Alexander III and counter-reforms

After the sudden death of Alexander II in 1881, Alexander III took the throne. His policies were far from ideal, and the reforms carried out became the cause of the crisis of royal power that the country faced in the 20th century. Many of the emperor's associates believed that he was wasting money on illogical and often contradictory reforms, but the ruler himself preferred not to hear any grumbling. Nicholas II will have to pay heavily for such an attitude of the royals. Despite the fact that the reforms of Alexander III raised many questions, the monarch had a clear algorithm of actions that he preferred to follow. The emperor's reforms often directly contradicted the measures of Alexander II, which clearly demonstrated the conflict between father and son.

The desire to stop the terror of “Narodnaya Volya” and to restore order in the country explains the transition of Alexander III in 1881 to a policy of counter-reforms.

The New Deal aimed to strengthen the local power of the nobility. Reforms of the 1860-70s did not develop, but were conserved and even truncated. The rejection of liberal reforms and the national-chauvinistic course of the government slowed down the process of economic and social development of the country (B.V. Ananich, V.G. Chernukha).

Step back, stagnation “For 13 years, Alexander III sowed the wind. His heir will have to do everything to prevent the storm from breaking out.”	Streamlining reforms, a step forward “The policy of Alexander III was aimed at stabilizing society, strengthening the Russian state, it was based on historical traditions
Publication of the Manifesto “On the Inviolability of Autocracy”	In 1881 all former landowner peasants were transferred to compulsory redemption, the temporarily obligated state was abolished, and redemption payments were reduced.
1881 “Regulations on measures to protect state order and public peace”: local authorities received the right to arrest “suspicious persons”, exile them without trial for up to five years to any locality and bring them before a military court, close educational institutions and press outlets, suspend the activities of zemstvos	Establishment of a peasant bank (1882), which was supposed to assist peasants and peasant societies in the purchase of privately owned lands. 1883-1885 The poll tax from peasants was reduced and then abolished.
1882 “temporary rules” on the press were introduced, strengthening administrative control over the content of periodicals and tightening punitive censorship. Many liberal publications were closed.	1882 the Law prohibiting the labor of minors (under 12 years of age) was adopted and a factory inspectorate was established to oversee its implementation 1897 – the maximum duration of the working day was limited: for adult men it should not exceed 11.5 hours In 1885, the Russian government was forced to pass a law banning night work by women and teenagers as a result of workers’ strikes (1885 – Morozov strike)
1884 – new University Charter; 1887 – “Circular about cooks’ children” recommended not to admit children of “coachmen, footmen, laundresses and the like” into the gymnasium and pro-gymnasium.	Customs protectionism, preferential loans and concessions, support for domestic industry, encouraging the creation of large plants and factories
City regulations (1892) excluded clerks and small traders from the voter list.	Major railway construction
Repeating the path of the Slavophiles + the rights of persons of non-Orthodox religion (especially Jews) were limited
Introduction of the Institute of Zemstvo Chiefs (1889)

M.N. Katkov is a well-known conservative publicist, one of the ideologists of the counter-reforms of the 80s. XIX century, editor-in-chief of the newspaper Moskovskie Vedomosti.

Foreign policy

Bulgarian affairs occupied an important place. The struggle to strengthen Bulgarian statehood ended in failure in 1887. – neutrality of Russia and Germany (Bismarck’s goal is to prevent Russian-French rapprochement).

Conclusions on the reforms of Alexander III

During the reign of Alexander III, the country developed one-sidedly. Despite the fact that heavy industry and railway construction made great strides forward, the social reforms of Alexander III could not be called logical. The emperor continued to work on peasant reform, trying to rebuild the state on a new model of social perception of classes. However, many of Alexander III's actions in this direction were illogical and incomplete. The economic reforms of the monarch can also be called illogical. His successor, Nicholas II, was to reap the benefits of restless counter-reforms, while simultaneously fighting the growing wave of popular discontent.

On March 1, 1881, Emperor Alexander II Nikolaevich died at the hands of the Narodnaya Volya, and his second son Alexander ascended the throne. At first he was preparing for a military career, because... the heir to power was his elder brother Nikolai, but in 1865 he died.

