Tempting offer

At the beginning of April this year, 2015, a friend, New York poetess Irina Aks, called me:

Rachel! Do you know that Valeria Novodvorskaya’s own father lives in America? He never gave an interview to anyone about his daughter. After her death, he withdrew into himself... A very interesting person, a veteran of the Great Patriotic War, an active participant in our poetry evenings. And he is ready to meet with you, wants to talk about Valeria Ilyinichna.

It was difficult to refuse such an unexpected but tempting offer. Fortunately, friends from the original song club “Blue Trolleybus” kindly took me to visit Ilya Borisovich Burshtyn and his wife Lydia Nikolaevna, who live in the neighboring state of New Jersey. Burshtyn is the real name of Valeria Ilyinichna Novodvorskaya’s father.

He greeted me warmly, showed me the books donated by his daughter, and led me into a cozy, bright kitchen-dining room. And we talked very soulfully for two hours, which, thanks to the interesting interlocutor, flew by completely unnoticed for me.

...We were expecting a son, but a daughter was born

Ilya Borisovich, how did you meet Valeria’s mother?

Nina Feodorovna's father - a hereditary nobleman, a very nice man Fyodor Novodvorsky - lived in Moscow. Nina came to him from Belarus, where she lived with her mother, and entered the First Medical Institute, where my friend studied. After demobilization in 1947, I entered the radiophysics department of the Moscow Energy Institute. This is how we met Nina Fedorovna and got married in Moscow. And to give birth, Nina went to her mother in Baranovichi, pregnant - she was almost taken off the train, but she got home and a few hours later gave birth to a daughter.

It was May 17, 1950. My wife and I were expecting a son, but a girl was born - okay, healthy - and that’s good. Soon I passed the summer exams and also came to Belarus to visit my family and held my daughter in my arms for the first time. At the end of August, my wife and I left Lera with her grandmother and went to Moscow. I continued to study, and Nina went to work. She was a pediatrician and later worked at the Moscow Health Department.

We visited our daughter twice a year. Lera’s grandmother loved her very much and devoted a lot of effort to her upbringing. Her name was Marya Vladimirovna, she was strict, but she was disposed towards me, she trusted me to walk with Lera, to take my daughter sledding in the winter. After Nina Fedorovna and I divorced in 1967, Marya Vladimirovna moved to Moscow and lived with her daughter and granddaughter. I visited them and we talked for a long time. She lived a long, honorable life and died when I was already living in America.

Why did Valeria Ilyinichna bear her mother's surname?

Such is the time... Jewish surnames were unpopular. The Case of the Doctors-Poisoners was already gaining momentum, which in the investigation materials bore a frank title: “The Case of the Zionist Conspiracy in the MGB.” The flywheel of the “Case of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee” was spinning up, especially after the murder of Mikhoels on the orders of Stalin in 1948. Relations between the USSR and the newly formed state of Israel were very cool - the reaction of Soviet Jews to Golda Meer's visit to Moscow was too enthusiastic. Stalin made his tricky plans for the resettlement of all Jews of the USSR to the Far East.

Is Burshtyn a Jewish surname? More likely Polish...

That's right. My parents - Sonya and Borukh - were from Poland; they came to Moscow from Warsaw in 1918. Then they wanted to return, but the Poles organized their own independent state and the parents remained in Soviet Russia. My older sister and brother were born in Warsaw, and this “questionnaire” fact really bothered them later, although at the time of their birth Poland was part of the Russian Empire. I didn’t know my grandparents - they died in the Warsaw ghetto. I only remember how I went to the post office with my father before the war, sent them parcels - already in the ghetto...

I have never hidden my Jewishness. The documents always stated: Ilya Borisovich Burshtyn. And it’s the same on the military ID. As a child, I didn’t know what my last name meant. Already working, I went on a business trip to Vilnius (there were many Poles there then) and heard a phrase that surprised me:

How much is this burshtyn of yours?

It turned out that in translation from Polish “burshtyn” means “amber”.

- "Gift of the Sun"?

I prefer the name “tears of the sea”...

Ilya Borisovich, how did you get to the front?

In July 1941, he joined the army as a volunteer. He was a signalman, that’s why he survived. Now I’m reading about the misadventures of the infantry during that war, and I’m even somehow ashamed to highlight my military merits. The infantry, of course, had it a hundred times harder.

Where did you end the war?

He fought on the Third Belorussian Front, ended the war in Koninsberg (Ilya Borisovich modestly keeps silent about his participation in the storming of the city and being awarded a military order).

Were you injured?

No. There were no injuries, and he was not taken prisoner. The Lord protected me. I don’t know - Jewish or Russian, but He kept me.

Ilya Borisovich, we all have one God, he has no nationality - I smile.

Do you really think so, Rachel? - my interlocutor is surprised

Of course, Ilya Borisovich. I understand why you are asking me about this, but for now let’s return to the military topic. After the war, did you immediately demobilize?

If only... Almost two years after the end of hostilities he served in Rzhev. I was an ordinary signalman, but already at the division headquarters, demobilized in the fall of 1947. My education allowed me to enter the newly organized Institute of International Relations. I saw an advertisement for recruitment at MGIMO and went to the chief of staff with a request to send me to study. He answered sharply: “You are not eligible for enrollment in this institute.” I hadn’t heard much about national quotas for those entering college, and I didn’t understand why, what was the matter? I realized it later - while processing orders at headquarters, I came across a “neat” phrase: “send to special-purpose units only persons whose nationality corresponds to the republics of the USSR.” Alas, Birobidzhan was only the capital of the Jewish Autonomous Region. Therefore, after demobilization, I immediately entered the Moscow Power Engineering Institute - Jews were accepted there. After graduation, he worked as an engineer.

(Author’s note. Here, Ilya Borisovich again, out of modesty, supports the official version set out on Wikipedia. In fact, he headed the electronics department at a large Moscow research institute that worked for the defense industry - he participated in the development of Russian air defense systems. And on my request to be photographed in a jacket with order bars, Ilya Borisovich only winced: “Why? Just to show off? Is the price of Soviet orders and medals high now? Moreover, the State Duma of Russia plans to deprive those of the right to the veteran’s pension they deserved in the battles with Nazi Germany.” participants of the Great Patriotic War who emigrated from Russia. I don’t know if this is true or idle speculation...)

Valeria's adolescence. Romantic rebel.

In Moscow, we lived in the VDNKh area,” Ilya Borisovich continues his fascinating story. - Our family was intelligent, but Lera went to an ordinary, proletarian school. I didn’t like it, several times I suggested that my wife transfer Lera to a good school in the center of Moscow, but Nina Fedorovna was against elitist education. I recently read the memoirs of Vertinsky’s daughter about how her parents sent her and her sister to a pioneer camp for the summer. It’s an interesting thing: well-bred girls returned home with lice and learned to use obscene language,” my interlocutor, wise with worldly experience, chuckles good-naturedly.

Lera was an excellent student. Not the only one in the class: we must pay tribute, among the proletarians there were also excellent students. The daughter grew up independent and independent, mature beyond her years. We have developed a good relationship with her, friendly and trusting. Of course, she could not help but notice the critical remarks about the authorities and the party system that Nina Fedorovna and I allowed ourselves to express at home. I gave my daughter Solzhenitsyn’s story “One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich” to read. Lera was not yet thirteen, but, surprisingly, she perceived everything correctly. Since childhood, she was a romantic person, a rebel, even at school she organized some kind of strikes. At one time I admired Cuba and Vietnam. She went to the district Komsomol committee and asked to send her to the Vietnam War as a fighter. They refused her and sent her home with instructions to come back when she learned to shoot. Imagine, for a whole year she rose before dawn on Sundays and went to the shooting range. She never learned, given her nearsightedness...

Fearless, but not reckless.

Lera was seventeen years old when I told her about my decision to divorce Nina Fedorovna. The daughter’s reaction was lightning fast: “I’m leaving with you!” I had to persuade her for a long time to stay with her mother, for whom the simultaneous loss of two close people would be a strong blow. I insisted: “Lera, we must stay.” My daughter understood me. Nina Fedorovna’s relatives did not blame me either; we continued to maintain respectful relations with them.

How did a young girl from an intelligent family plunge so decisively into the struggle against Soviet power? What was it: recklessness or desperate courage?

Of course, it was desperate courage. She was not reckless, but she did not have any sober calculations either; she was an addicted person. Deciding on her first serious action, Lera understood that she was risking a lot. By that time, she had graduated from high school with a silver medal and entered the French department of the prestigious Institute of Foreign Languages. Maurice Thorez."

(Author’s note. Ilya Milstein (famous Russian journalist - ED.) very accurately noted this quality of Lera: “Nobility coupled with fearlessness is a rarity. This physical impossibility of remaining silent, which forces a 19-year-old girl to scatter leaflets in the Kremlin Palace of Congresses, ruining his career and life, dooming himself to a torture regime in psychiatric hospitals. And after his release, disseminate Samizdat, organize an underground party, an underground trade union... and finally go out with a poster to a demonstration, barely a whiff of perestroika and glasnost. “You can go out to the square, dare you.” go to the square..." - these lines of Alexander Galich decorated the membership card of the Democratic Union - an unprecedented party in which she was a member from the first to the last day. In splendid isolation").

Has Valeria Ilyinichna shared her plans with you?

Unfortunately no. I would try to stop her. But by that time I was already living in a new family; in 1967, Lydia Nikolaevna and I had a son and I began to pay less attention to my daughter. The only thing I remember from the events of the autumn of 1969: before going to the Kremlin Palace of Congresses on December 5, she read me her own poem - very angry, directed against the government, reproaching the introduction of tanks into Czechoslovakia.

Thank you party
For everything you have done and are doing,
For our current hatred
Thank you, party!

Thank you party
For everything that was betrayed and sold,
For the disgraced Motherland
Thank you, party!

Thank you party
For a slavish afternoon of double-mindedness,
For lies, betrayal and suffocation
Thank you, party!

