Composer Vladimir Dashkevich, the author of the music for such films beloved by the mass audience as “Bumbarash”, “Sherlock Holmes and Dr. Watson”, “Heart of a Dog” and many others, had a father who was repressed, so the schoolboy should not have dreamed of the Komsomol. Dashkevich, however, entered the institute without any hindrance, and did not think about membership in the Komsomol during his studies. However, then, while working as a foreman at a factory, Dashkevich was chosen... to the Komsomol bureau. It was awkward for the future composer to admit that he was not a Komsomol member, and he remained silent. For some time, before leaving for the Gnessin Institute, Vladimir Sergeevich even headed a factory team of communist labor. The President of the Russian Stuntmen Association, producer, actor and film director Alexander Inshakov was only a pioneer. However, today Alexander Ivanovich has a generally good opinion of the Komsomol, and regrets that in modern Russia there is no such authoritative youth organization involved in the mass socialization of the younger generation. St. Petersburg journalist, director and public figure Alexander Nevzorov not only did not join the ranks of the Komsomol, but, according to his own statement, was expelled from the pioneers for picking his nose with a pioneer tie. Singer Lyudmila Senchina did not have time to join the Komsomol - her parents traveled a lot around the country. Therefore, the Honored Artist of Russia, unlike, for example, Lev Leshchenko and Valentina Tolkunova, did not receive any Komsomol awards.
Moreover, voluntarily, in the USSR any schoolchild who had ceased to be an October student by age and had not reached the age of 14 had the opportunity. But there were often, albeit formally, some restrictions. They were associated, first of all, with the student’s academic performance and behavior. In any case, the right to become a pioneer was seriously discussed, first in his class, and then at the School Council. And sometimes they could refuse him. In fact, almost everyone wore red ties. The majority of fourth-graders were given them on April 22, Lenin’s birthday. Moreover, these ceremonies took place either at the monument to the leader, or in a large hall, for example, a cinema.
First, the boys and girls read the Solemn Promise aloud. After which one of the invitees or communists tied each of them a red tie, symbolizing with its three ends the connection of three communist generations, and presented a pioneer badge of the same color with a portrait of Lenin. The holiday was completed with the gesture of the newly minted pioneer with his hand raised diagonally above his head in a cap, and a kind of password with the words “Be prepared! Always ready!". Those who were not lucky enough to become a pioneer in April received their chance on the holiday of May 19. But only without any special celebrations and speeches.
Squads and units
Having become a pioneer, an ordinary school unit immediately turned into a detachment, led by a counselor from among the high school students and, as a rule, bearing the name of some pioneer hero or simply a deceased hero of one of the wars of the 20th century. For example, Pavlik Morozov, or the “Young Guard” Oleg Koshevoy, who was killed with his fists. The detachment was divided into units. And the totality of all school detachments was called a squad. The main activities of the pioneers, in addition to good studies and preparation for joining the Komsomol, were considered participation in the “Timurov movement” and subbotniks, collecting waste paper and scrap metal. A pioneer could leave the ranks of the organization only in two cases: after reaching 14 years of age and joining the Komsomol, or upon expulsion for “D” marks and hooliganism.Pioneer Day
By the way, the holiday celebrated on May 19 and which at birth received the name “Day of the All-Union Pioneer Organization named after V.I. Lenin” could become such on another day. But the first attempt made in 1918 to create detachments of young communists in Soviet Russia, following the example of American scouts, was not very successful. The Civil War began in the country, and the Bolsheviks had no time for the small detachments of their underage followers.The second attempt, which occurred in November 1921, turned out to be more viable. After the decision was made to create a children's political organization, which initially bore the name of the Roman slave and gladiator Spartacus, several “Spartacus” groups appeared in Moscow, using previously unseen symbols - red ties and five-pointed stars. On May 7 of the same year, the first pioneer bonfire burned in one of the capital’s parks. And 12 days later, the All-Russian Komsomol Conference, which later became the Komsomol Congress, decided to create an organization in the country consisting of pioneer detachments. In the same year, composer Sergei Kaidan-Deshkin and poet Alexander Zharov wrote a song with the words “Raise your bonfires, blue nights! We are pioneers - children of workers,” and it immediately received the status of an anthem.