In 1868, during a severe crop failure, Alexander Alexandrovich was appointed chairman of the committee for the collection and distribution of benefits to the hungry. Before he ascended the throne, he was the ataman of the Cossack troops and the chancellor of the University of Helsingfors. In 1877 he took part in the Russian-Turkish war as a detachment commander.

The historical portrait of Alexander III was more reminiscent of a mighty Russian peasant than the sovereign of an empire. He had heroic strength, but was not distinguished by mental abilities. Despite this characteristic, Alexander III was very fond of theater, music, painting, and studied Russian history.

In 1866 he married the Danish princess Dagmara, in Orthodoxy Maria Feodorovna. She was smart, educated, and in many ways complemented her husband. Alexander and Maria Feodorovna had 5 children.

Domestic policy of Alexander III

The beginning of the reign of Alexander III occurred during the period of struggle between two parties: liberal (wanting the reforms begun by Alexander II) and monarchical. Alexander III abolished the idea of Russian constitutionality and set a course for strengthening autocracy.

On August 14, 1881, the government adopted a special law “Regulations on measures to protect state order and public peace.” To combat unrest and terror, states of emergency were introduced, punitive measures were used, and in 1882 the secret police appeared.

Alexander III believed that all the troubles in the country came from the freethinking of his subjects and the excessive education of the lower class, which was caused by his father’s reforms. Therefore, he began a policy of counter-reforms.

Universities were considered the main source of terror. The new university charter of 1884 sharply limited their autonomy, student associations and the student court were banned, access to education for representatives of the lower classes and Jews was limited, and strict censorship was introduced in the country.

changes in zemstvo reform under Alexander III:

In April 1881, the Manifesto on the independence of the autocracy was published, compiled by K.M. Pobedonostsev. The rights of zemstvos were severely curtailed, and their work was brought under the strict control of governors. Merchants and officials sat in the City Dumas, and only rich local nobles sat in the zemstvos. Peasants lost the right to participate in elections.

Changes in judicial reform under Alexander III:

In 1890, a new regulation on zemstvos was adopted. Judges became dependent on the authorities, the competence of the jury was reduced, and magistrates' courts were practically eliminated.

Changes in peasant reform under Alexander III:

The poll tax and communal land use were abolished, compulsory land purchases were introduced, but redemption payments were reduced. In 1882, the Peasant Bank was established, designed to issue loans to peasants for the purchase of land and private property.

Changes in military reform under Alexander III:

The defense capability of border districts and fortresses was strengthened.

Alexander III knew the importance of army reserves, so infantry battalions were created and reserve regiments were formed. A cavalry division was created, capable of fighting both on horseback and on foot.

To conduct combat in mountainous areas, mountain artillery batteries were created, mortar regiments and siege artillery battalions were formed. A special railway brigade was created to deliver troops and army reserves.

In 1892, river mine companies, fortress telegraphs, aeronautical detachments, and military dovecotes appeared.

Military gymnasiums were transformed into cadet corps, and non-commissioned officer training battalions were created for the first time to train junior commanders.

A new three-line rifle was adopted for service, and a smokeless type of gunpowder was invented. The military uniform has been replaced with a more comfortable one. The procedure for appointment to command positions in the army was changed: only by seniority.

Social policy of Alexander III

“Russia for Russians” is the emperor’s favorite slogan. Only the Orthodox Church is considered truly Russian; all other religions were officially defined as “other faiths.”

The policy of anti-Semitism was officially proclaimed, and the persecution of Jews began.

Foreign policy of Alexander III

The reign of Emperor Alexander III was the most peaceful. Only once did Russian troops clash with Afghan troops on the Kushka River. Alexander III protected his country from wars, and also helped to extinguish hostility between other countries, for which he received the nickname “Peacemaker.”

Economic policy of Alexander III

Under Alexander III, cities, factories and factories grew, domestic and foreign trade grew, the length of railways increased, and construction of the great Siberian Railway began. In order to develop new lands, peasant families were resettled to Siberia and Central Asia.

At the end of the 80s, the state budget deficit was overcome; revenues exceeded expenses.

Results of the reign of Alexander III

Emperor Alexander III was called “the most Russian Tsar.” He defended the Russian population with all his might, especially on the outskirts, which contributed to the strengthening of state unity.

As a result of the measures taken in Russia, there was a rapid industrial boom, the exchange rate of the Russian ruble grew and strengthened, and the well-being of the population improved.