Thank you party
For all the denunciations and informers,
For the torches on Prague square
Thank you, party!

For a paradise of factories and apartments,
Built on crimes
In the dungeons of old and today
A broken and black world...

Thank you party
For nights full of despair,
For our vile silence
Thank you, party!

Thank you party
For our bitter unbelief
Into the wreckage of lost truth
In the coming pre-dawn darkness...

Thank you party
For the weight of the acquired truth
And for the coming battles shots are fired
Thank you, party!

I liked the poem and praised it. But I really didn’t know, I couldn’t even imagine that Leroy’s sarcastically called “Thank you, party!” will become the text of a leaflet, numerous copies of which my daughter and several of her friends will boldly drop on the heads of visitors to the premises in which the most important socio-political events of the state were held.

First arrest

Lera and her friends were instantly arrested in the hall of the Kremlin Palace of Congresses, and accused of anti-Soviet agitation and propaganda (Article 70 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR), - the voice of 92-year-old Ilya Nikolaevich sadly, but accurately mints the name and number of the article of the criminal code. “The daughter was placed in solitary confinement at the pre-trial detention center in Lefortovo,” he continues. - Daniil Romanovich Lunts, a KGB colonel who headed the diagnostic department at the All-Union Research Institute of General and Forensic Psychiatry named after V.P. Serbsky, which examined Soviet dissidents, began to come to her often. Daniil Lunts, together with the director of the institute, Georgy Vasilyevich Morozov, were the most famous representatives of the criminal practice of using psychiatry for political purposes in the USSR, followers of the concept of “sluggish (asymptomatic) schizophrenia” rejected by the world psychiatric community.

The author of this concept was the co-chairman of the inpatient forensic psychiatric examination A.V. Snezhnevsky. Luntz openly and mercilessly provoked Leroux and she deservedly called him “an inquisitor, a sadist and a collaborator collaborating with the GESTAPO.” He examined not only my daughter - among his “patients” were famous dissidents Pyotr Grigorenko, Sinyavsky, Yesenin-Volpin. Fainberg, Yakhimovich, Bukovsky, Shikhanovich. And of course, Natalya Gorbanevskaya, with whom Lera became friends and together, was in the same ward for compulsory treatment in a special psychiatric hospital in Kazan. The so-called “treatment” in Kazan was cruel and inhumane, and of course, seriously undermined my daughter’s health.

Ilya Borisovich, did you personally visit your daughter in Kazan? If so, what did you see there?

Nina Fedorovna and I took turns going on “dates” to Kazan. Leroux was constantly reproached for his friendship with more experienced dissidents. In particular - in friendship with Gorbanevskaya; I often saw Natalya when I came to this “special hospital”. The meetings took place in a large room with a wide and long table, on both sides of which the convicts sat opposite visiting relatives. About 20 convicts were brought into the room at the same time. There was an overseer standing near the table - food transfers were allowed once a month. It was impossible to pass a note or take someone’s hand, although there was no glass partition like in a prison cell.

Lera was a very strong, resilient person; she rarely allowed herself to complain even to her closest people. But in Kazan, such cruel methods of “treatment” were used on her that I could not help but go to the head physician - I no longer remember the name of this medical service officer, many years have passed. He asked her to stop using electric shock and savage injections on her daughter - after all, Lera was healthy, she was simply not pleasing to the authorities. A very young girl... And if you try really hard, you can find a clue for a psychiatric diagnosis in any of us.

He directly told me: “Yes, you are right - in every person, if you look closely, you can find some kind of psychiatric abnormalities. You just need to not look closely.”

The moral of his statement is simple: you can’t stand out from the crowd. This was the goal of punitive psychiatry. I recently talked with the famous poet, dissident and hereditary psychiatrist Boris Khersonsky. He told me about the tragic fate of the Ukrainian dissident Ganna Mikhailenko, author of the book "KGB Diagnosis - Schizophrenia." And he confirmed that the diagnosis invented by Snezhnevsky is no longer included in the official classifications of mental illness (DSM-5). ICD - 10.

I completely agree with this point of view. Natalya Gorbanevskaya wrote about the same thing in her article “Shameful Legacy” - this is her review of Viktor Nekipelov’s book “The Institute of Fools”, which attracted serious attention:
“If we talk about the “system” and about today, it is impossible not to note: although in the early 90s, in the wake of the revelations of punitive psychiatry that finally reached the Soviet and Russian press, the situation has largely changed for the better, the Serbsky Institute, in the past the stronghold of this system of psychiatric persecution, again decisively turned to the past... and further: refusal to face the past, to reckon with it, is a dangerous thing. And for the mental health of an individual - as a patient or potential patient, and for the psychiatrist himself, and for the mental health of society"

may cost the life of Valeria Ilyinichna’s mother

A month ago, a serious scandal broke out around the apartment of the 87-year-old mother of the recently deceased famous dissident and fighter for democracy Valeria Novodvorskaya. The newspapers were full of headlines: “Black realtors are trying to take away the Moscow apartment of Valeria Novodvorskaya’s mother,” “A scam is being carried out with the housing of the mother of a famous politician,” “Municipal deputy Tatyana Logatskaya is involved in the scandal.”

MK conducted its own investigation.

As it turned out, Nina Fedorovna Novodvorskaya was abandoned for almost a year and left at the mercy of two women, nurses from Ukraine. Having no medical training, they injected the elderly man with potent diuretic drugs, tranquilizers and sleeping pills. Under their “sensitive” supervision, Nina Fedorovna lost her eye and almost died from sepsis.

Nina Fedorovna Novodvorskaya called her daughter Lera Lyalechka. Photo: Tatyana Logatskaya

“Lera was afraid that if she died, her mother would end up in a nursing home”

The faded five-story panel building on 4th Maryina Roshcha Street, where Nina Fedorovna Novodvorskaya lives, is no different from the nearby Khrushchev buildings.

The house is old, the poplars have grown almost to the roof, the old residents have known each other for half a century. They also remember Valeria Novodvorskaya’s father, Ilya Borisovich Burshtyn. He was a front-line soldier, fought as a signalman on the 3rd Belorussian Front. Then he worked for the defense industry, heading the electronics department at a large research institute.

Valeria’s mother, Nina Fedorovna, a pediatrician by training, was an “emergency room” for all residents. As the neighbors say, “everyone ran to her with childhood pains, cramps, cramps.” Then, when she worked at the Moscow Health Department, she often helped neighbors get “medical” coupons to various clinics.

When Lera was in 10th grade, her parents divorced. Ilya Borisovich moved out, he had another family, and Nina Fedorovna’s mother, Maria Vladimirovna, came to the Novodvorskys from Baranovichi, with whom Lera lived until school. The family’s grandmother’s name was Bantik, and Lera’s name was Lyalechka.

Everyone in the house feels sorry for Nina Fedorovna.

“God forbid how much she and Lera drank,” says neighbor Anna. “Then my daughter decided to go to the Vietnam War. I went to learn to shoot for a whole year. Then, while fighting the communist regime, she scattered leaflets in the Kremlin Palace of Congresses, distributed samizdat, organized underground parties and trade unions. From numerous searches in the house, Lera’s arrests, solitary confinement, and hunger strikes, Nina Fedorovna began to have early gray hair.

Valeria Novodvorskaya died on July 12, 2014. Since then, the neighbors have practically not seen Nina Fedorovna.

— She had two nurses from Ukraine, Galya and Sasha. Only they practically did not take their ward grandmother out for a walk. But the naked Sphynx cat was constantly walked on a leash,” says Maria Sergeevna, the head of the house. — And when they asked: “How is Nina Fedorovna?” - they waved it off: “He’s going crazy!”

“After Lera’s death, one of the caregivers became worried that there were jewelry in the house, and she did not want to be responsible for their possible loss,” says Tatyana Logatskaya, municipal deputy of the Khoroshevo-Mnevniki district. — In the presence of four people, an inventory of watches, rings, and chains was compiled. Saidar Sheyafetdinov (an activist of the Democratic Union, he worked as a driver for Valeria Novodvorskaya - author) volunteered to take the bag with valuables for safekeeping. Then I noticed that behind the glass of the bookshelves there were photographs of nurses. I was surprised, the nurses are not family members after all. Another time, when we spent almost six hours sorting out Lera’s newspaper and magazine articles, the nurse was having fun at the computer, while Nina Fedorovna, indifferent to everything, sat in a chair.

Members of the Democratic Union Nikolai Zlotnik and Saidar Sheyafetdinov voluntarily took care of Nina Fedorovna.

At farewell to Valeria Novodvorskaya, many people put money into a special box to help her mother. The human rights activist was worried that if she died, Nina Fedorovna would end up in a nursing home. They say that a large sum to pay for the funeral was sent by Alfred Koch, in 1996-1997 the chairman of the State Property Committee of Russia, deputy prime minister in the government of Viktor Chernomyrdin, now living in Germany. The funeral was paid for by The New Times magazine, where Valeria Novodvorskaya worked.

— Nikolai Zlotnik claimed that he had an oral agreement with the nurses. From the money collected, he paid monthly for the work of sisters Galina and Alexandra. Saidar Sheyafetdinov, having a power of attorney to manage Nina Fedorovna’s bank account, gave them money weekly for the elderly woman’s food and other needs.

“Lera hired the sisters from Ukraine; someone recommended them to her,” says Yuri Baumstein, the only worker in the Democratic Union party who has been friends with Lera for 21 years.

Valeria Ilyinichna Novodvorskaya’s mistake, according to her comrade-in-arms Yuri Baumstein, was that she did not leave a will.

“Nikolai Zlotnik was embarrassed to tell Lera to put her affairs in order, but Lera herself somehow didn’t think about it,” Yuri shares with us. “She was a brilliant person, but she had little interest in worldly life.

“I can’t imagine Lera cooking borscht,” says Tatyana Logatskaya, in turn. “Her mother and her au pair, a dear woman Anechka, were busy in the kitchen. But Lera was very hospitable, generous, kind and very open. Everyone left her with pockets full of gifts in the form of sweets.