The All-Union Pioneer Organization was formed on May 19, 1922. It was then, at the All-Russian Komsomol Conference, that a decision was made to create a mass children's organization in the USSR, led by the Komsomol Central Committee. Later, May 19 began to be considered Pioneer Day. An organized and ceremonial celebration of this event was held every year. At first, the pioneer organization bore the name “Spartak”, and then, after the death of the country’s leader, the official name was changed to the All-Union Pioneer Organization named after Lenin. Many years have passed since then. they stopped accepting people as pioneers, few people remember.
Initially, scouting served as an example for the pioneer movement. In 1917, there were children's scout associations in the country, covering up to 50 thousand people. Scouts carried out a lot of public work to help street children. Soon this movement split into several directions, the basic principles of which differed significantly. Scout troops were led by famous figures such as the publisher and traveler, editor of the magazine “Around the World” V.A. Popov, famous self-taught sculptor and teacher I.N. Zhukov and others. The idea of creating yuk-scouts (young communists - scouts) was proposed by Vera Bonch-Bruevich, an active party member and writer. But in 1919, at the congress of the RKSM, all scout troops were disbanded.
N.K. At the end of 1921, Krupskaya several times read the report “On Boy Scoutism,” where she called on the Komsomol to create a children’s association “scouting in form and communist in content.” Later, the idea of creating a children's communist movement was put forward. I.N. Zhukov put forward a proposal to call the future organization pioneer. The symbols chosen were the following: a red tie, a white blouse, the motto “Be prepared!” and the answer is “Always ready!” This was similar to the traditions of the Scout movement, but was partially modified. Also, the goal of the children's pioneer movement was to fight for the freedom of oppressed peoples around the world. In the future, the pioneers had to help adults in the fight against anti-Soviet elements, according to the civic duty of every progressive person, a builder of a communist society.
By the beginning of the forties, the structure of the All-Union Pioneer Organization was completely formed in accordance with the already proven school principle. Each class was a detachment, and the school was a pioneer squad. Military-patriotic work was carried out in children's groups, circles of signalmen, orderlies, and young riflemen were formed.
Before the start of the Great Patriotic War, the “Timur movement,” named after the hero of A. Gaidar’s children’s book “Timur and His Team,” spread. Timurites actively collected scrap metal, dried medicinal herbs, provided all possible assistance to the elderly and sick people, and looked after the children. It is difficult to overestimate everything that the pioneers did at this time, not only for individual citizens, but for the entire country.
With the beginning of the Great Patriotic War, many children and teenagers instantly matured. Grief and overwhelming trials fell like a heavy burden on their shoulders. The pioneers were members of partisan detachments, whose sudden raids on fascist positions caused them significant losses. Some of them were awarded the title of "Hero of the Soviet Union", the highest award of the state, namely:
The pioneers served in the Red Army and were given the unofficial title “Son of the Regiment.” They were intelligence officers, signalmen, and underground workers. Most of them replaced their fathers and older brothers who had gone to the front, worked at machines and in the fields, looked after the wounded in hospitals, and performed concerts for them. Not all of them managed to live to see the Great Victory Day; children, along with adults, experienced all the hardships and horrors of wartime.
In the fifties, certain processes took place in the pioneer organization that entailed a change in its active position and a loss of independence in decision-making; its work became more and more formal. In the 1960s, Leningrad teachers led by I.P. Ivanov, on the basis of the new all-Union camp “Orlyonok”, which was opened on the Black Sea coast, tried to develop creativity in children, coupled with past ideals. But the communard movement, which these activists tried to give rise to, was unable to go beyond the borders of a small region and remained in the arsenal of individual detachments and pioneer squads.
Until what year were there pioneers in the USSR?
With the beginning of perestroika, social and political life in the country sharply intensified. In the second half of the eighties of the last century, the leaders of the children's organization tried to change its goals and methods of working with schoolchildren. Due to the fact that propaganda was carried out about the need to exclude pioneers from ideological work, children's organizations of various directions appeared.