Alexander III and his counter-reforms provided Russia with a peaceful and calm era without wars and internal unrest, but also gave birth to a revolutionary spirit in the Russians, which would break out under his son Nicholas II.

All those draconian measures that were established by both new and previous legislation on the press were applied with particular severity to magazines and newspapers, especially in the first years of the Tolstoy regime. Thus, the press organs were subjected to punishments such as deprivation of the right to print advertisements, numerous warnings, which ultimately led to suspension and then, according to the new law, to submission under preliminary censorship, as well as deprivation of the right to retail sales, which hurt newspapers. economically. Very soon, a new method was used to finally terminate the magazine by decision of four ministers: this is how Otechestvennye Zapiski was terminated from January 1884 and some other liberal press organs of that time.

At the end of the Tolstoy regime, precisely in the 80s, in the last two or three years of Tolstoy’s life, the number of such punishments decreased significantly, and one could, as K.K. Arsenyev notes, even think that this was a symptom of a softening of the regime; but such a reduction in the number of punishments in fact, as the same historian of censorship explains, depended on the fact that there was no one and there was nothing to impose them on, since a significant number of liberal dependent press organs were either completely stopped or put in such a position, that they did not dare to make a word, and in cases of doubt the editors themselves explained themselves to the censors in advance and bargained for themselves that small area of freedom that seemed to them to be censorship itself. In such circumstances, only a few of the liberal press organs survived this difficult moment, such as Vestnik Evropy, Russkaya Mysl and Russkie Vedomosti, which, however, constantly felt the sword of Damocles over them, and their existence also hung all this time on a thread.

4.3 Court

The independent court established by the statutes of 1864, the “Judicial Republic,” as defined by M.N., also did not meet the government’s ideas about a strong central government. Katkova, or “the disgrace of the courts,” as the sovereign himself believed, were for a liberal society a symbol of public and private independence. The government was not satisfied with the “disobedience” of the courts, cases when judicial institutions, even contrary to the laws, shielded state criminals (as in the sensational case of the revolutionary V.Z. Asulich, who committed an attempt on the life of the St. Petersburg mayor F.F. Trepov and with the obvious criminal qualification of her act acquitted by a jury in 1878). What irritated the administration most of all was the spirit of freedom that reigned in the new court. But neither the former Minister of Justice D.N. Nabokov, nor the new (since 1885) minister A.N. Manasein did not carry out a judicial counter-reform following the example of the zemstvo and city, because they understood that without an effective court the very existence of the state was impossible. The court of the era of the “Great Reforms” was subjected to only partial restrictions: everywhere, with the exception of six major years and capitals, the magistrate’s court was abolished (however, its effectiveness left much to be desired), the publicity of the trial was limited, the qualifications for juries were increased, and from the jurisdiction of the general political cases were removed from the courts, the Senate received more real rights to dismiss offending judges.

4.4 Peasantry

In the foreground was the question of easing the situation of those peasants who had already switched to ransom, i.e. the question of reducing redemption payments. In 1881, all former landowner peasants were transferred to compulsory redemption, their dependent temporary position was abolished, and redemption payments were reduced.

A number of measures were developed and carried out aimed at combating peasant land shortage. In this regard, three main measures should be indicated: first, the establishment of a Peasant Bank, with the help of which peasants could have cheap credit for the purchase of land; secondly, facilitating the lease of state-owned lands and quitrent articles that were or could be leased, and, finally, thirdly, the settlement of settlements.

It was decided that the Peasant Bank should help peasants, regardless of which peasants and in what amount they buy land.

In 1884, the rules on the lease of state-owned lands stated that, according to the law, lands were given on a 12-year lease and, moreover, only those peasants who lived no further than 12 miles from the rented quitrent could take them without bidding.

As for the resettlement issue, which at that time began to manifest itself in rather acute forms, it should be noted that rules were approved on the procedure for relocating land-poor peasants beyond the Urals (1889).

Mention should be made of those laws on the labor issue that were issued starting in 1882. For the first time since that time, the Russian government took the path of protecting - if not all workers, then at least minors and women - from the arbitrariness of factory owners. The law of 1882 for the first time limited the working hours of minors and women and brought their working conditions more or less under the control of government industries, and the first positions of factory inspectors were established to supervise the implementation of these regulations.

