(acting since October 9, 2017)
| Deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation | ||
|---|---|---|
| December 24 - October 9, 2017 | ||
Kushva, Sverdlovsk region, RSFSR, USSR
Biography
After graduating from high school, he entered the heat and power engineering faculty. In 1989 he received a diploma in thermal power engineering.
After graduating from the university, he became an employee of the Malachite tourism cooperative (later East Line), which was headed by the Ural entrepreneur Anton Bakov, who graduated from the same university. Then Bakov and Burkov went into politics together, and since then Bakov has been Burkov’s “political patron” for more than 10 years, which is described in the documentary book “Yoburg” by writer Alexei Ivanov, published in 2014.
In the early 1990s, both worked in Moscow at the Work Center for Economic Reforms under the Russian Government.
Deputy of the Sverdlovsk Regional Duma
In November 2017, he nominated his candidate for mayor - Minister of Economy of the Omsk Region Oksana Fadina.
On September 10, 2018, in the elections for governor of the Omsk region, he received 82.56% of the votes. 550,232 residents of the Omsk region voted for him, with a turnout of 44%. [ ]
Personal life
Alexander Burkov is married and has a son, Vladimir.
Hobbies
Alexander Burkov is fond of sports. He was involved in athletics, volleyball, basketball, badminton, tennis and alpine skiing (I had to quit due to injury). Now he is engaged in skiing (cross-country skiing), goes hunting, practices yoga and horseback riding.
Compromising evidence
After Burkov’s appointment as acting governor of the Omsk region, information appeared in the media about his brother’s criminal record. In 2014, the Oktyabrsky District Court of Yekaterinburg sentenced Viktor Leonidovich Burkov, the former deputy head of the administration of the Oktyabrsky District of Yekaterinburg, who was initially accused of extorting a large bribe from representatives of a commercial company. Later, the charge was reclassified from Part 5 of Article 290 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“Extortion of a large bribe”) to Article 285 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“Abuse of official powers”). The verdict was guilty: Burkov received four years “suspended”, and he was prohibited from working in government agencies and local governments for four years.
Burkov Alexander Leonidovich was born on April 23, 1967 in the mining town of Kushva, Sverdlovsk region.
In 1989 he graduated from the Ural State Polytechnic Institute with a degree in Thermal Power Engineering. During his student years he worked in student brigades.
After graduating from the institute, he married his classmate Tatyana.
In 1989-1990 worked in his specialty at the TAL Malachite enterprise, Sverdlovsk.
In 1990-1995 - at the Working Center for Economic Reforms under the Government of Russia (in positions from category 2 specialist to head of the Regional Policy Department).
In 1995-1998 - Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Sverdlovsk Region for State Property Management.
In 1999, he participated in the elections for governor of the Sverdlovsk region (he took second place, beating the former mayor of Yekaterinburg Arkady Chernetsky).
He was elected as a deputy of both chambers (House of Representatives and Regional Duma) of the Legislative Assembly of the Sverdlovsk Region - in 1994, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004.
Initiator of the creation and leader of the Regional Public Organization “Industrial Parliament of the Sverdlovsk Region”, the Movement “For Social Guarantees for Workers “May”, the electoral bloc “Union of State Employees of the Urals”.
Since 2007 - Secretary of the Bureau of the Council of the Sverdlovsk branch of the A Just Russia party.
In July 2008, he was elected chairman of the Council of the regional branch of this party, and two years later he was re-elected in this position.
In April 2011, at the A Just Russia congress in Moscow, he was elected to the presidium of the party’s Central Council.
In September 2016, he was elected as a deputy for the third time and became deputy head of the A Just Russia faction.
« I can’t say that I’m very familiar with the region (Omsk). Unfortunately I didn't work there"(October 9, 2017)
“Don’t forget your pants, otherwise a man without pants is not a man.”
“Bring the Hermitage here and the whole of Siberia will go to Omsk"(October 27, 2017)
https://www.site/2017-10-09/chto_zhdet_omskuyu_oblast_posle_togo_kak_ee_vozglavil_sverdlovchanin_aleksandr_burkov
Negotiator, opponent of Rossel, the only Social Revolutionary governor
What awaits the Omsk region after it is headed by Sverdlovsk resident Alexander Burkov
Jaromir Romanov
The head of the Sverdlovsk branch of A Just Russia, State Duma deputy Alexander Burkov was appointed acting governor of the Omsk region. A native Sverdlovsk resident, Burkov was never associated with any region other than the Middle Urals, built his career here and in the last year expressed a desire to become the governor of his native region. But everything turned out differently - he received a region with some of the most complex inter-elite conflicts and with active communists. the site tells who Alexander Burkov is and what awaits the Omsk region after he became governor here.
The only governor from A Just Russia
Alexander Burkov had gubernatorial ambitions for a long time. In the spring of 2017, he announced to the website that he could run for the post of head of the Sverdlovsk region. He said that he could implement a number of social and economic projects in the region and carry out political reforms. As a result, Burkov did not run for office; instead, Dmitry Ionin, a member of the region’s Legislative Assembly, went to the polls. On the sidelines it was believed that he refused to participate in the campaign, as he would have become a strong rival to Evgeny Kuyvashev, but the results of the last State Duma elections in 2016 indicate the opposite. In 2016, Burkov was elected to the State Duma in a single-mandate constituency in Nizhny Tagil and lost to United Russia member Alexei Balyberdin by exactly 20%. He entered parliament on the party list.
Moreover, it was Alexander Burkov who was involved in all the latest election campaigns in A Just Russia. He holds the position of secretary of the presidium of the party's Central Council for the organization and conduct of election campaigns - in fact, he is one of the five deputies of the party head Sergei Mironov. As a source told the website in the party, despite the fact that the Socialist Revolutionaries took last place in the elections and received only 23 mandates in the State Duma, Burkov’s work was considered successful and they began to predict a great future for him in the party.
The appointment of Alexander Burkov to the Omsk region fits into the very spontaneous logic of the Kremlin’s latest actions. For example, the mayor of Vologda, Andrei Travnikov, became the head of the Novosibirsk region, and local elites were shocked by his appointment. Vladimir Vasiliev, vice-speaker and head of the United Russia faction in the State Duma, became the acting head of Dagestan, which no one expected either. As they say in the Sverdlovsk branch of A Just Russia, Alexander Burkov has also never been connected with the Omsk region.