At the tenth rally of pioneers, which took place in Artek, on October 1, 1990, the delegates decided to transform the All-Union Pioneer Organization into the association “Union of Pioneer Organizations - Federation of Children's Organizations”, the abbreviated name SPO - FDO. But the Komsomol Central Committee did not approve this decision.
On September 27 - 28, 1991, at the XXII Extraordinary Congress of the Komsomol, the termination of the organization’s activities and its dissolution was announced. Together with the Komsomol, the All-Union Pioneer Organization named after Lenin was automatically disbanded. The building of the Central Council in Moscow was partially transferred to the use of SPO - FDO. The pioneer palaces became subordinate to the municipalities and became known as “Houses of Children's Creativity,” and the pioneer camps became tourist centers and boarding houses.
Based on this historical data, we can say with certainty what year the pioneers were in. It was in September that the pioneer organization ceased its work. Now we can accurately answer in what year they stopped accepting people as pioneers. And a little later, on December 26, 1991, the Council of Republics of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR announced the adoption of a declaration that spoke of the cessation of the existence of the USSR.
Komsomol
Collapse of the Komsomol: after 20 years.
Why did the Komsomol collapse? How did it happen that a giant youth organization, uniting tens of millions of boys and girls, possessing enormous resources, having representation in the highest structures of state power, could not stand up for itself and fell apart like a house of cards? We are unlikely to get a definite answer to such a question, but it is still worth trying to understand the essence of the processes that took place 20 years ago.
In the second half of the 1980s, a crisis broke out in the Komsomol, as an integral part of the entire Soviet system. Serious problems in the Komsomol organization were openly discussed not only in the primary organizations, but also at the highest level. So in April 1987, at the 20th Congress of the Komsomol, First Secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee V.I. Mironenko publicly stated in his report that “deep contradictions have emerged between the democratic nature of the organization and bureaucratic methods of leadership, between the desire of young people for something new and forms of work that have been frozen for decades.”
Among the reasons for the crisis are V.I. Mironenko highlighted: “a slowdown in economic growth, the hushing up of shortcomings, the residual principle of allocating funds for social needs, a peculiar psychology and ideology of stagnation, a gap between word and deed.” Universal set. Today, almost a quarter of a century later, these problems are still relevant.
In a belated attempt to revive the activities of the Komsomol, the 20th Congress adopted a new Charter, which significantly expanded the rights of primary Komsomol organizations, including in the economic sphere. In addition to this, in August 1988, the Council of Ministers of the USSR, by its Resolution, provided the Komsomol with serious tax benefits, which caused the rapid growth of youth self-supporting organizations. By March of the following 1989, there were already about 30 such associations operating in the Smolensk region.
Thus, the Komsomol was among the first organizations and economic entities to switch to the principles of full economic accounting and self-financing. We can say that the Komsomol has become a testing ground for the market mechanism in the country. In cities, “innovative”, as they would say today, platforms for working with youth began to be created - Youth Houses. One of them was opened in 1987 in Smolensk. At the same time, the Komsomol was given the right to nominate its delegates to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. In our region, this was the first secretary of the Komsomol regional committee, Alexander Trudolyubov.
It would seem that here it is - the democratic “perestroika” of the Komsomol is in full swing. But she did not stop the crisis. A clear proof of this was the inexorable reduction in the number of Komsomol organizations at all levels. From 1989 to 1990, the Union shrank by almost 4 million people; in 1989, 58 thousand organizations did not admit a single person to the Komsomol. The ranks of the Smolensk regional organization of the Komsomol from 1986 to 1990, according to reports, decreased from 130.8 thousand to 68.6 thousand boys and girls. The real picture was even worse.
The first “swallow” of the immediate collapse of the Komsomol was the Communist Youth Union of Lithuania, which in 1989 declared its independence. In the same year, the Estonian Komsomol separated. Further more. By 1990, the issue of organizing the now Russian Komsomol was on the agenda. As a result, at the first congress of Komsomol organizations of the RSFSR, held in February 1990, the Komsomol of the RSFSR was formed, although still within the Komsomol.