Nina Fedorovna was not immediately told about the death of her daughter, her beloved, only Lyalechka.

Soon, friends visiting Nina Fedorovna began to notice bruises on her face and body. The nurse explained their appearance by the fact that the elderly woman was constantly falling.

“The question of replacing nurses was raised before Zlotnik, but he flatly refused to change these “experienced specialists,” says Tatyana. “Then events began to develop rapidly. On March 10, 2015, Saidar Sheyafetdinov arrived with money and saw that Nina Fedorovna’s left eye was red. It is strange that Alexandra’s nurse did not tell anyone about this, not even her “employer” Zlotnik. Sheyafetdinov called the clinic and the Moscow Health Department.

On March 11, ophthalmologist Olga Georgievna Plykina came and advised Nina Fedorovna to be hospitalized, about which she made a corresponding entry in the chart. Then the doctor called back three times and inquired whether Nina Fedorovna had received the medications she had prescribed.

Nurse Alexandra assured that all appointments were being fulfilled. She told the caller Saidar Sheyafetdinov that Nina Fedorovna was on the mend. As it turned out later, this was not so. On March 16, Sheyafetdinov arrived and was horrified: Nina Fedorovna’s eye was swollen. I was out of town. Saidar took Nina Fedorovna to a specialized eye clinic on Mamonovsky Lane, from where she was urgently sent to the 1st City Hospital. In the emergency room, Nina Fedorovna’s appearance shocked the doctors: “How did you let a person go like that?” Sheyafetdinov nodded at the nurse, abdicating all responsibility.

On the morning of March 17, Nina Fedorovna was operated on. The eye had to be removed. Delay could be fatal.

— In the hospital, one of Nina Fedorovna’s neighbors in the ward, Panna Mikhailovna, asked me: “Why do you keep such nurses? In front of you, they call your grandmother a bunny, but as soon as you leave, they almost drag Nina Fedorovna by the hair,” continues Tatyana Logatskaya. — While one nanny was replacing another, I stayed with Nina Fedorovna in the hospital. It was impossible not to notice that her scalp was covered with a white crust, and her face was covered in scabs. Apparently, it had not been washed for a long time. While changing Nina Fedorovna's clothes, I saw that almost all the folds of skin on her body were sprinkled with a thick layer of talc, under which wounds were visible - bedsores, which only happen from poor care. But Nina Fedorovna is not a bedridden patient, she can move on her own, she just needs to be held by the hand and guided. I washed Nina Fedorovna and treated her skin.


Ropes and belts from dressing gowns were tied to the old chair where Nina Fedorovna usually sat during the day. Photo: Tatyana Logatskaya

— It turned out that the elderly woman had glaucoma. I don’t think that Sheyafetdinov could not have known about this, because he had previously taken Nina Fedorovna to a specialized clinic. With glaucoma, it is very important to monitor intraocular pressure. With glaucoma, the optic nerve dies gradually, and then in an instant the person is plunged into darkness. To avoid this, Nina Fedorovna had to take special drops twice a day, which the nurses did not do. It is now impossible to determine at what point the woman became blind. Now she only distinguishes between light and darkness. Surprisingly, after Lera’s death, Nina Fedorovna was not taken to any doctor, and until March 11, 2015, not a single doctor was called to her home.


The house where Nina Fedorovna Novodvorskaya lives.

“There were no bedding or things in the house”

Surprisingly, with a whole bunch of diseases, Nina Fedorovna was not registered as a disability, she was not prescribed any medications or absorbent underwear.


With a whole bunch of diseases, Nina Fedorovna was not registered as disabled. Photo: Tatyana Logatskaya

On March 29, her birthday, Nina Fedorovna was in such a sleepy state that she could not open her eyes to see her friends and colleagues who had come to see her.

“It was later, after discovering entries in a diary forgotten by the nurses, that it became clear that Lera’s mother was under the influence of potent drugs,” says Tatyana. “In front of us, one of them put an elderly woman to sleep, and in the clothes in which she was sitting at the table. Instead of a sheet, a terry towel was spread on the bed.

“I offered to help register Nina Fedorovna’s disability,” says Tatyana. — At the district clinic at her place of residence, the elderly woman didn’t even have a card. We put Nina Fedorovna in the wheelchair kindly offered at the clinic and began to visit the doctors. The endocrinologist was surprised that the person was conscious and not talking, and called a neurologist into the office, who, after examining Nina Fedorovna, suggested that the patient was “loaded” with phenazepam.


Entries in the diary confirm that “professional nurses” injected Nina Fedorovna with a powerful diuretic drug, which none of the doctors prescribed. Photo: Tatyana Logatskaya


Strokes reminiscent of Nina Fedorovna's signature were found in the diary. Someone was clearly practicing to copy her signature. Photo: Tatyana Logatskaya

Despite Zlotnik’s resistance, the negligent nurses were denied further work in caring for Nina Fedorovna. On April 4, without any apology for the harm caused to their health, saying goodbye: “There is no one here to wish good luck,” the sisters, wrapped in a sphinx sweater, left the apartment.

— When leaving, they forgot their cosmetic bag, which contained six packs of phenazepam. This highly active tranquilizer can only be bought with a prescription; no one prescribed it to Nina Fedorovna,” says Tatyana. “We also discovered the antipsychotic drug chlorprothixene, the nootropic drug piracetam, and the tranquilizer thioridazine (Sonopax). How these drugs got into the apartment is completely unclear. All of them were handed over to the local police officer in front of witnesses.


The Sphinx, which belonged to one of the nurses, slept on the bed with Nina Fedorovna. Photo: Tatyana Logatskaya

From the abandoned diary kept by the nurses, we found out that they injected Nina Fedorovna with a strong, fast-acting diuretic, Lasix. This is an emergency medicine. It must be used with extreme caution; water drains from a person after about two hours of use. At the same time, in order for the heart muscle to withstand, the patient is usually given tablets containing magnesium and potassium. Doctors know this. But none of the nurses had a medical education.

After the nurses left, Nina Fedorovna began to gradually come to her senses: she answered questions, ate on her own.

“She was dehydrated by Lasix, terribly hungry, she couldn’t eat for six days,” says Tatyana.

In the diary, the nurses noted all the purchases they made. Receipts were included with the records.

“They fed Nina Fedorovna, in my opinion, very poorly,” says Tatyana Logatskaya. “While I was still there, the nurse decided to feed her millet porridge.” I looked into the jar where the cereal was stored and saw a food moth there.


In the diary, the nurses noted all the purchases they made. The records were accompanied by receipts, which always included cat food. Photo: Tatyana Logatskaya

We leaf through the left diary. For their ward, the nurse bought yogurt products and curd products, which, unlike yogurt and cottage cheese, are fermented not with milk fat, but with palm or coconut oil. There are also bouillon cubes there. And right there: cat food, cat litter, medicine for the cat in the amount of 890 rubles. And, apparently, for their loved ones: Abrau-Durso champagne, a low-alcohol drink, a carnival hat.

“And for all this, without hesitation, they included checks.” Nina Fedorovna’s pension also paid for cellular communications and the Internet,” Tatyana is indignant. “It was when they were connecting the Internet that Lera stepped with her left foot on one of the paper clips with which the cable is attached to the wall. Her heel began to fester. And after forced treatment in a psychiatric hospital, where she was placed by a court verdict for scattering anti-Soviet leaflets in the Kremlin Palace of Congresses, she simply could not stand the doctors. Lera self-medicated, and then we threw away a whole bag of painkillers. A festering wound on the leg caused sepsis. Lera died from infectious-toxic shock.

With four hands, Tatyana and her friend cleaned the squalid apartment.

“There was no bed linen or Nina Fedorovna’s things in the house,” says Tatyana Logatskaya.

— Nina Fedorovna’s pension is quite big, about 23 thousand rubles.


All these medications were given to Nina Fedorovna and injected intramuscularly. Photo: Tatyana Logatskaya


- And really, out of this money it was impossible to allocate 100 rubles for panties? — asks municipal deputy Logatskaya. “I wrote a statement to the Maryina Roshcha police station demanding that a criminal case be opened for causing harm to the health of Nina Fedorovna Novodvorskaya, attaching an explanation on four pages, where I outlined in detail everything that happened.

“Friends wanted to put Nina Fedorovna in a psychiatric hospital”

The caregivers were to be controlled by those who gave them salaries and money for Nina Fedorovna’s maintenance—Valeria Novodvorskaya’s party comrades Nikolai Zlotnik and Saidar Sheyafetdinov.

“As I understand, at first the nurses, by agreement with Nikolai Zlotnik, took the money left by Leroy from the home safe, and then, when the dollar exchange rate changed, Nikolai began to pay them against receipt, but not $1,200 a month, but $650,” says Tatiana. — When Nina Fedorovna lost her eye, the question of replacing nurses became acute.

Nikolai Zlotnik reluctantly gathered Lera’s friends and associates. At the same time, he said that he did not want to pay money for the care of Nina Fedorovna to anyone other than these sisters from Ukraine. In addition, it was unknown how much money was available and how long it would last. The phrase was said: Nina Fedorovna’s apartment goes to the state. Everyone present was categorically against this. They decided that the apartment should go to the one who will take care of Nina Fedorovna. And it is best to enter into an annuity agreement with lifelong maintenance and dependency.

Tatyana Logatskaya says that she was ready to look after Nina Fedorovna, invest her money, her labor, pay for a 24-hour nurse and all the necessary medical prescriptions. Nina Fedorovna was not against this. Saidar Sheyafetdinov had all of Nina Fedorovna’s documents. In addition to the general power of attorney that he had in his hands, he was given a second power of attorney, according to which he was to collect documents for the execution of an annuity agreement between Nina Fedorovna Novodvorskaya and Tatyana Mikhailovna Logatskaya. At first Sheyafetdinov agreed, but the next day he was replaced.