Alexander Burkov will become the only head of the region from A Just Russia. Earlier, during the autumn “gubernatorial fall”, two representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation received positions - in the Irkutsk and Oryol regions. The LDPR party has the seat of governor of the Smolensk region. Previously, A Just Russia had its own governor in the Trans-Baikal Territory, Konstantin Ilkovsky, but in 2016 he resigned of his own free will due to a number of scandals, including the failure of a program for relocation from dilapidated and dilapidated housing. Political strategist Alexey Shweigert believes that Burkov’s appointment is a restoration of the status quo between the parties.
“This increases the importance of the party, if one of the main first deputies, Sergei Mironov, is nominated for the governor’s post, this increases the party’s rating, because people who work in the SR understand that they can count on career growth in this party,” says the head of the regional programs of the Expert Institute of Social Research Andrey Kolyadin. At the same time, he believes that the appointment is “90% the merit of Burkov himself.” “He is an interesting person, he has every chance of becoming one of the strongest governors,” says the expert.
A native of the Urals and an opponent of Rossel
Burkov is 50 years old. He was born on April 23, 1967 in the city of Kushva, Sverdlovsk region. After graduating from school, he entered the heat power department of the Ural Polytechnic Institute named after Kirov (now UrFU named after Yeltsin), from which he graduated in 1989 with a degree in heat power engineering.
For some time after that he worked at the Malachite enterprise. The founder of this travel agency was the famous Ural political strategist Anton Bakov. Later, in private conversations, Bakov liked to recall that he noticed Burkov when he came to help him with plumbing repairs. In the early 1990s, Burkov became part of the working center for economic reforms under the Government of the Russian Federation.
In 1994, Burkov became a deputy of the Sverdlovsk Regional Duma in the Serov district from the Party of Russian Unity and Accord (PRES). Among the leaders of the PRES were Sergei Shakhrai, Alexander Shokhin, Vladimir Tumanov (chairman of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation in 1995-1997) and Anton Bakov. In 1995, after the landmark election of the governor of the Sverdlovsk region, in which Eduard Rossel won against Alexei Strakhov, Burkov, with the support of Bakov, took the position of deputy chairman of the regional government, simultaneously heading the committee for state property management of the Sverdlovsk region (now MUGISO).
In 1998, Burkov became a deputy of the House of Representatives of the Legislative Assembly of the Sverdlovsk Region in his native Kushvinsky district (the bicameral structure of the Sverdlovsk parliament existed until 2011). In the same year, he became chairman of the public organization “Industrial Parliament of the Sverdlovsk Region”. In April 1999, Burkov became chairman of the regional council of the May movement. On behalf of this movement, in the same year Bakov was nominated for governor of the Sverdlovsk region. However, many then believed that “May” appeared as a counterweight to Rossel’s “Transformation of the Urals” movement and was supported by the team of Rossel’s main opponent in the next gubernatorial elections, the mayor of Yekaterinburg Arkady Chernetsky. From this movement, Burkov entered the regional Duma in 2000. In 2004, he was elected from the Union of State Employees of the Urals.
In 2007, Burkov moved to A Just Russia (the party was created in 2006 by merging the Rodina, Pensioners, and Life parties; in fact, it was the Kremlin’s project to build a two-party system in Russia, which was then carried out in life of the first deputy head of the Administration Vladislav Surkov - website). In the struggle for control over the Sverdlovsk branch of the SR, Burkov quarreled with the co-chairman of the City Without Drugs Foundation and deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the 4th convocation, Evgeniy Roizman. After this, Roizman and Burkov began to communicate only in 2013 on the eve of the mayoral elections of Yekaterinburg.
In December 2007, Burkov entered the 5th convocation of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, and in the summer he officially headed the Sverdlovsk branch of the SR. In 2011, the politician was elected to the presidium of the party, and at the end of the same year he conducted a brilliant election campaign in the Sverdlovsk region for the State Duma of the 6th convocation and the Legislative Assembly of the Sverdlovsk region. Its main topic was “fair housing and communal services.” Fair Russia placed its bet on personal meetings with voters devoted to the problems of the domestic housing and communal services and tariffs.
According to the results of the December vote, the Fair Russians overtook United Russia in Yekaterinburg, gaining 30.44% of the votes. In the region as a whole, 27.3% of voters voted for the party, which was one of the best results of SR in the country. Burkov’s team was able to get 9 out of 50 deputies into the ZSSO. He himself extended his powers as a State Duma deputy.
In 2013, Burkov ran for the post of mayor of Yekaterinburg, but received only 20.25% of the votes and took third place.
Good negotiator
Political scientist Andrei Kolyadin, who is well acquainted with Burkov and has worked with him on several projects, believes that the politician has long grown to become a governor: “He is a systemic person, so he waited until he was nominated in a completely progressive and serious territory, where it is necessary to conduct serious work with the elites. The Omsk region has some of the most serious inter-elite contradictions. There are quite strong positions of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and weak positions of United Russia. I think he will cope with the job, especially since he knows the basics of economic development of territories. He headed a serious commission on housing and communal services, worked with ministers and the president on his instructions to reform the housing and communal services system,” says Andrei Kolyadin.
Alexey Shweigert, who worked in the last gubernatorial elections of the Omsk region in 2015, says that second place was then taken by communist Oleg Denisenko, who received almost 30% of the votes. “He was supported by the elites, but installing another communist [as governor] would have been inappropriate. Omsk is considered a protest city; if Denisenko had received the position, then a “Siberian red belt” would have been formed.
According to the expert, everything turned out extremely well for Burkov - he converted his potential into a real position in a good region: “Gazprom’s largest oil refinery is located in Omsk.” The main question is whether Burkov will be eaten up by the Omsk elites and to what extent he will be able to build a balance of interests. We all know what legends there are about him in terms of communication skills, that he is known as a good negotiator, a diplomat, ready to give in when necessary and ready to aggravate things,” the expert noted.
Alexander BURKOV himself spoke about how he stole a loaf of bread, how he hit a friend, how he made bombs, how he ran for vodka and much, much more.
Alexander BURKOV lost the election for mayor of Yekaterinburg in the fall of 2013 (he showed third results, losing to Evgeniy ROIZMAN and Yakov SILINA), and later the competition for the post of city manager. However, as part of this election campaign, BURKOV published a leaflet in which he talked about himself - since childhood. We think that residents of the Omsk region will be interested in reading his story. We provide this opportunity by publishing the document according to tradition - without exceptions or indemnities.