But it was already said from the rostrum that it was time to reorganize the “single and indivisible” Komsomol into a federation of independent Komsomol organizations, which was done two months later, at the 21st Extraordinary Congress. The new model of the Komsomol also required a change in the previous relationship with the party, and the Komsomol finally declared its full political independence. As a result, the Komsomol was significantly ahead of the Communist Party and many public organizations in the “democratization” of union work. V.M. was elected first secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee at this congress. Zyukin.
During the preparation for the 21st Congress of the Komsomol, the Central Committee still believed that there were alternative ideas for the development of the Komsomol: in the form of a movement of political clubs, a movement of scientific and technical creativity of youth, youth housing complexes, student construction teams, an environmental movement, etc. But after the August events of 1991, the Central Committee sharply took a course towards the liquidation of the Youth Komsomol as an All-Union organization.
Everything was decided at the XXII Extraordinary Congress of the Komsomol, convened in Moscow in September 1991. According to the recollections of the participants, this congress was not like any of the previous ones: “there were no orders, no white bust of Ilyich on the stage, no traditional pioneer greeting.” In his report, V. M. Zyukin stated: “The old system is destroyed and with it the organization that was an element of the system must leave political existence. The existence of the Komsomol even in new clothes is objectively impossible.” The fate of the Komsomol was predetermined, although the reasoning for this conclusion was very unconvincing, and many things caused bewilderment.
The only issue that was actively discussed at the congress was the future fate of Komsomol property. The Bureau of the Central Committee of the Komsomol proposed its own option: the legal successor of the Komsomol becomes the constituent entities of the federation and local organizations, between which most of the property is distributed. This is what they agreed on: reorganization through division.
The real estate of the Komsomol was transferred to the balance of the Sodrugestvo-91 enterprise for joint shared ownership and use by labor collectives of enterprises, editorial offices, and organizations. The funds were distributed among 23 legal successors, based on the number of members of the youth union. The Central Committee apparatus was abolished. The congress adopted an Agreement on the creation of a Coordination Council, which was tasked with conducting a negotiation process for 10 months on cooperation between youth organizations of independent states with the goal of the possible creation of an inter-republican youth structure. But no real action was taken towards this.
The last attempt to preserve the Komsomol was made by the Russian delegates to the congress. They gathered in Moscow in October 1991 at the first conference of the Russian Komsomol, at which it was decided to create on the basis of the Komsomol of the RSFSR a new, now non-political, non-governmental and non-profit organization, namely, the Russian Youth Union. He became the legal successor of the Komsomol in Russia.
Thus ended the history of the All-Union Leninist Communist Youth Union, an organization with whose name the youth of many generations was associated, starting in 1918.Valentin Semenov,
Head of the Museum of the History of the Youth Movement
at LLC Soyuz DM (Youth House)
On the one hand, even in the last years of the existence of the Soviet Komsomol, it was still the first “school of life” for many prominent politicians and businessmen of modern Russia. On the other hand, this can be explained by the fact that there was simply nothing else where in the 1970-1980s a young man could realize his talents and start building a career: the one-party system did not imply any competition in the ideological field. Komsomol members of the last years of the USSR’s existence recall that era and the crisis of their organization.
Exactly 20 years ago, on September 27, 1991, the XXII Extraordinary Congress of the Komsomol began, with one single question on the agenda: “On the fate of the Komsomol.” At the end of its work, the congress declared the historical role of this organization exhausted, and it itself was dissolved. At the end of the congress (and I’m not joking), the delegates sang while standing: “I will not part with the Komsomol, I will be forever young” and began to “derib” the property of this wealthy organization.
Well, God bless them - unfortunately, we were not allowed into this “deriban”, so let’s remember each of our Komsomol (who had one, of course).
The stages of development of the social life of any Soviet schoolchild resembled the stages of development of insects. But if in invertebrate arthropods they proceeded in the order: egg -> larva -> pupa -> imago, then in vertebrate Soviet schoolchildren they took place in the following sequence: first-graders became October students, October students - pioneers, and pioneers, upon reaching 14 years of age, automatically turned into Komsomol members , and this was not discussed.
The rules for admission to the Komsomol were as follows: it was necessary to collect recommendations from either 1 communist or 2 experienced Komsomol members; fill out the form for admission to the Komsomol; turn in two 3x4 photographs; get a description and learn the answers to the following questions:
Who is the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee?