— On April 14, Nina Fedorovna and Saidar and I went to the hospital to see an endocrinologist. - says Tatyana. “And then he told me: “I don’t trust you, I’ll arrange the rent for myself.” And in general, we are going to the clinic for the last time. I’m taking Nina Fedorovna to the village. I made peace with my wife, she agreed to look after Nina Fedorovna.” I rushed to the doctors: “Forbid us from taking Nina Fedorovna away.” After all, a disabled person of the first group must be regularly shown to doctors, about which the specialists made a corresponding entry in the card.


Valeria Novodvorskaya feared that after her death, Nina Fedorovna would end up in a nursing home. Photo: Tatyana Logatskaya

On April 15, 2015, the documents previously issued by Nina Fedorovna to Saidar Sheyafetdinov were cancelled. Notarized copies of the documents were handed to him in the office of the head of the Maryina Roshcha police department on the same day.

— We returned home with Nina Fedorovna, Borovoy mentioned somewhere that “the apartment was seized by black realtors,” and the siege began. The police, the Ministry of Emergency Situations, an ambulance, and a bunch of journalists arrived all at once. Only law enforcement officers and doctors were allowed into the apartment. The doctors examined Nina Fedorovna, were convinced that there was no reason to place her in the hospital, and left.

The next day, Sheyafetdinov brought two friends of Nina Fedorovna, who were at her birthday party. The ladies came to send Lera's mother to the hospital. Why they called another ambulance, mentioning stroke and diabetes. Doctors found no reason for hospitalization: there was no stroke or diabetes.

Soon the third ambulance arrived, and one of the friends came with a referral from the local doctor to the PND (psychoneurological dispensary) with a power of attorney received from Sheyafetdinov under... a revoked power of attorney. Nina Fedorovna is not seen at the PND; she is not registered. The doctors came to the conclusion that this was not a psychiatric case and left.

But the story didn't end there. While Tatyana Logatskaya went to pick up diapers for an elderly woman, a relative, a certain Marina, arrived at Nina Fedorovna’s apartment from nowhere, accompanied by a police officer.

The female volunteer who remained to look after Nina Fedorovna, Lyubov Stolyarova, says:

— The district police officer said that Marina presented a document confirming her relationship with Nina Fedorovna Novodvorskaya. And he called her “niece.” When I inquired about her intentions, Marina said: “I don’t have to report to you.”


Saidar Sheyafetdinov “went into the shadows.” It is not possible to contact him. Photo: Tatyana Logatskaya

An old friend of Valeria Novodvorskaya, Yuri Baumstein, in turn, notes:

“Nobody knows where this relative came from.” Lera never mentioned her. I didn’t see her either at the funeral in the Sakharov Center or at the wake.

The 92-year-old father of Valeria Novodvorskaya, Ilya Burshtyn, who now lives in America, in the state of New Jersey, could reveal the family secret.

— I spoke with Ilya Borisovich on the phone. He said that Nina Fedorovna has no direct relatives,” says Tatyana, in turn. “But at the same time he said that Nina Fedorovna’s mother, Maria Vladimirovna, was married twice. The first time was for Zinovy ​​Moiseevich Lesov, who already had a daughter, Irina. The second time she married a hereditary nobleman Fyodor Vladimirovich Novodvorsky and in this marriage gave birth to a daughter, Nina. Apparently, being married to Lesov, she adopted his daughter Irina. Irina Zinovievna is alive, she is 89 years old. And she has a daughter, Marina.

"The battle for the inheritance is still ahead"

It is difficult to find out what is happening to Nina Fedorovna now. The telephone in the apartment is disconnected, the call does not work. Knocking on the door is useless. Even the local doctor, who must patronize a disabled person of the first group every week, cannot get to the elderly woman.

Nina Fedorovna Novodvorskaya continues to be cared for by a nurse from the Belgorod region, brought by Sheyafetdinov (“MK” was unable to talk to him. Sheyafetdinov does not answer calls).

“In any case, the nurse who came out onto the balcony, to whom I told that I had left a bag of diapers and pads at the door, took them away,” says Tatyana.

How the work of previous caregivers was controlled is described above.

The situation there is stable now,” Nikolai Pavlovich Zlotnik assures me.

It was not possible to talk to Nina Fedorovna’s relative Marina who showed up. She is either away or not picking up the phone.

As far as we have been able to find out, several people now want to become the legal representatives of Nina Fedorovna Novodvorskaya.

This is, in principle, not bad. Nina Fedorovna will be helped with housework, and everyone, be it a trustee or guardian, will be required to report to government agencies for the condition of their ward. But what is happening now?

Both Saidar Sheyafetdinov and Nina Fedorovna’s relative Marina may be among the trustees.

At the same time, Natalya Vasilievna Kosheleva, deputy head of the Maryina Roshcha district administration for social issues, shared with us:

“We came to Nina Fedorovna’s house several times, knocked, said that the council told us through a closed door that they were not waiting for us.

— A social worker comes to see Nina Fedorovna?

“The fact of the matter is that Nina Fedorovna or her legal representative must contact the social protection center with a statement and ask to be served by a social worker. The elderly woman herself is practically blind, and she has no legal representative.

Among the entire kaleidoscope of citizens who revolve around Nina Fedorovna Novodvorskaya, only Logatskaya undertook to clear away the pile of paper, who at least helped her register a disability of the first group. And this is a big deal. Now there are several people who would like to legally obtain the right to enter the apartment and help this elderly person. To do this, you need to provide a number of documents to the guardianship authorities, including a certificate stating that the person is healthy, has property in Moscow and does not pursue any selfish goals.

If several applications are submitted to the guardianship and trusteeship department at once, a commission will meet and ask Nina Fedorovna who she wants to be with? And then, based on the numerous certificates provided, the commission will decide who is more suitable for the role of trustee.

All this takes time. And a blind and helpless woman needs care and care now more than ever.

Nina Fedorovna Novodvorskaya’s two-room apartment in Khrushchev is estimated by realtors at 7-8 million rubles. And it is quite possible that a will has already been written, and more than one. At least in the diary left by the nurses from Ukraine, strokes were found reminiscent of the signature of Nina Fedorovna Novodvorskaya. Someone was clearly practicing to copy her signature. This means that the battle for the apartment is still ahead.

Novodvorskaya's father: During forced "treatment" in a psychiatric hospital, Lera was forever deprived of the opportunity to become a mother

The father of Russian oppositionist Valeria Novodvorskaya, who died on July 12, 2014, 92-year-old Ilya Burshtyn lives in the United States. Journalist Rahel Gedrich talked with Ilya Borisovich for the Krugozor publication about the childhood years of the future dissident, her first political action, the horrors of punitive psychiatry to which Novodvorskaya was subjected to by the USSR authorities, and her relationship with her daughter after his departure to the USA.

At the beginning of April this year, 2015, a friend, New York poetess Irina Aks, called me:

- Rachel! Do you know that Valeria Novodvorskaya’s own father lives in America? He never gave an interview to anyone about his daughter. After her death, he withdrew into himself... A very interesting person, a veteran of the Great Patriotic War, an active participant in our poetry evenings. And he is ready to meet with you, wants to talk about Valeria Ilyinichna.

It was difficult to refuse such an unexpected but tempting offer. Luckily, my friends from the original song club “Blue Trolleybus” kindly took me to visit Ilya Borisovich Burshtyn and his wife Lidia Nikolaevna, who live in the neighboring state of New Jersey. Burshtyn is the real name of Valeria Ilyinichna Novodvorskaya’s father.

He greeted me warmly, showed me the books donated by his daughter, and led me into a cozy, bright kitchen-dining room. And we talked very soulfully for two hours, which, thanks to the interesting interlocutor, flew by completely unnoticed for me.

- Ilya Borisovich, how did you meet Valeria’s mother?

Nina Fedorovna's father, a hereditary nobleman, a very nice man, Fyodor Novodvorsky, lived in Moscow. Nina came to him from Belarus, where she lived with her mother, and entered the First Medical Institute, where my friend studied. After demobilization in 1947, I entered the radiophysics department of the Moscow Power Engineering Institute. This is how we met Nina Fedorovna and got married in Moscow. And to give birth, Nina went to her mother in Baranovichi, pregnant - she was almost taken off the train, but she got home and a few hours later gave birth to a daughter.

It was May 17, 1950. My wife and I were expecting a son, but a girl was born - okay, healthy - and that’s good. Soon I passed the summer exams and also came to Belarus to visit my family and held my daughter in my arms for the first time. At the end of August, my wife and I left Lera with her grandmother and went to Moscow. I continued to study, and Nina went to work. She was a pediatrician and later worked at the Moscow Health Department.

We visited our daughter twice a year. Lera's grandmother loved her very much and devoted a lot of effort to her upbringing. Her name was Marya Vladimirovna, she was strict, but she was disposed towards me, she trusted me to walk with Lera and take my daughter sledding in the winter. After Nina Fedorovna and I divorced in 1967, Marya Vladimirovna moved to Moscow and lived with her daughter and granddaughter. I visited them and we talked for a long time. She lived a long, honorable life and died when I was already living in America.

- Why did Valeria Ilyinichna bear her mother’s surname?

Such is the time... Jewish surnames were unpopular. The case of the poisoning doctors was already gaining momentum, which in the investigation materials bore a frank title: “The case of the Zionist conspiracy in the MGB.” The flywheel of the “Case of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee” was spinning up, especially after the murder of Mikhoels on the orders of Stalin in 1948. Relations between the USSR and the newly formed state of Israel were very cool - the reaction of Soviet Jews to Golda Meir's visit to Moscow was too enthusiastic. Stalin made his tricky plans for the resettlement of all Jews of the USSR to the Far East.

- Is Burshtyn a Jewish surname? More likely Polish...

That's right. My parents - Sonya and Borukh - were from Poland; they came to Moscow from Warsaw in 1918. Then they wanted to return, but the Poles organized their own independent state and the parents remained in Soviet Russia. My older sister and brother were born in Warsaw, and this “questionnaire” fact really bothered them later, although at the time of their birth Poland was part of the Russian Empire. I didn’t know my grandparents - they died in the Warsaw ghetto. I only remember how I went to the post office with my father before the war, sent them parcels - already in the ghetto...