MY PARENTS
I was born on April 23, 1967 in an ordinary working-class family in the provincial mining town of Kushva in the Sverdlovsk region. My father worked all his life as a crane operator in the roll foundry shop of the Kushvinsky rolling mill plant. Workers remember him as a constant and firm person. He knew how to work selflessly and could not imagine himself without his native plant. My father often repeated: “There is no word “I don’t want” - there is the word “need.” I could drink heavily. In the heat of the moment, he would swear loudly, in Russian, but he always had his own opinion on everything. And his word in family disputes was always the last, not subject to discussion. Mom worked in one place all her life - as a railway cashier at the Goroblagodatskaya station. Family incomes did not allow for luxury. We always saved. On occasion, they borrowed money from neighbors, as usual, “until payday.” They always delivered on time. At first we lived in a communal apartment, then my father got a separate apartment at the factory.
WHY DID THEY CALL ME ALEXANDER
My parents didn’t immediately decide what to name me. As his mother recalls, his six-year-old brother came and said: “Let’s call him Alexander.” In honor of the winner Alexander Nevsky. At that time they were showing a feature film about him. The same one that was still filmed during the Great Patriotic War. My grandmother Lyuba was a very devout person, she sang in the church choir in the Archangel Michael Church. He gave the go-ahead: they say that the grandson was named not only in honor of the Novgorod commander, but also in honor of the saint who was revered in Rus' from ancient times - Alexander Nevsky. She entrusted her fervent prayers for me to him.
CHILDHOOD ON THE STREET
Parents were constantly at work. And my older brother Victor and I were left to our own devices. You run home from school, throw your briefcase and go outside. The key to the apartment is on an elastic band around the neck. And he ran! He broke both his legs and arms. Because they climbed construction sites and old houses that were being demolished. Once he jumped so hard that he even broke the spinal process. I lay there for three weeks and couldn’t walk. Just got up and recovered - the city relay race. And I always played for the school every year. They ask: run for the second team, we will give you the easiest stage - 300 meters. In the end, I ran for the first team at the most difficult stage - 500 meters. At the finish line my brother caught me because he collapsed in pain. But he made it!
HOW I STOLEN A LOAD IN A STORE
In third grade, the boys dared me to steal a loaf of bread from a store. They grabbed a loaf of bread and started running. I was the last one. The cashier managed to rip off my winter hat. I ran out into the street and thought: “How can I go home without a hat? Mother will scold you!” The boys ran away. And I returned to the store and gave up. It seemed to me that this was an ordinary children's prank - no big deal. But then my mother came running to the store. All in tears. In her eyes I read shame for me, for our family. I felt so ashamed that I was very worried about this incident for another five years. Then I realized that this was my first and last theft in my life.
HOW I HIT A FRIEND FOR A TORN TIE
He was involved in athletics. He played volleyball and basketball for the school. We had a very sporty yard. Boy fights were common. I could always stand up for myself. In the sixth grade, I was running around during recess, jostling with someone, and in a scuffle the end of my pioneer tie was torn off. Friend Kolya laughed and said: “Why do you need a second one?” - and tears off the second tip. And I somehow mechanically hit my best friend in the face! The ideological education was so strong that a tie and an October badge were sacred to us.
HOW I MADE “BOMBS”
In our city of miners and metallurgists, getting a fuse, powdered magnesium and other explosives was not difficult. All the boys were making “bombs”. They poured it into a tin can, sealed it, inserted a cord, set it on fire, threw it and ran away. One day there was such an explosion that windows from the first to the fifth floors blew out! Now it’s even a little scary to remember about it, but then there was no fear. And it’s good that no one suffered from such hobbies.
HOW I DRINKED FOR THE FIRST TIME
In the eighth grade, after a basketball competition, one of the older kids suggested drinking port wine. We drank in the evening on a bench in a kindergarten. My head was spinning and I even tripped a couple of times. By the time I got home, my mother had already received a call. Someone saw us and called us on the phone. There was a terrible scandal at home! Fortunately, drinking alcohol did not subsequently develop into an addiction. But at the institute, of course, they drank heavily and got weird.
HOW I HILLED POTATOES
We had a plot of 18 acres in Kushva. And we always planted potatoes there. And I had the responsibility to spud her. And, of course, still planting and digging. But hilling was my direct responsibility. My father said: “When you finish this much, you’ll go for a walk.” And I, like a small tractor, dug into the ground. I still know everything about growing potatoes. Even when he was already deputy chairman of the regional government, he regularly came to his parents to harvest potatoes. And there is a brother and cousins. And I am the youngest. They say: “Well, official, run for vodka!” And the deputy prime minister of the regional government fled. Where to go? Jr!
TWO THREES
At school I was an average student - I didn’t strive to be an excellent student. Usually, in the first weeks of September, I read new textbooks from cover to cover, because it was interesting, and then during the lessons throughout the year I recalled what I had read. This was enough not to get a bad grade.
I really liked physical education and military-patriotic education. I even wanted to enter a military school. But it didn’t go through my eyesight. I liked mathematics and physics. But in Russian and English there were “C” marks. I have the warmest memories of my school. The teachers tried to instill in us a love for the Motherland, our hometown, and history. I knew that they had a sincere desire to make us kind, decent people. And they didn’t give a damn about who we would become in adulthood.
MY FIRST LOVE
In eighth grade, I secretly fell in love with a classmate. Didn't tell her anything. I didn’t court him at all - because I didn’t know how to approach him. I suffered quietly for more than a year. Classic unrequited love. Recently, thirty years later, I accidentally met her on the street and jokingly told her about everything. Imagine how surprised she was! It turns out that she liked me then too.
HOW MOM HAD US WITH A SLIPPER, AND WE CONSOLIDATED HER
Brother Victor is six years older than me. I remember, he teaches his lessons, and I pester him. I want to play! Bullied him. He threw toys at him. He endures and endures, then rushes and torments. I'm screaming like crazy. Mom ran from the kitchen and hit us both with a slipper. Then she left and cried that she had spanked the children. And my brother and I consoled her as best we could. Mom didn’t single out anyone, so there were no favorites. She always said: “We are one family. I love everyone equally." Thanks to my mother, I probably didn’t grow up to be an egoist, as often happens with younger children.
MAIN FAMILY RULE
We lived, to put it mildly, not richly. My father and mother strictly taught my brother and I to divide everything into four. Even if there was one apple, it was divided into four parts. From a very young age, I knew that you can’t eat everything from the refrigerator. So, for example, not to leave a father without food when he returns from his shift. Father is no longer with us. But our family still adheres to this rule.