Who is the first secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee?
Who is your favorite Komsomol hero?
How many orders does the Komsomol have?
And what is “democratic centralism”?
(ideally, of course, it would be advisable to read the Komsomol Charter - but this is not for everyone).
The acceptance of our class into the Komsomol took place in two stages - in spring and autumn. In the spring, the Komsomol accepted the “best” (excellent and good students), in the fall the “worst” (C students and slobs, as well as those born in the summer). Naturally, I was accepted in the fall. Moreover, life had not yet “broken me down” and I loved to show off - when everyone brought recommendations from high school Komsomol members, I brought a recommendation from a communist friend who was a Hero of the Soviet Union.
After a public discussion of the candidates at the school Komsomol meeting, a gala reception took place at the district/city Komsomol committee with the presentation of tickets and badges (sometimes the gala reception was replaced by a simple presentation of a Komsomol ticket in the “Pioneer Room”).
After this action, the Soviet schoolchild received every right:
b) pay monthly Komsomol dues in the amount of 2 kopecks;
c) get bored at Komsomol meetings;
d) after school go to college.
You will say - there were those who refused to join the Komsomol: they believed in God, or they listened to the Rolling Stones. There were, of course, some. But then usually the Soviet Army was in their lives, and they didn’t care what you believed in or what you listened to. They also didn’t care about the rules for admission to the Komsomol established “in civilian life” and the soldier’s ignorance of the answers to the above questions. There, simply one fine day, during the morning formation they announced: “Private Pupkin, get out of formation! Congratulations on joining the glorious ranks of the All-Union Leninist Communist Youth Union! Get in line!” The warrior shouted: “I serve the Soviet Union!” and joined the multi-million ranks of Soviet Komsomol members.
But I, in the army, refused to stand in a single Komsomol formation. I hated being part of this thoroughly rotten, formalized organization into which everyone was driven en masse in pursuit of interest and reporting. I was sick of these false slogans and of Komsomol functionaries who themselves did not believe in what they were saying from high tribunes. From their showing off, careerism and hypocrisy...
No, I refused to participate in all this and in the army became a candidate member of the CPSU.
First Secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee (1986-1990). Special Advisor to USSR President M. Gorbachev. Historian, candidate of historical sciences...
The Komsomol did not collapse. His time has passed. Please note - as soon as our country began to become what it should be, it fell apart and ceased to exist. This is where you need to think and ask yourself: what happened? We need to figure out what happened to our country in the twentieth century? What started in 1905 and ended, I hope, in ’91? What was it? From a historical point of view, it is simply impossible to understand the heap of myths that shrouded the entire twentieth century. We live in a completely false coordinate system. We live in a completely mythologized historical space. It turns out that we had the first Russian revolution in 1905. Then, it turns out, there was the February bourgeois-democratic revolution. Then, six months later, a socialist revolution occurs. What can you call the revolution that took place in 1991? Capitalist, it turns out? From my point of view as a candidate of historical sciences, this is complete nonsense.
A bourgeois-democratic revolution began in Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century. But it was very different from those that took place before - from the English, French, North American. All of them were in a completely different historical period. Our revolution was late, like everything else with us. It began at a time when globalization processes began to manifest themselves. Our revolution differs from all others in that, oddly enough, it turned out to be a revolution not so much for our country as a revolution for the rest of the world. All other revolutions also had an impact on the world around us, but it was an indirect impact. Our revolution had a colossal impact on the whole world. The whole world has changed. John Reed was wrong when he called the book Ten Days That Shook the World. They changed the world...
- Viktor Ivanovich, when you left your post, you lost not only your job, but also your privileges.
What privileges? What are you talking about? Sometimes today my wife points her finger around me and asks: “What privileges did you have?”
I was the head of an organization that had two billion dollars in its bank account alone. I received five hundred rubles, I had a Volga car and they also gave me coupons for a special store. Yes, there was also a clinic, from which I was immediately expelled. Now I feel fine at the district clinic. But I never even went to the Central Clinic because I was young and healthy.
- Excuse me, but where did the two billion dollars you mentioned go?