I have never hidden my Jewishness. The documents always stated: Ilya Borisovich Burshtyn. And it’s the same on the military ID. As a child, I didn’t know what my last name meant. Already working, I went on a business trip to Vilnius (there were many Poles there then) and heard a phrase that surprised me:

- How much is this burshtyn of yours?

It turned out that in translation from Polish “burshtyn” means “amber”.

- "Gift of the Sun"?

I prefer the name “tears of the sea”...

- Ilya Borisovich, how did you get to the front?

In July 1941 he volunteered for the army. He was a signalman, that’s why he survived. Now I’m reading about the misadventures of the infantry during that war, and I’m even somehow ashamed to highlight my military merits. The infantry, of course, had it a hundred times harder.

-Where did you end the war?

He fought on the Third Belorussian Front and ended the war in Koenigsberg ( Ilya Borisovich modestly keeps silent about participation in the storming of the city and awarding him with a military order).

- Were you wounded?

No. There were no injuries, and he was not taken prisoner. The Lord protected me. I don’t know - Jewish or Russian, but He kept me.

“Ilya Borisovich, we all have one God, he has no nationality,” I smile.

Do you really think so, Rachel? - my interlocutor is surprised

- Of course, Ilya Borisovich. I understand why you are asking me this, but for now let’s return to the military topic. After the war, did you immediately demobilize?

If only... Almost two years after the end of hostilities he served in Rzhev. He was an ordinary signalman, but already at division headquarters; he was demobilized in the fall of 1947. My education allowed me to enter the newly organized Institute of International Relations. I saw an advertisement for recruitment at MGIMO and went to the chief of staff with a request to send me to study. He answered sharply: “You are not eligible for enrollment in this institute.” I hadn’t heard much about national quotas for those entering college, and I didn’t understand why, what was the matter? I realized it later - while processing orders at headquarters, I came across a “neat” phrase: “send to special-purpose units only persons whose nationality corresponds to the republics of the USSR.” Alas, Birobidzhan was only the capital of the Jewish Autonomous Region. Therefore, after demobilization, I immediately entered the Moscow Power Engineering Institute - Jews were accepted there. After graduation, he worked as an engineer.

(Author's note. Here, Ilya Borisovich again, out of modesty, supports the official version set out on Wikipedia. In fact, he headed the electronics department at a large Moscow research institute that worked for the defense industry - he participated in the development of Russian air defense systems. And in response to my request to be photographed in a jacket with order bars, Ilya Borisovich only winced: “Why? Just to show off? Is the price of Soviet orders and medals high now? Moreover, the State Duma of Russia plans to deprive the right to a veteran’s pension deserved in battles with Nazi Germany those participants in the Great Patriotic War who emigrated from Russia. I don’t know whether this is true or idle fiction...)

Since childhood, she was a romantic person, a rebel, even at school she organized some kind of strikes

In Moscow, we lived in the VDNKh area,” Ilya Borisovich continues his fascinating story. - Our family was intelligent, but Lera went to an ordinary, proletarian school. I didn’t like it, several times I suggested that my wife transfer Lera to a good school in the center of Moscow, but Nina Fedorovna was against elitist education. I recently read the memoirs of Vertinsky’s daughter about how her parents sent her and her sister to a pioneer camp for the summer. It’s an interesting thing: well-bred girls returned home with lice, they learned to use obscene language,” my interlocutor, wise with worldly experience, chuckles good-naturedly.

Lera was an excellent student. Not the only one in the class: we must pay tribute, among the proletarians there were also excellent students. The daughter grew up independent and independent, mature beyond her years. We have developed a good relationship with her, friendly and trusting. Of course, she could not help but notice the critical remarks about the authorities and the party system that Nina Fedorovna and I allowed ourselves to express at home. I gave my daughter Solzhenitsyn’s story “One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich” to read. Lera was not yet thirteen, but, surprisingly, she perceived everything correctly. Since childhood, she was a romantic person, a rebel, even at school she organized some kind of strikes. At one time I admired Cuba and Vietnam. She went to the district Komsomol committee and asked to be sent to the Vietnam War as a fighter. They refused her and sent her home with instructions to come back when she learned to shoot. Imagine, for a whole year she got up early on Sundays and went to the shooting range. She never learned, given her nearsightedness...

Deciding on her first serious action, Lera understood that she was risking a lot

Lera was seventeen years old when I told her about my decision to divorce Nina Fedorovna. The daughter’s reaction was lightning fast: “I’m leaving with you!” I had to persuade her for a long time to stay with her mother, for whom the simultaneous loss of two close people would be a strong blow. I insisted: “Lera, we must stay.” My daughter understood me. Nina Fedorovna’s relatives did not blame me either; we continued to maintain respectful relations with them.

- How did a young girl from an intelligent family plunge so decisively into the struggle against Soviet power? What was it: recklessness or desperate courage?

Of course, it was desperate courage. She was not reckless, but she did not have any sober calculations either; she was an addicted person. Deciding on her first serious action, Lera understood that she was risking a lot. By that time, she had graduated from high school with a silver medal and entered the French department of the prestigious Institute of Foreign Languages. Maurice Thorez."

(Author's note. Ilya Milstein (a famous Russian journalist) very accurately noted this quality of Lera: “Nobility multiplied by fearlessness is a rarity. This physical impossibility of remaining silent, which forces a 19-year-old girl to scatter leaflets in the Kremlin Palace of Congresses, ruining her career and life, dooming to a torture regime in psychiatric hospitals. And after liberation, distribute Samizdat, organize an underground party, an underground trade union... and finally go out with a poster to a demonstration, barely a whiff of perestroika and glasnost. “You can go to the square, you dare to go to the square...” - these lines of Alexander Galich decorated the membership card of the Democratic Union - an unprecedented party in which she was a member from the first to the last day. In splendid isolation").

- Valeria Ilyinichna shared her plans with you?

Unfortunately no. I would try to stop her. But by that time I was already living in a new family; in 1967, Lydia Nikolaevna and I had a son and I began to pay less attention to my daughter. The only thing I remember from the events of the autumn of 1969: before going to the Kremlin Palace of Congresses on December 5, she read me her own poem - very angry, directed against the government, reproaching the introduction of tanks into Czechoslovakia.

Thank you party
For everything you have done and are doing,
For our current hatred
Thank you, party!

Thank you party
For everything that was betrayed and sold,
For the disgraced Motherland
Thank you, party!

Thank you party
For a slavish afternoon of double-mindedness,
For lies, betrayal and suffocation
Thank you, party!

Thank you party
For all the denunciations and informers,
For the torches on Prague square
Thank you, party!

For a paradise of factories and apartments,
Built on crimes
In the dungeons of old and today
A broken and black world...

Thank you party
For nights full of despair,
For our vile silence
Thank you, party!

Thank you party
For our bitter unbelief
Into the wreckage of lost truth
In the coming pre-dawn darkness...

Thank you party
For the weight of the acquired truth
And for the coming battles shots are fired
Thank you, party!

I liked the poem and praised it. But I really didn’t know, I couldn’t even imagine that Leroy’s sarcastically called “Thank you, party!” will become the text of a leaflet, numerous copies of which my daughter and several of her friends will boldly drop on the heads of visitors to the premises in which the most important socio-political events of the state were held.

Lera and her friends were instantly arrested in the hall of the Kremlin Palace of Congresses and accused of anti-Soviet agitation and propaganda (Article 70 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR), - the voice of 92-year-old Ilya Nikolaevich sadly, but accurately mints the name and number of the article of the Criminal Code. “The daughter was placed in solitary confinement at the pre-trial detention center in Lefortovo,” he continues. - Daniil Romanovich Lunts, a KGB colonel who headed the All-Union Research Institute of General and Forensic Psychiatry named after V.P., began to come to see her often. Serbian diagnostic department, which examined Soviet dissidents. Daniil Lunts, together with the director of the institute, Georgy Vasilyevich Morozov, were the most famous representatives of the criminal practice of using psychiatry for political purposes in the USSR, followers of the concept of “sluggish (asymptomatic) schizophrenia” rejected by the world psychiatric community.

The author of this concept was the co-chairman of the inpatient forensic psychiatric examination A.V. Snezhnevsky. Luntz openly and mercilessly provoked Lera and she deservedly called him “an inquisitor, a sadist and a collaborator collaborating with the Gestapo.” He examined not only my daughter - among his “patients” were famous dissidents Pyotr Grigorenko, Sinyavsky, Yesenin-Volpin, Fainberg, Yakhimovich, Bukovsky, Shikhanovich. And, of course, Natalya Gorbanevskaya, with whom Lera became friends and together, was in the same ward for compulsory treatment in a special psychiatric hospital in Kazan. The so-called “treatment” in Kazan was cruel and inhumane, and of course, seriously undermined my daughter’s health.

He asked me to stop using electric shocks and savage injections on my daughter.— after all, Lera is healthy, she just doesn’t please the authorities

- Ilya Borisovich, did you personally visit your daughter in Kazan? If so, what did you see there?

Nina Fedorovna and I took turns going on “dates” to Kazan. Leroux was constantly reproached for his friendship with more experienced dissidents. In particular, in friendship with Gorbanevskaya; I often saw Natalya when I came to this “special hospital”. The meetings took place in a large room with a wide and long table, on both sides of which the convicts sat opposite visiting relatives. About 20 convicts were brought into the room at the same time. There was an overseer standing near the table - food transfers were allowed once a month. It was impossible to pass a note or take someone’s hand, although there was no glass partition like in a prison cell.

Lera was a very strong, resilient person; she rarely allowed herself to complain even to her closest people. But in Kazan, such cruel methods of “treatment” were used on her that I could not help but go to the head physician - I no longer remember the name of this medical service officer, many years have passed. He asked her to stop using electric shock and savage injections on her daughter - after all, Lera was healthy, she was simply not pleasing to the authorities. A very young girl... And if you try really hard, you can find a clue for a psychiatric diagnosis in any of us.