WHY I WENT TO UPI
Long before graduating from school, I already knew for sure that I would enter UPI. The influence of brother Victor, an avid “upish” construction brigade member, who literally infected me with his stories about youth construction projects, had an impact. Entered the Faculty of Thermal Power Engineering. I settled into a dorm. I came to the institute wearing “farewell to youth!” boots. with a lock in the middle. There was a catastrophic shortage of money. I remember that the first year I ran in the same demi-season clothes. Then, with my first earnings in the capital, I bought myself some foppish blue boots. Imagine, they had plastic soles! It was something: at minus 30 degrees, walking in boots with plastic soles! It was impossible to stop - my legs immediately froze to the knees. At first I was surprised by the bustle and scale of the streets of Sverdlovsk. It’s funny to remember, but for a long time I could not get used to the fact that people did not greet each other on the street. A crowded tram car can travel in complete silence: the passengers do not know each other and there are no common topics for conversation. We can talk endlessly about our student years - perhaps this is the most fun and interesting part of life. FOUR VIRGIN LANDS IN THE “PROMETHEUS” CONSTRUCTION COMMAND
From my first year I became an active construction worker. In total, I passed through four virgin lands: Krasnoyarsk Territory, Smolensk Region, Primorsky Territory, Sverdlovsk Region. In the first virgin lands in the Krasnoyarsk Territory we lived in fields in army tents. The construction team consisted of 45 people. We worked at the site for the installation of bucket wheel excavators. There he received the title of “drummer”, which was held in high esteem. I had one of the highest labor participation rates (LPR). I earned just crazy money for those times - 1,430 rubles. I saved half the money. And for the rest I went to Moscow with the guys. We relaxed and at the same time bought things for the whole family from speculators. And he wore those clothes for a long time afterwards.
HOW I BECAME AN “ANTI-ADVISITOR”
The Prometheus construction team, as it was then, donated a lot of money to the trade union and the Komsomol organization - for a common cause. I was so naive that I was incredibly surprised when I learned that with money from the construction brigade’s cash register, the main trade unionists sent relatives to resorts, and youth officials drank away our earned money at parties! By the way, I found out about this just at one of these holidays where I was invited. After the banquet he asked: “How much are we chipping in?” They answered me: “What are you, a fool?” Komsomol paid for everything! It turned out, as they say in such cases, that I “washed my dirty laundry in public.” A wild scandal broke out! The Komsomol leaders turned to their “senior comrades” and asked to expel me from the UPI as “a denigrator of the bright principles of Komsomol life.” So I became an “anti-Soviet”! Only the position of the other guys from the construction team of our course saved us. The most interesting thing is that since then “Prometheus” has stopped paying dues to the Komsomol nomenklatura. The students supported this decision unanimously.
HOW DISAPPOINTED I GOT IN THE SYSTEM
During the construction of the Kansk-Achinsk fuel and energy complex, I saw new units rusting in the open air, which had lain idle in the steppe for three whole years. This kind of mismanagement outraged me to the core. I’m an engineer, I knew how much it all costs! I quarreled to smithereens with the local authorities! He didn’t care that millions of people were rotting in the rains. Thus, the myths and illusions that Soviet films about valiant workers had instilled in me since childhood collapsed. Since then I stopped trusting the system and the TV. I was even tempted to quit my studies to hell. But a classmate, future wife Tatyana, persuaded him not to make hasty decisions. The most interesting thing is that we studied together for five years. But they started dating seriously only after graduating from UPI and soon had a modest wedding.
HOW I QUIT SMOKING
I started smoking quietly while still at school. I don’t remember in what class. Since I was involved in sports, there was no particular interest in smoking. So - self-indulgence, at that time almost all of my peers smoked, because it was considered a sign of “adulthood”. In my first year at the institute, I tarred like a locomotive. And then, in the virgin lands, I bet with my foreman that I would quit smoking. Per kilogram of Belochka sweets. Won the argument. And I still don’t smoke!
HOW I WORKED AT THE CHINESE BORDER
I have already gone to Vladivostok as a foreman of a construction team. We worked and lived 40 kilometers from the Chinese border. They were building a pigsty for a furniture factory. There were 14 people living in the barracks. He got up before everyone else and woke up the guys. And then one day I stood near the barracks and shouted: “Get up!” Usually the guys got up for 5-10 minutes. And then suddenly I hear the stomping of feet. I look - soldiers of the Soviet Army in pea jackets are running. It turns out that they got lost in the hills. The soldiers came upon us about once a week. Therefore, the duty officer always received the task: if they come, be sure to feed them. On Saturdays we worked in the propaganda team. We loaded speakers and equipment onto a caterpillar tractor and drove to the neighboring village, where we held a disco in a club. Both the construction crews and the villagers really enjoyed meeting and communicating. Although, as usual, there were various conflicts, but without serious consequences. I survived all four virgin lands calmly. Sports training helped, and there was no need for increased comfort. We worked until we dropped. Therefore, we fell asleep instantly. The guys had injuries and wounds. Thank God, there were no deaths, which happened in other construction teams.
LOADER WITH HIGHER EDUCATION
Graduated from UPI in 1989. Certified thermal power engineer. No connections, no housing, no registration. We have a young family to support. But finding a job in my specialty at that time was already problematic. Started from scratch. He got a low-prestige position as an energy engineer at a small enterprise. But in fact I got a job as a caretaker, and they paid very little. I started working part-time. I looked for work wherever physical strength was required. He was a permanent loader at food depots on Komsomolskaya, and also a bricklayer, concrete worker and porter in probably a dozen organizations under one-time contracts. Sang like a black man! Day and night. And, in the end, I was able to buy an apartment with the money I earned.
HOW I BECAME A DIFFERENT PERSON
It was during this period that I probably truly matured. Something changed in me, I looked at the world around me and my place in it completely differently. I realized that what I’m doing now is leading to nowhere. I couldn’t find inner comfort; I was depressing that my profession as an engineer was not in demand. Troubled times have come - the nineties. I couldn’t react calmly to what was happening in the country. Maybe it sounds too pretentious - but I didn’t know where to put my patriotism. After all, we were brought up this way: work makes sense only when it is useful not only to me personally, but also to the country. And here it’s collapse, no one cares about anything. I then directed all my energy into studying. It seemed like maybe I just didn’t understand something, couldn’t understand what needed to be done. It was as if I was possessed. I slept four hours a day. I was engaged in self-education. Fortunately, you could buy almost any book. I was especially interested in economics. I tried to understand what is happening to a great power, why is it falling apart before our eyes? This subsequently awakened the desire to write a Ph.D. dissertation in economics. This is the evolution - hard physical labor turned into equally hard mental work.