Don't know. I left them safe where they were...
In the comments I remembered that I worked in the Komsomol city committee. They asked me to tell you how it was.
Alas, there will be no dirty details in the style of the film “Regional Emergency”. In our city committee there was no drinking in saunas, ********, theft and other things that were attributed then, during the era of perestroika, to party and Komsomol functionaries. There was the usual work of organizing life and leisure in a small area - the Slobodsky district of the Kirov region.
We had four offices - the office of the First Secretary, the Second, and the accounting department with the organizational department. And I worked as acting third secretary - the position of working with student youth. In the same office as the Second. In the office there were two tables, a Yatran typewriter, I think a dozen chairs, a wardrobe and a bookcase. A! There was also a rotator - this is such crap for printing leaflets.
There was a car - either a “five” or a “Muscovite” - I don’t remember. But definitely not Volga. This miracle broke down once a week, so we often took regular buses on business trips around the region. The salary was 250 rubles. Soviet. True, in 1990-1991 there was nothing special to buy. I personally subscribed to newspapers home - dozens of them. From “Soviet Russia” to “Literature” and “Football-Hockey”. Lunch in the dining room cost about a ruble. The dining room, by the way, was common to the city party committee, Komsomol, district executive committee, city executive committee and other councils.
Entrance to the dining room was free for everyone. No passes, no policemen at the entrance. And there were no pineapples in the champagne either. And there was no black caviar either. In my opinion, the food was tastier in factory canteens. There were also subsidiary farms there. Something like a collective farm at a factory. There were no special privileges, additional rations, or dachas with swimming pools. The only “privilege” that I took advantage of was taking two vacations at my own expense, going on a ski trip around the region in February and on a hiking trip in Crimea. Your own expenses). All. After working there for a year, I probably became anti-Soviet for about ten years.
Because a boy at seventeen needs a feat - to overcome himself. Previously, Komsomol members had a fight against devastation, Budennovka, OSOAVIAKHIM, war, restoration, virgin lands, BAM... We had a city KVN competition and reporting and election conferences. By the way, since then I can’t stand KVN people. Antics with forced humor and a huge superiority complex. How was the festival organized?
Very simple.
You write a statement on two pages - the topic of KVN, the jury, prizes. You print it on a rotator, smearing it with black ink. You call the secretaries of the school committees of the Komsomol. You give them a position and a pointer so that there is a command by such and such a date. Then you go to the House of Culture - for us it was the House of Culture named after. Gorky - you agree on the provision of a stage and hall for such and such a date. No money, everything is free. You buy prizes at a sporting goods store and prepare certificate forms. You persuade important people to sit on the jury. Again for free. You've been calling secretaries for a month - how are they doing with their team preparation?
That's all. And where is the feat?
And constant reports to the regional committee - monthly, quarterly, annual. The main part of the report is how many new members of the Komsomol were accepted. There is a reporting and election conference in April. So many events were carried out: then they liked to call collective creative activities - KTD. How many members have been accepted? A plan for admission was lowered from above - 90% should be covered and that’s it. Well, and the indispensable Gorbachev spells - democratic centralism, glasnost, a brake on perestroika. Boredom.
By the way, I don’t remember any loud exits from the party and Komsomol here. Komsomol tickets were not burned. There were no punks or metalheads in large numbers. And those who were, at times, were Komsomol members. It seems that there was a Komsomol rock club. I even thought about opening a Komsomol video salon, where after watching the film there would be a mandatory discussion. Did not have time.
In the summer, organizing a regional activist camp, sending a delegation to the regional camp of the Komsomol activist “Stremitely” and the camp of the regional pioneer activist “Zvezdny”. There was no overarching goal of all these KTD, activist camps, reports and elections.
Everything was rolling by inertia into the abyss. But we didn't notice this. It seemed that everything was about to end. The Komsomol and the USSR are about to emerge from the crisis renewed.
Now, of course, it’s good to say from a height of years that it was necessary to do this or that. Just jump naked on Revolution Square in Slobodskoye - everything was decided not in the regional centers, but in the Kremlin and on Staraya Square. It was there that the Supergoal and Supertasks disappeared. And without them the USSR is impossible. Ask, maybe I missed something?