He directly told me: “Yes, you are right - in every person, if you look closely, you can find some kind of psychiatric abnormalities. You just need to not look closely.”

- ...the moral of his statement is simple: you can’t stand out from the crowd. This was the goal of punitive psychiatry. I recently talked with the famous poet, dissident and hereditary psychiatrist Boris Khersonsky. He told me about the tragic fate of the Ukrainian dissident Ganna Mikhailenko, author of the book "KGB Diagnosis - Schizophrenia." And he confirmed that the diagnosis invented by Snezhnevsky is no longer included in the official classifications of mental illness (DSM-5). ICD - 10.

I completely agree with this point of view. Natalya Gorbanevskaya wrote about the same thing in her article “Shameful Legacy” - this is her review of Viktor Nekipelov’s book “The Institute of Fools”, which attracted serious attention:
“If we talk about the “system” and about today, it is impossible not to note: although in the early 90s, in the wake of the revelations of punitive psychiatry that finally reached the Soviet and Russian press, the situation has largely changed for the better, the Serbsky Institute, in the past the stronghold of this system of psychiatric persecution, again decisively turned to the past... and further: refusal to face the past, to reckon with it, is a dangerous thing. And for the mental health of an individual - as a patient or potential patient, and for the psychiatrist himself, and for the mental health of society"

During the Great Patriotic War he was a signalman, fought on the Third Belorussian Front and reached Königsberg. After the war, he headed the electronics department at the Moscow Research Institute and participated in the creation of air defense systems.

Mother - Nina Fedorovna Novodvorskaya (March 29, 1928 - July 20, 2017) - a pediatrician, was in charge of clinics, and then held a management position in the Moscow Department of Health.

Maternal grandfather - Fyodor Novodvorsky was a pillar nobleman, a descendant of the Usatin merchants.

According to Valeria Novodvorskaya, her ancestor, Mikhail Novodvorsky, was a governor in Dorpat in the 16th century. According to her, when he learned that Prince Andrei Kurbsky had taken his army to Lithuania so that the Lithuanians could defeat him, Mikhail Novodvorsky wanted to dissuade him from treason, but Kurbsky did not listen to him. Then Mikhail challenged him to a duel, in which he died. Publicist Elena Chudinova calls this version into question.

Another of the ancestors, according to Valeria Novodvorskaya, was a Knight of Malta and served Poland. He came with an embassy from King Sigismund III to the Russian Kingdom during the Time of Troubles to ask for a crown for Prince Vladislav IV.

The parents of Valeria Novodvorskaya's father, Boris (Borukh) Moiseevich Burshtyn (1889-1973) and Sofya (Sonya) Yakovlevna Burshtyn (1888-1960), moved to Soviet Russia from Warsaw in 1918.

When her parents divorced in 1967, Valeria Novodvorskaya was 17 years old; at the insistence of her father, she remained to live with her mother, but maintained good relations with her father.

She bore her mother’s surname because, as Burshtyn noted, due to the “case of the poisoning doctors” and the case of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee, “Jewish surnames were unpopular.” Novodvorskaya considered herself Russian.

She was born on May 17, 1950 in the city of Baranovichi, Belarusian SSR, when, according to Novodvorskaya, her parents were on vacation with her grandparents.

Valeria Novodvorskaya, according to her, was raised by her grandmother in an “individualistic spirit.”

Then she studied at the (French department) with a degree in translator and teacher.

In 1969, she organized an underground student group (consisting of about 10 people), which discussed the need to overthrow the communist regime through an armed uprising.

At a young age, she learned about the existence of the Gulag, the trial of Sinyavsky and Daniel and the entry of Warsaw Pact troops into Czechoslovakia, which developed in her a rejection of Soviet power.

On December 5, 1969, at a festive evening dedicated to the Constitution Day of the USSR in the Kremlin Palace of Congresses, before the premiere of the opera “October,” Novodvorskaya scattered handwritten leaflets with an anti-Soviet poem of her own composition.

March 16, 1970
Novodvorskaya V. I. (born in 1950, Jewish, member of the Komsomol, secondary education, student at the Thorez Institute of Foreign Languages, Moscow)

Since 1969, she wrote poetry and prose with anti-Soviet content and showed them to her friends; “in the poem “Freedom,” which Novodvorskaya dedicated to the man who shot at the car with astronauts, she expressed solidarity and her readiness to repeat such crimes.” In December 1969, in the Kremlin performance hall, she scattered a large number of leaflets in the stalls.
F. 8131. Op. 36. D. 3711

She was placed in solitary confinement in Lefortovo Prison. When the head of the diagnostic department, KGB Colonel Daniil Lunts, visited her there, she told him that he was “an inquisitor, a sadist and a collaborator collaborating with the Gestapo.”

Subsequently, Novodvorskaya herself wrote: “then I learned that if not for my behavior at Lubyanka, the case would have been transferred to the Komsomol institute organization.”

In the summer of 1970, Novodvorskaya was transferred to Kazan. From June 1970 to February 1972, she was subject to compulsory treatment in a special psychiatric hospital in Kazan with a diagnosis of “sluggish schizophrenia, paranoid personality development.” Novodvorskaya was released in February 1972 and immediately began printing and distributing samizdat. From 1973 to 1975 she worked as a teacher in a children's sanatorium, as well as a kindergarten teacher and librarian.

From 1975 to 1990 - translator of medical literature.

From 1977 to 1978, she made attempts to create an underground political party to fight the CPSU. On October 28, 1978, she became one of the founders of "" (SMOT). She was subjected to repeated and systematic persecution by the authorities: she was placed in psychiatric hospitals (psychiatric hospital No. 15, Moscow), systematically summoned for interrogation on the affairs of members of the SMOT, and her apartment was searched.

In 1978, 1985, 1986, Novodvorskaya was tried for dissident activities.

From 1984 to 1986, she was close to members of the pacifist group Trust.

From 1987 to May 1991, she organized anti-Soviet rallies and demonstrations in Moscow that were not authorized by the authorities, for which she was detained by the police and subjected to administrative arrests a total of 17 times.

On May 8, 1988, she became one of the participants in the creation of the first opposition party in the USSR, “Democratic Union”. Since 1988, she regularly spoke in the illegal newspaper of the Moscow organization DS “Free Word”; in 1990, the newspaper publishing house of the same name published a collection of her articles.

In September 1990, after the publication in the party newspaper Svobodnoe Slovo of an article entitled “Heil, Gorbachev!” and speaking at rallies, where she tore up portraits of Mikhail Gorbachev, was accused of publicly insulting the honor and dignity of the President of the USSR and insulting the national flag.

In May 1991, January and August 1995, criminal cases were initiated against Novodvorskaya, but were dismissed for lack of evidence [ ] .

At the end of 1992, Novodvorskaya and some members of the DS created the organization “Democratic Union of Russia” (DUR).

In 1992, Georgian President Zviad Gamsakhurdia granted Novodvorskaya Georgian citizenship (at the same time appointing her as his human rights adviser).

In September 1993, after the decree of President Boris Yeltsin was issued, she was one of the first to support this decree. Organized rallies in support of the president. After the storming of the Supreme Soviet building by troops loyal to Yeltsin, Novodvorskaya, in honor of his victory over the Congress and Parliament, drank champagne and treated passers-by on the street.

In October 1993, she participated in the founding congress of the “Choice of Russia” bloc. I was going to run in Ivanovo, but was unable to collect the required number of signatures.

On March 19, 1994, the Krasnopresnenskaya prosecutor's office began checking the activities of Novodvorskaya under Articles 71 and 74 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (propaganda of civil war and incitement of ethnic hatred) due to a number of articles published in the newspaper “New Look”.

On January 27, 1995, because of them, the General Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation opened a criminal case.

On August 8, 1995, the prosecutor's office of the Central District of Moscow dismissed the case due to the lack of corpus delicti in her actions [ ] .

In June 1994, she participated in the founding congress of the Democratic Choice of Russia party.

On March 11, 1996, the Moscow City Prosecutor's Office overturned the decision of the Prosecutor's Office of the Central District of Moscow dated August 8, 1995 to terminate the case (No. 229120) against Novodvorskaya. The case was sent for re-investigation to the prosecutor's office of the North-Eastern District of Moscow [ ] .

On April 10, 1996, Valeria Novodvorskaya was charged again under Article 74, Part 1 (deliberate actions aimed at inciting national hatred). Before the presidential elections in the Russian Federation, she supported the candidacy of Grigory Yavlinsky. After the first round of elections, together with the “Democratic Union” of Russia, she invited the leader of “Yabloko” to “immediately and without any conditions give the votes of his supporters to Boris Yeltsin.”

On October 22, 1996, the Moscow City Court sent case No. 229120 against Valeria Novodvorskaya for further investigation.

In March 2001, she took part in a rally in defense of the NTV television channel. On February 23, 2005, she took part in a rally dedicated to the 61st anniversary of the deportation of Chechens and Ingush, which took place at the Solovetsky Stone on Lubyanka Square.

On February 16, 2008, for defending the interests of Lithuania, she was awarded the Knight's Cross of the Order of the Grand Duke of Lithuania Gediminas.

At the end of August 2008, she was temporarily excommunicated from the radio station “Echo of Moscow” for words about Shamil Basayev, which the radio station’s editor-in-chief Alexei Venediktov considered a justification for terrorism. When, a little later, Valeria Novodvorskaya called Basayev a “non-human” in her blog, the problem was settled.

In March 2010, she signed the appeal of the Russian opposition “Putin must leave.” In May of the same year, Novodvorskaya, together with Borov, visited Estonia, where she met with the President of Estonia Toomas Ilves, the Estonian dissident and member of the Tartu City Assembly Enn Tarto, the former political prisoner and member of the Estonian Parliament Mart Niklus, the former Minister of the Interior of Estonia Lagle Parekh and the director of the Museum of Occupations in Tallinn by Heiki Ahonen. Novodvorskaya gave several lectures in Estonia.