I HAVE BEEN ASHAMED TO WORK IN THE GOVERNMENT
In 1992, I sent my work to the Russian government. Now someone will laugh if they say that you can write to Moscow and get a job in the government, but back then those very “professional elevators” that are talked about so much today worked properly. And it was not only the sons of officials who were raised “to the top.” It turned out that I passed the competition and became a specialist at the Working Center for Economic Reforms under the Government of the Russian Federation. Without any "pull". True, the euphoria that I would finally be able to use my knowledge and energy for the benefit of the country quickly gave way to bitter disappointment. I realized that no one needs my expert assessments!
I was probably the only one who felt ashamed when I heard clerks whispering astronomical dollar amounts for signed papers and decisions. They didn’t approach me with such “questions” - apparently, my attitude to what was happening was written on my face. But they didn’t hide either. Maybe they were waiting for me to ask him to “teach him some sense.” Didn't ask. This was the time when “privatization” was in full swing in the country.
HOW I FIGHTED THE “TAKE-OVER” OF FACTORIES
It was almost impossible to prevent the seizure of enterprises. Everyone around was “blacked out,” and those who worked “outside the system” were quickly eliminated from their positions. There was a feeling that everyone was expecting the end of the world tomorrow, so they were trying to “live to the fullest” today. Very few tried to do something, to somehow resist the “privatization”. I was simply outraged by the unscrupulous privatization of the Uralmashplant, the Verkh-Isetsky Metallurgical Plant and other large enterprises of my native Sverdlovsk region. I remember writing reports to the president to no avail. I also believed that “there” they would hear me and turn back all this chaos. They didn’t hear - they had other problems “over there” then. For this, the government began to quietly hate me. That’s when the period of choice began: either silence and a deal with one’s own conscience, or a break with the government. I chose the latter and left. I have found myself in such situations more than once, but I have never changed the principle I had once chosen. You can change your job, but you can never replace your conscience.
HOW I GET TO KNOW ROSSEL AND RETURNED THE FACTORIES TO THE STATE
At this time, Rossel “lit our hearts” with the ideas of economic independence and regional prosperity of the Sverdlovsk region. He soon fell into disgrace. And so, in 1994, I met him within the walls of the regional Duma, where we were both elected deputies. This was, I tell you, not Rossel “of the 1999 model”! I saw an energetic, assertive person who was concerned about the future of the region. I just couldn’t help but believe him! We quickly recognized each other as like-minded people. This is how my journey in politics began. I finally had the opportunity to do what I wanted to do since my time in government. I tried with all my might to return to the state what was stolen by the “privatizers.”
HOW I FOUGHT FOR THE NATIONALIZATION OF URALMASH
My first case was the case of the illegal privatization of Uralmash. Don’t think that I’m bragging, but I was the first in Russia to achieve nationalization - the return of factories to state ownership, or rather, the factory workshops of special equipment - strategic plant No. 9. Here I had to deal not only with the resistance of officials, but also with specific “cool” people. bandits. They told me that oligarch Kakha Bendukidze and Chubais were beside themselves with my “antics”! Of course it was scary, but the belief that justice would prevail was so strong that all the threats and “messages” seemed unimportant.
CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE “ON ESPECIALLY IMPORTANT CASES”
Seeing that I did not give in to difficulties, Rossel began to entrust me with investigations on the most complex issues. These were the “bread loan case,” when budget billions were distributed to crony firms of relatives of regional officials, the case of attempts to redistribute property in the region’s aluminum complex, and many others. I completed most of the tasks and brought the scammers to light. He spoiled a lot of blood for both the bandits and the “new Russian” oligarchs. In 1995, Rossel offered me the position of chairman of the regional committee for state property management. No one wanted to work in this position then - privatization was completed, all the “fat pieces” were divided. And I agreed - I had a chance to bring to life the economic ideas of reviving the region. I was literally sick of this! But this appointment had to be approved in Moscow. According to rumors, when the then Deputy Prime Minister of the government Anatoly Chubais saw the report on me, he was already shaking with rage: “This shouldn’t be here!”...
HOW ROSSEL “CHUGED ME IN HUGS”
There was a rumor that Rossel finally convinced Chubais: they say, it is necessary to strangle Burkov in his arms. The plan was this: in my new position, the label of “privatizer”, an ally of Chubais, would be firmly stuck to me. And this is a cross for further political career! Plus the opportunity to “organize” financial fraud for Burkov. So they hired me for this “execution” job. But I managed to “outplay” Chubais! Because further privatization in the Sverdlovsk region was stopped, and I can proudly say that I made every effort to achieve this. We had to create from scratch mechanisms for managing state-owned enterprises, which no one had been working on for five years (!)! It was very difficult, a powerful economic crisis was brewing in the country, but many enterprises managed to stay afloat at that time, thanks to my efforts. That’s how I was “smothered in a hug,” thanks to Rossel!
HOW THE OLIGARCHS “DEFEATED” ME
My idealism helped me in many ways, but, of course, like many young people, I overestimated my capabilities at that time. No one was going to forgive me the factories lost to “privatization” - these are billions of even today’s rubles. The most active of the “privatizers” were simply furious that the young Deputy Prime Minister had complete control over the tasty morsels for them – thriving state-owned enterprises. Everything was going smoothly everywhere for them, and then they found a scythe on a stone. Nobody knew how to approach me. To be honest, I’m surprised I survived. Corrupt officials tried their best to remove the “young scumbag” they disliked. Every day they “poured” tales into Rossel’s ears about how bad Burkov was. There were many of them, but I was alone. My conflict with Rossel began to grow day by day. And in the spring of 1998 I had to voluntarily leave the government.