By the time I graduated from school, the Komsomol had almost collapsed... At the school’s annual meeting, we gave the work of the Komsomol organization an unsatisfactory assessment, it was brave! But we consoled ourselves with integrity and courage, not knowing that we were kicking a corpse. The Komsomol ceased to exist a year later. I recommend everyone who remembers the Pioneer and Komsomol to re-watch this film - “Emergency of a Regional Scale”.
Also, this film is about what a person really is, namely a man. Dedicated to all men leading a double life, making deals with their conscience for the sake of a career. The most interesting thing is when men do unseemly things, but at the same time they hide behind lofty words: I am doing this for the sake of the family. Komsomol members, volunteers...
And at one time my dad didn’t let me onto this nomenklatura career ladder: “pioneer-Komsomol”! He hated party privileges, and believed that the only real privilege of a party member was to stand up and lead a platoon into the attack. Dad was upset that the school’s squad council met for the New Year’s holiday separately from the rest of the school’s students. He screamed and got angry. Thanks to him, and the Kingdom of Heaven! He understood everything correctly.
From the comments.
IMHO, in Komsomol (not the militarized one, but the ordinary one) there is a positive side - the young men are left without elders and, on their own, take on some matters (for example, conduct cell meetings), and take responsibility themselves. Such a difference between people, that one person is a Komsomol member, and another person is just a Komsomol member, structures society. Structures. And thus contributes to its understanding.
The Komsomol helps you to remain without elders, and to do something yourself, without elders.
I was born in 1984 and I think that my childhood and youth were very much spoiled by the absence of a universal, widespread organization like the Komsomol.
I recently watched the film “Regional Emergency” (a perestroika film about how bad the Komsomol is and how much hypocrisy and lies there are in it). I liked the film. The Soviet Union is bad. Komsomol is bad. But it’s better to have a lying Komsomol than none! He, with all his deceit, gives the experience of independence, gives the experience of life without dependence on elders!
Well, the positive side of Komsomol is not deceit, but that it would provide the opportunity to hold events without the participation of elders. By ourselves, on our own. And in my generation, no one thought about the fact that someone was entrusted with being “responsible” for what was happening in the classroom (like a Komsomol organizer is responsible). It is not the teacher who takes responsibility (as in our generation), nor the father, nor the mother, but one of the young people.
And the Komsomol pointed to moral values (which are written in the charter) - truthfulness, mutual assistance, etc. In our generation, no one said: “you must be truthful, because you are members of such and such an organization, and the members of this organization must correspond to a high moral level." We were told about morality - but it was vague, unclear. There was no argument - “BECAUSE YOU ARE MEMBERS OF THE ORGANIZATION.” This argument could be more convincing. And special We were not given tickets, we did not pay fees. Having a ticket in your pocket and some paraphernalia could REMIND you of moral duty. And without paraphernalia it is easy to forget.
And in general, in the Komsomol Charter there are ideas that are closer to pacifism than to militarism:
Everyone’s concern for the preservation and enhancement of public wealth;
High consciousness of public duty, intolerance to violations of public interests;
Collectivism and comradely mutual assistance: each for all, all for one;
Humane relations and mutual respect between people: man is friend, comrade and brother to man;
Honesty and truthfulness, moral purity, simplicity and modesty in public and personal life;
Mutual respect in the family, concern for raising children;
Intransigence to injustice, parasitism, dishonesty, careerism, money-grubbing;
Friendship and brotherhood of all peoples of the USSR, intolerance towards national and racial hostility;
Intransigence towards the enemies of communism, the cause of peace and freedom of peoples;
Fraternal solidarity with the working people of all countries, with all peoples.
When a person is told about all this, it can help the development of critical thinking. But modern youth are simply not told about this! And they are not given the responsibility that “you must live up to a high moral standard.” There is another anti-Soviet film - “Tomorrow there was a war.” But the Komsomol women from this film were to some extent inspired by Komsomol ideology. And this is justified in the film. They were capable of thinking - Spark, for example, could change their views under the influence of some arguments. And the Komsomol noodles on the ears did not prevent this. On the contrary, Komsomol ideology contributed to this.
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