Aslan Maskhadov joined the ranks of the Komsomol, and two years later he completed his studies at a secondary school in his village. In 1972 he graduated from the military school in Tbilisi, which specialized in the production of personnel for artillery. After that, for five years he served in the army in the Far East, where he rose to the position of a division commander. At the same time, he was admitted to the ranks of the CPSU.
In 1981, having shown excellent results in his studies, he graduated from the Military Artillery Academy, located in Leningrad.
After graduation, he was sent to Hungary, where he rose to the position of commander of an artillery regiment.
At the end of the eras
In 1986, as regiment commander and with the rank of colonel, Aslan Maskhadov was sent to Lithuania. During his time in command of the unit, she was repeatedly recognized as the best in the Baltic States. He himself was appointed chief of staff of the missile forces.
At this time, processes were taking place in the country, which in the near future led to the collapse of the USSR and a change in the social system. Centrifugal tendencies began to manifest themselves in the Baltics before other republics. However, before active protests began and the use of armed forces against them, Maskhadov was recalled, although part of him took part in actions against the rebels.
In 1992, he resigned from the ranks of the Russian Armed Forces. Some experts believe that this decision was primarily dictated by his disagreements with the top military commanders, others - by aggravation on the Chechen-Ingush border.
First Chechen
After his resignation, Aslan Maskhadov went to the capital of Chechnya - Grozny. There, at that time, Dzhokhar Dudayev had already come to power, proclaiming an independent Ichkeria (CRI). Immediately upon his arrival, Maskhadov was appointed by him as Chief of Civil Defense, and then as Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces.
Since 1994, the so-called First Chechen War began. Aslan Maskhadov successfully led the defense of Grozny, for which he received the rank of divisional general from Dudayev. After that, under his leadership, a number of successful operations were carried out, in particular, the capture of Grozny after the occupation of the city by Russian troops.
In Russia, a criminal case was opened against Maskhadov as the creator of an illegal armed group, which, however, did not prevent him from negotiating with the Russian authorities.
In 1996, during a special operation, Dzhokhar Dudayev was killed, but this did not prevent the successful actions of the Chechen militants against the Russian army.
In 1996, agreements were reached between the government of the Russian Federation and representatives of the self-proclaimed Ichkeria. The signing of peace agreements took place in the Dagestani city of Khasavyurt. On behalf of the CRI, the agreement was signed by Maskhadov Aslan Alievich. The history of the Chechen conflict seemed to be over. These agreements presupposed the withdrawal of Russian troops from the territory of Chechnya, an agreement on the election of a new president of Ichkeria, as well as a postponement of the question of deciding the further fate of the status of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria until 2001. This is how the First Chechen War ended.
Presidential office
After the signing of the Khasavyurt accords before the presidential elections and. O. President of the CRI was Aslan Maskhadov, who became both prime minister and minister of defense.
In January 1997, presidential elections were held, in which the victory was won by Aslan Maskhadov, who was ahead of Shamil Basayev and Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev.
Initially, Maskhadov tried to build an independent Chechen state on the democratic principles of civil society. But his position was too weak. On the contrary, Islamic extremists, field commanders and leaders of various bandit formations began to acquire more and more power in Chechnya.
Maskhadov, by and large, was not a politician, but a military man. He was forced to maneuver between these groups, to make concessions to them. This led to further radicalization, Islamization and criminalization of the Chechen society. Sharia law was introduced in CRI, the republic was flooded with foreign extremists, field commanders began to show more and more disobedience to the government of Ichkeria.
Second Chechen
The result of this situation was that in 1999, field commanders Shamil Basayev and Khattab unauthorizedly, without the sanctions of the President and the government of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, invaded the territory of Dagestan. This is how the Second Chechen War began.
Although Maskhadov publicly condemned the actions of Basayev, Khattab and other field commanders, he could not really control them. Therefore, the Russian leadership, after dropping the militants from the territory of Dagestan, decided to carry out an operation to completely destroy them on the territory of Chechnya.
The entry of Russian troops into the territory of the CRI led to a direct confrontation between Maskhadov and the government of the Russian Federation. He began to lead the resistance. The President of Ichkeria was declared first on the all-Russian, and then on the international wanted list. At first, Maskhadov could only direct a relatively small detachment directly, since most of the field commanders did not actually subordinate to him, and only in 2002 a general command was formed. Thus, Basayev, Khattab and other leaders of the militants sided with Maskhadov.
The actions of Russian troops on the territory of Chechnya this time were much more successful than in the first campaign. By the end of 2000, the Russian army controlled most of Chechnya. The militants hid in mountainous areas, organizing acts of terrorism and sabotage.
Death of Maskhadov
In order to finally destroy the terrorist hotbed in Chechnya, the Russian special services decided to carry out a series of operations to personally eliminate the militant leaders.
In March 2005, a special operation was carried out to detain the former leader of Ichkeria. In the course of it, Aslan Maskhadov was killed. According to one of the versions, a bodyguard shot him, since Maskhadov did not want to surrender alive.
Family
Maskhadov had a wife, son and daughter. Aslan Maskhadov's wife, Kusam Semiev, was a telephone operator before her marriage in 1972. After the death of her husband, she stayed abroad for a long time, until in 2016 she received permission to return to Chechnya.
Aslan Maskhadov's son - Anzor - was born in 1979. Educated in Malaysia. He currently resides in Finland and is an outspoken critic of the Russian authorities, in particular Ramzan Kadyrov.
Maskhadov's daughter, Fatima, was born in 1981. Like his brother, he currently lives in Finland.
general characteristics
It is rather difficult to give an impartial characterization of such an ambiguous figure as Aslan Maskhadov. Some people overly idealize him, others demonize him. It should be noted that the majority of people personally acquainted with him characterize Maskhadov as an excellent officer, a man of honor. At the same time, he showed an inability to lead the state and was unable to subjugate many different groups in Ichkeria to the central government, which he often had to follow.
At present, rallies and pickets are being held in memory of Aslan Maskhadov, demanding the Russian authorities to hand over his body to his relatives. But so far they have not led to results.
While studying at the academy in Leningrad, Aslan Maskhadov asked to be called Oleg, and in the documents he was listed as Oslan. In addition, fellow students noted the complete lack of religiosity in Maskhadov, as well as the fact that he was not averse to missing a glass, although this was strictly prohibited by Islam.
According to his colleagues, Maskhadov spoke sharply negatively about the proclamation of Lithuania's independence, considering it separatism.
According to some information sources, the Russian special services were able to calculate the location of Maskhadov by the IMEI of a mobile phone.
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