HOW I THEN DEFEATED THE OLIGARCH FOR REAL
I returned to Kushva. It seemed like we could put an end to politics. It turned out that no matter where you turned, the same rake was everywhere. And then life taught me a very important lesson. If you live honestly and try for people, people will always help you. The people of Kushvina, who have known me since childhood, nominated me to the regional parliament! My main rival turned out to be the mafia tycoon Fedulev. He needed parliamentary immunity like air. To avoid responsibility for fraud with shares and finances at NTNK, Kachkanarsky GOK and other plants, Fedulev invested huge amounts of money in the elections. But I didn’t have money for the elections. But at my headquarters there were voluntary teams of agitators. And with their help, I defeated the oligarch by a huge margin! A few months later, Fedulev was arrested and sent to a pre-trial detention center.
HOW WE AND THE “MAY” MOVEMENT FIGHTED FOR INCREASING PENSIONS
In 1999, together with the MAY movement, we began to fight for the recalculation of pensions for Russian pensioners. Who remembers, Zurabov then, by his order, limited the individual coefficient of a pensioner to 0.9, although according to federal law it was 1.2!
But officials “turned a blind eye” to this incorrect calculation. The mass of won lawsuits in courts across the country, the growth of discontent among older people forced the Russian government to restore justice - to cancel Zurabov’s order! New pension laws were also adopted with a clause on the indexation of pensions and their timely issuance. This was our common victory, with tens of thousands of supporters from the “MAY” movement! Thanks to our efforts, pensions for old people throughout Russia were increased!
HOW WE CONDUCT A “FORCED DIALOGUE” WITH THE AUTHORITIES
One day, at a meeting with teachers deceived by the authorities, an idea arose: to unite all the workers of the region in order to together resist the arbitrariness of officials and directors. Together with the teachers, we organized a desperate protest: we went into the office of the mayor of Kushva and refused to leave until he signed a schedule for repaying the salary debt. The “forced dialogue” lasted 11 days! Then, in dozens more cities in the Urals, forced dialogues with mayors took place. Almost everywhere people began to be given “real” money.
HOW I FOUGHT FOR THE “DORM”
In 1995, changes were adopted to the Housing Code, and dormitories that were on the balance sheet of enterprises began to be dispersed. People who lived their entire lives in factory “dormitories” were often simply thrown out onto the street, along with their children! They turned to me as a regional deputy. Together with my assistants, we began to think: what to do, how to help. As a result, they created the movement “Union of Hostels of the Sverdlovsk Region”, popularly called SOS, in the manner of a signal from a ship in distress. What we had to go through together with the residents of the “dorms”! And through hunger strikes, and through mass rallies, pickets of the administration. As a result, they managed to remove the status of hostels from most of the “dormitories” and transferred them to the status of residential buildings. People received social rent agreements and could subsequently privatize their square meters in their rooms. So we saved more than a hundred hostels in Yekaterinburg. Years later, there was a moment in 2007 when, at one of the meetings with residents in the city of Pervouralsk, a young woman came up to me at school and, with tears in her eyes, began to thank me for something. It turns out that thanks to the fact that we won back the dorms, she managed to privatize her room, sell it and use the proceeds to buy a small apartment in Pervouralsk, where they moved the whole family
HOW I WAS NOMINED TO GOVERNOR
In the summer, near the building of the regional authorities, our May movement organized a large-scale strike - a 24-hour tent camp, in which more than one and a half thousand people from 25 cities and districts managed to live during the 45 days of its existence. The requirement was to pay off salary debts. The inaction of Governor Rossel has exhausted the patience of state employees. They nominated me for the post of governor of the Sverdlovsk region! By that time, the May movement numbered more than 60 thousand people. I went to the polls with the people's program. The main demands are to pay off debts to workers and stop the export of capital abroad. Many people told me - whoever you are fighting with, he will trample you! You won't even get five percent! As a result, Rossel could not win in the first round. Together with him, I, 32-year-old Alexander Burkov, entered the second round.
HOW I WAS STOPPED “AT ANY COST”
Contrary to predictions, my rating quickly grew. This caused real panic on the “other” side! In their wildest dreams they could not imagine that after they had secured my resignation, I would return to the government as governor. Yes, this was simply a death sentence for many officials mired in corruption, and the oligarchs whose interests they defended. As I was told years later by those who, willy-nilly, had to work against me, the decision was made to “stop Burkov at any cost.” Today, by the way, the situation painfully reminds me of those times. According to the developed plan, everyone worked against me then: members of the government, oligarchs, city mayors and district heads, directors of industrial enterprises, heads of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, chief doctors of hospitals and clinics, and even heads of veterans' organizations. Subsequently, when I learned the true size of the administrative “monster” that opposed me, I myself was surprised at how I survived then. But he survived!
HOW THE FIRST FAKE NEWSPAPER WITH “FURER” WAS PUBLISHED ABOUT ME
Years go by, but the “party in power”’s technology for fighting opponents does not change. Just as now the whole city is littered with fake leaflets “from Burkov,” so then the PR people hired by the administration only had enough imagination for an absurd “chernukha”, a fake newspaper. A fake newspaper “Izvestia” was distributed in a huge circulation throughout the region, in which I was depicted as the Fuhrer - with a fascist swastika on my sleeve.
On regional television they showed an anonymous (it was possible then!) film in which I was compared to the Italian fascists. Members of the “May” movement began to be fired en masse from their jobs. The thugs from the Uralmash group beat 18 of our activists half to death. Today’s election campaign is a carbon copy of the one from the “wild nineties” - again attacks, violence, threats from the “brothers”.
HOW ROSSEL GOT SCARED AND STARTED PAYING WAGE DEBT
Rossel led a campaign, making fabulous promises left and right! In all enterprises and institutions, directors, under pain of dismissal, forbade their employees to vote for Burkov. Yes, I lost then. But ordinary people won. The frightened authorities, within two weeks between the first and second rounds of voting, paid off all salary debts to public sector employees! The most important thing, I realized when, the day after the elections, an elderly man, practically a grandfather, came up to me and said: “Yes, Sash, don’t worry! Rossel is “their” governor, the officials. And we have our own people’s governor – Burkov. We believe you, not him." You can become a governor and not have confidence. Or you can lose the election and get it. Like this…
HOW MY WIFE CAME TO sympathize with me, but I had to congratulate me
The most difficult trials during the information war against me fell on my mother, wife Tatyana and mother-in-law Olga Alexandrovna. Employees of my headquarters during the gubernatorial elections still remember how on the night of counting votes in the first round, my wife Tanya specially came to support me so that she would not be upset about the defeat. I wanted to support, but it turned out the opposite! When it became clear that I had reached the second round and the entire headquarters was jubilant, rejoicing at the victory, Tanya went into the back room and burst into tears there. With her feminine intuition, she already understood then that this intermediate victory in the first round could give joy for hours, and problems for years.