On October 9, 2010, she spoke at the first rally of the coalition “For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption.”

Since 2011, together with Borov, she has produced videos with comments on the current political situation.

On February 4, 2012, Novodvorskaya and Borovoy held a rally “For fair elections and democracy.” The main demands of the protest action were: the release of political prisoners, the cancellation of the results of the State Duma elections and the cancellation of the presidential elections. The rally was organized in opposition to the rally “For Fair Elections” that took place on the same day on Bolotnaya Square. Novodvorskaya stated that she was not going to unite with fascists and communists. In 2013, together with Konstantin Borov, she began creating the Western Choice party.

On July 12, 2014, she was hospitalized in the intensive care unit of the purulent surgery department of Moscow City Clinical Hospital No. 13, where, as a number of media reported, she died from phlegmon of the left foot, complicated by sepsis. As her relatives said, she received an injury on her left leg six months earlier and tried to cure it on her own. Death was reportedly caused by infectious toxic shock.

On July 16, thousands of people came to say goodbye to Novodvorskaya in the Sakharov center of Moscow. Yuri Ryzhov, Boris Nemtsov, Yuliy Rybakov, Marietta Chudakova, Zoya Svetova, Evgenia Albats, Alexey Venediktov and others gave funeral speeches. At the request of those gathered, Putin’s telegram was not read out. The coffin with Novodvorskaya’s body was escorted with chants of “Heroes do not die” and “Russia will be free.” Then a funeral service took place at the Nikolo-Arkhangelsk Crematorium, which was conducted by Gleb Yakunin, Roman Yuzhakov and Roman Zaitsev from the non-canonical Apostolic Orthodox Church, as well as Yakov Krotov from the non-canonical one. The ashes of Valeria Novodvorskaya were buried at the Donskoye Cemetery. On the same day in Kharkov on Poetry Square, about 40 people honored the memory of Novodvorskaya, and a memorial service also took place in Kyiv.

Novodvorskaya lived in the same apartment with her mother and cat Stasik. We rented a dacha in Kratovo.

Novodvorskaya did not get married or start a family, because, according to her, “the KGB deprived her of such an opportunity back in 1969.” “A person who condemns himself to fight the KGB cannot be responsible for children, cannot vouch for their fate. He makes them hostages... Mother in one camp, father in another. What should the child do in this situation? In my opinion, complete irresponsibility."

Hobbies: swimming, science fiction, theater, cats. She was fluent in English and French, as well as ancient Greek and Latin. I read German, Italian, and understood Belarusian.

Novodvorskaya adhered to liberal views all her life. She was a consistent opponent of communism and fascism. From a young age, she was convinced that as soon as the CPSU stopped “raping” the people, then “they would immediately, with joy and enthusiasm, begin to enjoy freedoms and rights and begin to build capitalism.” Additionally, she advocated for a boycott of the 2008 Summer Olympics in communist China, explaining that democratic states have no right to support a totalitarian country. In many ways, her views were close to libertarian ones, although she called the program of the libertarian party frivolous and, if someone tries to implement it seriously, even dangerous.

Novodvorskaya advocated granting independence to Chechnya and opposed the entry of the Russian army into Chechnya during the Chechen wars. During the armed conflict in South Ossetia in 2008, Novodvorskaya acted on the side of Georgia.

She condemned journalists working for Russian government media, but was sorry if they died. In June 2014, when asked to comment on the death of Russian journalists in Ukraine, Novodvorskaya said the following:

“No one tried to kill them on purpose. They didn’t shoot at journalists, they shot at enemies, at “Colorados.” They stood among them, they did not shout: “Don’t shoot, we are journalists!”<…>Anyone reporting from the front must be prepared for such an ending. No one dances on their grave.<…>Nobody wanted to kill them. I won't pretend to shed tears for them. These were very bad people. But this does not mean that they had to be killed. It's a shame they died."

On March 15, 2014, she took part in the “Peace March” in Moscow against the armed intervention of the Russian authorities in the internal affairs of Ukraine. Novodvorskaya came out with a poster “Putin’s gang - go to Nuremberg!”

On March 17, 2014, she released a video message addressed to the leader of the Right Sector, Dmitry Yarosh, in which she supported the use of weapons against law enforcement officers during Euromaidan.

On March 18, 2014, in a statement by the Democratic Union Central Congress, Novodvorskaya sharply criticized Russia for its foreign policy towards Ukraine. The DS did not recognize the referendum taking place in Crimea and the subsequent annexation of the peninsula to Russia. According to Novodvorskaya, the Crimeans committed treason against Ukraine. V. Novodvorskaya also announced the beginning of a war between Russia and Ukraine, and in this confrontation she took the side of Ukraine.

In April 2014, Novodvorskaya announced that she had taken the military oath of allegiance to Ukraine. I considered the use of the concept “Bandera” in relation to the socio-political situation in Ukraine to be incorrect.

In May 2011, in her video message, Novodvorskaya stated that the commander-in-chief of the Russian Liberation Army, Andrei Vlasov, was hanged for no reason, and the West should have stood up for him.

Regarding her attitude towards democrats and democracy, Novodvorskaya wrote:

I want to talk about democracy, about democracy, which does not exist anywhere, and, perhaps, will never exist, and most likely, there is no need for it to exist. About democracy, which no one needs except poets, artists, insurgents and snake charmers... For me, there is no democracy either in Congress, or in the Senate, or in the supermarket, but it lives on Broadway, in the 1968 Parisian student riot, in hippies, punks, rockers, gay and lesbian parties.

It makes no sense to call our camp democratic. We have not only democrats there, who put the will of the people and the right of the majority, as well as the Constitution and procedure, at the forefront. Gleb Yakunin is a democrat. And Viktor Mironov? What about me? What about the Cossacks? Are they Democrats too? Our camp is the white camp.<…>but now the white camp has almost recovered from traditionalism and is consciously rushing to the West, as if to an unattainable Christmas tree star... That’s why we were called democrats, although I personally, for example, am a liberal and do not agree to put world issues to a universal vote.<…>

In 1993, Novodvorskaya stated that she never believed in the need to fight for human rights:

Over the past 7 years, humanity has lost, with our help, such a golden standard as the fundamental criterion of “human rights”.<…>I personally have never indulged myself with such a rattle. I'm an adult. I always knew that decent people should have rights, but indecent people (like Kryuchkov, Khomeini or Kim Il Sung) should not. Law is an elitist concept. So, either you are a trembling creature, or you have the right. One out of two.<…>I personally have eaten my fill of human rights. Once upon a time, we, the CIA, and the United States used this idea as a battering ram to destroy the communist regime and the collapse of the USSR. This idea has served its purpose, and stop lying about human rights and human rights activists. Otherwise, how not to cut down the branch on which we are all sitting...

Capitalism gives rights very selectively, and not all of them. The right to socialism is not for sale. After my experience in defending the rights of communists and GKAC members, who successfully sat on our heads, I have nothing against the ban on communist propaganda and commissions to investigate Soviet activities.

Very often, Russian speakers and publicists quote Novodvorskaya “ Russians in Estonia and Latvia have proven with their whining, their linguistic mediocrity, their desire to return to the USSR, their addiction to red flags that they cannot be allowed into European civilization with rights. They were placed near the bucket and they did it right. And when Narva demands autonomy for itself, for me this is tantamount to the demand of the camp “roosters” to give them self-government.” as an illustration, although this is a quote from the same article “We will not give up our right to the left!” in the newspaper “New Look” No. 33 dated August 28, 1993, Vladimir Ryzhkov described V. Novodvorskaya as a disinterested person, a person who had courage, bravery, tenderness and gullibility. Svanidze said that she was uncompromising in matters of honor. recalled: “In the winter of 1998, Chechen television invited Shamil to a round table in Moscow, organized by the weekly New Time. He asked me to replace him, and I agreed, thinking it would be an interesting experience that would give someone who had once been a political scientist an opportunity to brush up on his skills. It was an interesting event where I met Valeria Novodvorskaya, a famous dissident and opposition intellectual. Chechen-Russian relations were a hot topic and there were lively discussions. After I spoke, Novodvorskaya ran up to me, hugged me tightly and said that she was glad to finally hear the speech of a real Chechen.”

Former American journalist and human rights activist Katherine Anne Fitzpatrick (English) recalled that her “only real arrest in the USSR happened in Lera’s apartment, where she was conducting seminars on democracy and human rights,” when in 1989 Fitzpatrick arrived on instructions from the OSCE with a group of non-governmental organizations in the USSR in order to find out “whether it was possible to hold big conference." Fitzpatrick believes that since Novodvorskaya was a representative of the left wing of the liberal movement and was the most “outspoken” dissident compared to other dissidents, “she was kept on the sidelines”, considered a black sheep. Fitzpatrick refers to Novodvorskaya as “a dissident among dissidents.” Fitzpatrick highly appreciated Novodvorskaya’s performances in the video blog and even offered it to her daughter as a teaching tool for learning the Russian language, because she believes that “this is an example of pure, intelligent, smart Russian language, not to mention political and moral content.” Fitzpatrick noted that in the West, Novodvorskaya was considered a “very inconvenient” figure: “Of course, she was not on any “black list,” but it was very inconvenient to communicate with her - she told the truth to everyone’s face, without regard to ranks and positions. She made diplomats blush with her criticism of their weak position in defending the principles of freedom in other countries. Of course she was uncomfortable."

Senior Policy Analyst, US Commission on International Religious Freedom (English) Katherine Kosman, not a close acquaintance of Novodvorskaya, having first met her in 1969, recalled: “She was a passionary, deeply devoted to her principles, in particular, human rights and the right of nations to self-determination - and she was consistent in her beliefs from the age of 19, when she led demonstrations against the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, to her final days when she opposed the annexation of Crimea and intervention in Ukraine. Almost all her life, Novodvorskaya’s views represented the complete opposite of the views of those who ruled the country; she was the most important and effective part of political progress in Russia.”