THE MORE TERRIBLE THE LIE, THE MORE THEY BELIEVE IN IT
Tanya turned out to be right. The worst expectations came true. TV channels and newspapers began to focus on me so much that even the neighbors began to look askance at my wife. I was accused of theft, bribery, and all mortal sins. The topics were the most incredible, as now - when they claim that Burkov will “give housing and communal services to Muscovites” and “raise tariffs.” Many people easily believed all this, since not everyone understood what custom journalism was. And now many people still don’t understand, and PR people take advantage of this. Their rule is: “The more terrible and absurd the lie, the easier it is to believe in it.” However, Tanya quickly learned not to take television reports to heart - one day she simply stopped watching them.
ADVICE OF MOTHER AND MOTHER-IN-LAW
My mother-in-law, Olga Aleksandrovna Romanova, Doctor of Economic Sciences, was completely incomprehensible how the media, owned and subordinated by the state, could lie so shamelessly! In addition, the “chernukha” addressed to the son-in-law, naturally, cast a shadow on the reputation of the beloved mother-in-law. Among scientific intellectuals, they are also accustomed to believing what the newspapers write. By the time we figured out what was what, time had passed - several months of mistrust and suspicion from work colleagues left an indelible mark on Olga Alexandrovna’s soul. However, she did not doubt for a second the correctness of the path I had chosen, for which I am immensely grateful to her. “You’ve got it, don’t give up, once people believe in you, make sure you don’t have to hide your eyes later,” that’s what she told me. It was even harder for my mother. In general, all the neighbors looked askance at her, they say, oh, this is how you raised Sashka! But my mother endured everything steadfastly and never reproached me. She said: “If they beat you, it means that somewhere on something important you collided with them.” Be honest with people, don’t let them down - and then no one will break you. You are Alexander, that means you are a winner!..
HOW I MYSELF BECAME A “UTILITY BUSINESSMAN”
In 2002, when the country adopted a new Housing Code, which for the first time expanded the rights of tenants, we decided to create a people's utility company. I became one of its co-founders. It was interesting to try to establish communal life in Yekaterinburg ourselves. The idea was to assemble a good team, organize high-quality services and compete with the then existing municipal housing offices. But it was not there! That’s when I really felt in my own skin how officials protect their feeding troughs - after all, very soon these municipal housing offices turned into private companies founded by their relatives and friends. They began to literally destroy us! And today, if you compare the names of the then municipal officials with the names of the managers and owners of today's largest management companies, you will see “amazing coincidences.” I quit co-founding a utility company seven years ago and promised myself I would never repeat that experience. Until normal competitive conditions are created in our country, in our city, the communal apartment will be ruled by its owners since Soviet times - officials. Now, by the way, they are trying to pass off as today’s fact what happened many years ago. They want to make it seem like I’m trying to take something away from them, as if I’m still the “owner of a utility company.” This is yet another lie of theirs. I will say one thing - if I had not had such “communal” experience behind me, perhaps the Union of House Councils and “Fair Housing and Communal Services” would never have been created. I want to say that I don’t see anything shameful in the fact that someone is engaged in providing public services - if they do it according to the rules and in the interests of the people. I am not against management companies, as some might think. My goal was and remains to make sure that relations between the residents of the city and all its structures, including communal services, become honest on both sides, and not just on the part of the people who regularly pay bills “for everything.”
Name: Burkov Alexander Leonidovich Date of birth: April 23, 1967. Place of birth: Kushva, USSR. Position: Acting Governor of the Omsk Region
Childhood and education
Alexander Leonidovich Burkov was born in the Urals, in the small mining town of Kushva. His father worked all his life in the roll foundry shop of the Kushvinsky rolling mill plant as a crane operator, and his mother worked as a railway cashier at the Goroblagodatskaya station. At first we lived in a communal apartment, then we got a separate apartment. As the future politician himself later recalled, they named him in honor of Alexander Nevsky - just when Eisenstein’s film was shown on TV. “Grandma Lyuba,” a devout person, also approved the idea.
In the third grade, as the future politician admitted, he committed the first and last theft in his life - he stole a loaf of bread. The cashier managed to rip off the kidnapper's winter hat and had to surrender to the administration. Mom came running, all in tears. And my son felt so ashamed that he worried about it for another five years. And he swore that this would be the last such case in his life. (Oddly enough, politician Alexander Burkov is really not known for bribery and other economic crimes). The Burkovs always saved money, and their father’s word was decisive in everything. The USSR was full of such families and such towns. Many young people dreamed of breaking out into the “big world.” Alexander succeeded. He entered the Ural Polytechnic Institute named after Kirov, became a certified thermal energy engineer (interestingly, he admits that he got C grades at school - but then there was no Unified State Examination, so to enter a university it was enough to successfully pass exams in the chosen field). In 1998, at the Institute of Economics of the Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Alexander Burkov defended his dissertation on the topic “Institutional factors for the effective reform of property relations.” From engineers to government Alexander Leonidovich graduated from the university at a turning point for the country in 1989. He got a job at the Malachite plant in Sverdlovsk (now the city has returned its historical name - Yekaterinburg). There was absolutely not enough money, we had to work literally day and night, as a loader, a bricklayer, a concrete worker and a porter. Then Burkov said that in the end he managed to buy an apartment with the money he earned - where exactly is unknown. Well... maybe, maybe.
The first turn in the career of an engineer (in the 90s this profession was less than unpromising, production facilities were closed one after another) occurred in 1992. He sent his proposals to the Russian government - and since social elevators were still working more or less properly, he received a position in the Work Center under the Russian government, involved in the implementation of economic reforms, then entered the Sverdlovsk Regional Duma, headed the committee for managing regional state property of the Sverdlovsk region , becoming deputy head of the regional government. Tried to fight privatization - unsuccessfully. And in the end he left - as he later recalled, he did not want to make a deal with his conscience.
I had to retrain from managers to politicians. Black PR At some point, the young idealist (as Burkov later called himself) even returned to his hometown - it would seem a complete collapse of hopes. But not for long - his fellow countrymen nominated him to the regional legislative assembly. In April 1999, the politician headed the regional council of the May movement for the protection of social guarantees for workers and even reached the second round in the elections for governor of the Sverdlovsk region.
At this time, he first encountered black PR. A fake newspaper “Izvestia” was distributed in the region, where they depicted Burkov with a fascist swastika on his sleeve, and a film was shown on local television in which the politician was compared with Italian fascists. May activists began to be fired en masse from their jobs. And the election rival, the then governor, urgently paid all the salary debts to public sector employees. Apparently, this move turned out to be an indestructible argument.
As a result, Alexander Leonidovich did not become governor then, and a wave of black PR covered, among others, his mother and mother-in-law, Doctor of Economic Sciences Olga Aleksandrovna Romanova - then both in workers and intellectual circles, the press and television believed unconditionally, and they told a lot of interesting things about Burkov . For several months, Burkov's relatives were looked at with distrust. Then, apparently, they got used to it - or their relatives themselves got used to it and stopped telling the politician about the distrust of colleagues and neighbors. Unlucky opponent of Roizman In the same year, Burkov took part in the election campaign for the State Duma of the 3rd convocation for the first time, heading the Peace, Labor, May bloc. They received only 0.7 percent of the votes.
To get a mandate, breaking through to the federal level, Burkov had to join the A Just Russia party, which by that time had included such political organizations as Pensioners of Russia, Rodina and Life. This happened in 2007, and at the same time Burkov was elected on the party’s federal list to the federal parliament. In the State Duma of the fifth convocation, he was a member of the transport committee; in the State Duma of the sixth convocation, he took the post of first deputy chairman of the committee on federal structure and local government issues. From then on, until the fall of 2017, Burkov practically did not leave the federal parliament. However, he once made an attempt to return from politicians to managers. In 2013, he ran for the post of head of Yekaterinburg from A Just Russia. And he lost to a former party member, Yevgeny Roizman. He received more than 33 percent of the votes, Burkov was in third place with 20.25 percent. Man of the system In the Duma of the 7th convocation, Burkov became the first deputy leader of the faction and joined the committee on housing policy and housing and communal services. This is a long-standing subject of interest for A Just Russia and for him personally; Burkov is the leader of the movement “For Fair Housing and Communal Services.”
However, in the fall of 2017, persistent rumors began to circulate that the politician would return to management, heading one of the Russian regions. At first, analysts predicted Burkov to be the governor of his native Sverdlovsk region. However, for reasons unknown at the time, the deputy refused. As they said in the State Duma, by this Burkov showed himself to be a man of the system. In the end, the current governor, Evgeny Kuyvashev, remained in charge of the region. Later, experts suggested that the appointment to the Omsk region could be payment for the popular politician’s refusal to take part in the election race. Then a rumor arose that Burkov would go to the Nenets Autonomous Okrug. But it was not confirmed (perhaps Alexander Leonidovich himself wisely refused to go to the Far North). And finally, on October 9, 2017, information was made public that Alexander Burkov would lead the Omsk region. To say that analysts were perplexed is to say nothing. Burkov's name was never mentioned among possible candidates. It was assumed that in this way “historical justice” was restored - “A Just Russia” at that time was the only parliamentary party that did not have “its own” governor. And Omsk is a city with a population of one million.
On the other hand, as political scientist Rostislav Turovsky noted, Burkov’s new position will not allow him to comply with party interests, which means that the SR will further weaken its position. However, she already has them by no means shiny. Older brother Burkov is not involved in corruption scandals (it’s not proper for an oppositionist). But there is a dark spot in the biography. The politician’s elder brother, Viktor Burkov, was convicted under Article 285 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation “Abuse of official powers” (initially he was accused of extorting a large bribe while he was the deputy head of the Oktyabrsky district of Yekaterinburg).
Viktor Leonidovich did not go to prison; for four years he was prohibited from holding positions related to the exercise of functions of a government representative or to the performance of organizational, administrative and economic functions in state bodies and local governments, as well as in state and municipal institutions.
Rumor has it that such a lenient sentence was achieved at the cost of some kind of concession on the part of Burkov Jr. There is another version - that Victor was simply framed, forcing him to take part in the implementation of certain financial schemes, and that if Alexander Burkov had not “dragged” Victor to Yekaterinburg, he would have lived calmly and honestly. Personal life The politician doesn’t really like to talk about his personal life. But something is known about her. First of all, about my wife, Tatyana. It was she who persuaded student Alexander Burkov, outraged by some of the unsightly aspects of Komsomol life, not to quit his studies and graduate from college. Then she supported me when a young specialist with a higher education had to work as a loader to feed his family. Then - during his political career.
Burkov said that on the night of counting votes in the gubernatorial elections back in 1999, Tanya came to support her husband so as not to be upset about the defeat. In the end, I was upset myself when it turned out that Burkov made it to the second round. “Even then she understood that this intermediate victory could give joy for hours, and problems for years,” the politician noted.
It is known that Tatyana graduated from the same institute as Alexander and runs a chain of outerwear stores. The couple has a son, Vladimir - as the couple said, a late child, still very young. In 2016, Tatyana earned 479,898 rubles 26 kopecks (her husband brought much more to the family piggy bank - more than 4.5 million rubles).
Burkov owns a residential building with a plot and an apartment with an area of 180 square meters. meters. The wife has a small apartment and a garage, as well as a residential building and another apartment in shared ownership. The politician has a trailer (judging by the declaration, he did not have a car at the time of filing the document).
It is interesting that while a deputy, Burkov, in his own words, spent part of his salary on assistants - they say that it is impossible to live in Moscow with the money they receive. Glad it's to Siberia and not to the sea The resignation of the former governor in the Omsk region had been expected for a long time, but the candidacy of the new acting governor led the local elite to bewilderment. The second secretary of the Omsk regional committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Andrei Alekhin, spoke out most harshly - they say, just a couple of years ago they elected a governor, spent the money, but what happened in the end? They put a person unknown in the region in charge of the region!
Burkov's inheritance is not exactly an easy one - people are fleeing the region, there is no economic growth. And the turnout for elections is very low.
As journalists note, more and more specialists in political technology are gathering around the acting governor. For example, Nikita Frolov, not the first specialist to come from Yekaterinburg, recently became an adviser to the head of the Omsk region.
The emergence of a number of PR specialists is associated with an attempt to ensure a decent turnout for the presidential elections, which are less than two months away. And this criterion may become one of the most important when assessing the activities of the new acting governor.
As Alexander Burkov admitted, he is glad that he received an appointment to Siberia, and not to the south, somewhere at sea. And that he would like to get away from the prefix “Varangian”. After all, the Siberian and Ural characters are quite similar.
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