The head of the State Duma Committee on Labor and Social Policy, Andrei Isaev, believes that Novodvorskaya “adhered to a consistent anti-Russian policy both during the period of socialism and in the current period.”

Today there is a lot of debate about how to perpetuate the memory of Novodvorskaya. Yes, it’s very simple - to ensure that the Ministry of Education of the Russian Federation publishes “Poets and Tsars” as an excellent guide for people entering literary universities. Moreover, this book has already been tested in practice. The daughter of one of my friends entered the Faculty of Philology. There was a conversation about textbooks. I advised: “Let him read “Poets and Tsars” by Valeria Novodvorskaya.” Turned out to be right. The child passed the exam brilliantly and entered.

Valeria Ilyinichna Novodvorskaya is a whole era in the development of dissident thought in Russia. The activities of Novodvorskaya - a political activist, successful journalist, publicist, polyglot, dissident and even blogger - were full-scale and noticeable at all levels of life in the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation. She is an example of faith in the truth of her cause and following her principles and views despite persecution and other most difficult circumstances.

The actions of this persistent woman and ambiguous harsh statements in public can be assessed in completely different ways, but Novodvorskaya’s long productive activity made her famous throughout the world and gave wide coverage to her thoughts and judgments.

The “grandmother” of the Soviet revolution, as her contemporaries and followers called her, founded a political organization, wrote a number of books and repeatedly spoke in the media on the most pressing issues.

The life of Valeria Novodvorskaya is a story of confrontation between the “little man” and the institution of statehood, a story of overcoming and ideological struggle.

The girl was born in 1950 in Belarus, her parents were representatives of the working intelligentsia - her mother worked as a doctor, and her father as an engineer. In Valeria’s family, in her own words, there were revolutionaries, nobles, and representatives of royal blood.


During Valeria Ilyinichna’s childhood, her family moved to Russia and settled in Moscow. Throughout her childhood, Novodvorskaya was often sick; she suffered from asthma, and therefore constantly visited sanatoriums and strengthened her body. A year before the girl came of age, her mother and father decided to divorce, Valeria remained to live with her mother. She graduated from school, after which Novodvorskaya entered a university to study foreign languages.

Social and political activities

In her youth, Valeria Novodvorskaya learned quite early on unpleasant facts about the country in which she lived. Stories about the existing Gulag and the trial against writers in 1965, as well as after the entry of troops into Czechoslovakia, Valeria began to have a sharply negative attitude towards the existing system and Soviet power as a whole.


The actions of the young activist were not long in coming - she forms a secret group of like-minded people at the university, whose goal is to immediately overthrow the ruling party and radically change the political system in the country. Let us note that the young people planned to do this with the help of weapons, and therefore nothing ruled out possible violence.

As part of the creation of anti-Soviet propaganda, Valeria distributes leaflets with poems full of indignation and anger towards the ruling circles. For this, she was put on trial for the first time and imprisoned in Lefortovo, then transported to Kazan for treatment with a diagnosis of “sluggish paranoid schizophrenia.” The woman was released only a few years later, in 1972, and without delay she returned to public activity, starting to work in samizdat.


From 1975 to 1990, Novodvorskaya worked as a translator at a medical university in Moscow, where she also received a higher education as a teacher.

During this period, the woman was repeatedly convicted of acting as a dissident, for organizing unauthorized rallies and marches, for anti-Soviet statements and other anti-Soviet activities. Also, her apartment was constantly searched, and Valeria Ilyinichna herself was regularly summoned for questioning. Several times she was forcibly sent for treatment to a mental hospital based on fabricated diagnoses.


Before the collapse of the USSR, Valeria Novodvorskaya took the lead in creating the first anti-government political party in the country, and Valeria Ilyinichna actively published unpleasant articles about. In 1990, her first book was published - a collection of Novodvorskaya’s articles from magazines and newspapers. This publication became a preparation for the woman’s main literary work.

Journalism

Novodvorskaya’s numerous books have become an example of the fruitful work of a dissident who has something to tell this world. Valeria Ilyinichna's bibliography includes 5 books. All of the author's books reflect her position on many current social and political issues.


“My Carthage must be destroyed”, “Beyond Despair”, “Above the Chasm of Lies”, “Farewell of the Slav”, “Poets and Tsars” - these books reflect the author’s historical knowledge, her store of unique knowledge and the author’s amazing analytical abilities. A photo of the author on the cover of each book promised successful sales and increased interest from the audience in each work.

Novodvorskaya and modern politics

A new stage in Novodvorskaya’s activity occurred in the period after the collapse of the USSR and to the present day. In conditions of freedom and the absence of censorship, a woman could reach a completely new level of activity, which is what she did.


Valeria Novodvorskaya supported Boris Yeltsin

By the beginning of 1993, Novodvorskaya became a member of the Democratic Union of Russia party, then she actively supported political actions. A year later, a criminal case was opened against the activist for the presence of extremist (incitement to hatred) thoughts and calls in her opinion articles for a socio-political newspaper; a year later the case was closed. Quite often, Novodvorskaya was tried specifically under the article of inciting ethnic hatred and hatred.

Novodvorskaya took part in the elections to the State Duma of the second convocation, but she failed to win. In subsequent decades, she actively participated in all kinds of actions and rallies, spoke out in support and criticized the activities a lot. In 2012, she became one of the leaders of the “For Fair Elections” movement.


Novodvorskaya's statements about politicians, international conflicts and modern Russian reality are still divided into quotations. The uncompromising and harsh assessments and judgments of Valeria Ilyinichna, which went against the generally accepted, incredibly excited and continue to fascinate the public.

Novodvorskaya boldly voiced her almost “seditious” thoughts. A striking example of this is the activist’s words about the President of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin. She called him unpleasant names in one of the interviews.

Valeria Ilyinichna also assessed his activities extremely low, believing that the very essence of all actions was the desire to return the destroyed Soviet system to the country.


In one of her newest interviews, Valeria Novodvorskaya spoke a lot about the situation in Ukraine and Crimea. In the summer of 2014, she called on the residents of this country to fight back against Russia, “not to pretend that you gave Crimea as a gift.” She also voiced the belief that Ukraine is destined to win the war and become a European country, and this will greatly irritate Russia, which at the same time “will be forced to come to terms with your existence, but will always put its foot down.”

By the way, Novodvorskaya was generally an active supporter of Euromaidan; she supported the idea of ​​Ukraine joining the European Union, and considered the country’s leaders to be “real reformers.”


Valeria Novodvorskaya considered the situation in Crimea “crazy” and warned that the current circumstances could potentially lead to the outbreak of the third world war. Valeria Ilyinichna assessed Russia’s actions as “brazen annexation for no reason,” which other developed countries simply will not forgive Russia.

In 2001, Novodvorskaya took part in the political program “To the Barrier!” on the NTV channel. The recording of this broadcast became wildly popular on the Internet; people interested in Russian political figures still watch it. She is an example of how argumentative skills can help win debates. By the way, at the end of the program, the majority of viewers supported V. Zhirinovsky with their voices.

Valeria Ilyinichna skillfully wrote and reacted not only to purely political events. For example, she wrote an article about. The text about the poet is an interpretation of the poet’s creative and personal life, an assessment of his activities and creative heritage, as well as admiration for Eugene’s personal qualities. Of course, like all other articles by Novodvorskaya, this work also began to be widely discussed by readers and critics.

There are several other well-known extraordinary statements by Novodvorskaya. For example, a woman believed that the concept of “human rights” was morally outdated and therefore could not be used in modern politics. According to her, rights can and should not be enjoyed by the entire population of the planet, but only by a certain circle of people, since “right is an elitist concept,” and only the upper strata of the population are worthy of it.


Novodvorskaya also spoke interestingly about people with “Soviet, soviet type of thinking.” She even called her parents “scoops.” This name meant a person’s habits of living “under oppression”, being a victim, a “trembling creature”, unquestioningly listening to the authorities and not being able to fight for a “just cause”.

Personal life

Valeria Ilyinichna, even in her youth, realized that she was not destined to have a husband and children, or to create a unit of society in its traditional sense. Being a dissident, the woman immediately assessed her situation - her children and husband in such a situation would become her hostages, victims and means of manipulation.

Novodvorskaya lived her entire life outside of legally established romantic relationships; the details of her love life are unknown. For most of her life, the activist lived in an apartment with her mother and a cat named Stasik.


Valeria Ilyinichna’s colleague in work and speeches for many years was political activist Kirill Borovoy, but there is no exact information whether these people were a couple in a romantic sense.

In recent years, Novodvorskaya worked on the Ekho Moskvy radio, published in newspapers and magazines, was a blogger and successfully used the Internet and LiveJournal platform for her propaganda purposes. She recorded videos with Borov and posted them on popular YouTube channels, and participated in TV shows.

Over the years, Valeria Ilnichna's writing style has improved many times over; it has become an example of a propaganda style of writing.

Death

The woman, who became a legend during her lifetime, died in 2014; the cause of death was complications (infectious-toxic shock) due to purulent inflammation of the foot. Doctors were unable to save Valeria Ilyinichna’s life, although sepsis could have been prevented if the woman had sought professional medical help in time.

The funeral took place in Moscow; many prominent public figures came to honor the memory of the deceased woman (she was 65 years old): and others.


Novodvorskaya’s grave is unusual - the woman asked to be cremated after death, her ashes were buried in the Donskoye cemetery. At her funeral in 2014, many friends and colleagues of Valeria Ilyinichna honestly admitted that this woman remained an unsolved mystery for the people around her, and noted that her difficult and inflexible character did not prevent the woman from “shine” in the political arena for many years and successfully forming a public opinion. Her strong, confident, sometimes lonely voice of protest against the existing government will forever be remembered by like-minded contemporaries and subsequent generations.

It cannot be said that all her work died along with Valeria Ilyinichna. Her work is continued by her comrades and followers, and she will always live in public memory, just as her ideas will be remembered. A monument will be erected in her honor in the woman’s homeland.