However, these measures generally did not improve the well-being of the peasant population.

4.5 Zemstvo and city counter-reforms

They were held in 1890 and 1892.

The initiator of the zemstvo counter-reform was D.A. Tolstoy. This counter-reform ensured the predominance of nobles in zemstvo institutions, halved the number of voters in the city curia, and limited elected representation for peasants. In the provincial zemstvo assemblies, the number of nobles increased to 90%, and in the provincial zemstvo councils - to 94%. The activities of zemstvo institutions were placed under the full control of the governor. The chairman and members of zemstvo councils began to be considered to be in the public service. For elections to zemstvos, class curiae were established, and the composition of zemstvo assemblies was changed through representatives appointed from above. The governor received the right to suspend the execution of decisions of zemstvo assemblies.

Urban counter-reform also served to strengthen the “state element”. It eliminated the lower classes of the city from participation in city self-government, significantly increasing the property qualification. In St. Petersburg and Moscow, less than one percent of the population could participate in the elections. There were cities where the number of city council members was equal to the number of people participating in the elections. City councils were controlled by provincial authorities. The urban counter-reform was in blatant contradiction with the ongoing process of rapid urbanization. The number of members of city Dumas decreased, administrative control over them increased (now elected representatives of city government began to be considered civil servants), and the range of issues within the competence of the dumas decreased.

Thus, the counter-reform in the sphere of local government and the courts led to increased control over the elected authorities by the state, an increase in noble representation in them, and a violation of the principles of election and all-class in their activities.

Conclusion

Of course, the reign of Alexander III was not absolutely hopeless for Russia. Domestically, thanks to the talent and energy of N.Kh. Bunge, I.A. Vyshnegradsky, S.Yu. Witte, tsarism managed to ensure economic growth - not only in industry, but also in agriculture, although at a high cost. “We won’t finish the food ourselves, but we’ll take it out,” Vyshnegradsky boasted, without specifying who is undernourished - a bunch of “tops”, or multimillion-dollar “bottoms.” The terrible famine of 1891, which struck 26 provinces, with relapses in 1892–1893, had a serious impact on the situation of the masses, but did not alarm the monarch. His Majesty only became angry... at the starving people. “Alexandra III,” testified the famous lawyer O.O. Gruzenberg, - I was irritated by the mention of “hunger”, as a word invented by those who have nothing to eat. He gave the highest orders to replace the word “hunger” with the word “famine.” The General Directorate of Press Affairs immediately sent out a strict circular.”

Individual positive features of the reign of Alexander III do not atone one iota for the general negativity: spoons of honey, no matter how many there are, will not sweeten the ointment. The reptilian title of this monarch, “Tsar the Peacemaker,” was not without reason changed by his opponents into another: “Tsar the Peacemaker,” meaning his passion (according to the recipe of Prince Meshchersky) for flogging anyone (including women), but mainly peasants , to flogging both separately and together, as a whole “world”. In general, Leo Tolstoy defined the entire reign of Alexander III as “stupid, retrograde”, as one of the darkest periods of Russian history: Alexander III tried to “return Russia to the barbarism of the beginning of the century”, all his “shameful activities of gallows, rods, persecutions, stupefaction of the people " led to this. The reign of Alexander III was assessed in the same way, although in less harsh terms, by P.N. Miliukov, K.A. Timiryazev, V.I. Vernadsky, A.A. Blok, V.G. Korolenko, and M.E. Saltykov-Shchedrin immortalized Alexander’s reaction in the image of the “Triumphing Pig”, which “bows” before the Truth and “chops” it.

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The domestic policy of Alexander III (1881 - 1894) was consistent. It was based on a set of very specific ideas about what Russia should become. Alexander III was a conservative by nature, upbringing, and life experience. His beliefs were formed under the influence of the bitter experience of the struggle between the government and the populist revolutionaries, which he witnessed and of which his father, Alexander II, became a victim. The instructions of K. P. Pobedonostsev, a prominent ideologist of Russian conservatism, were found in the new monarch as a grateful student, ready to follow them.

Having removed liberal ministers from power (D.N. Milyutin, M.T. Loris-Melikov, A.A. Abaza, etc.), executing the First March members by court verdict, the tsar firmly announced his intention to establish and protect autocracy. Alexander III believed in the historical mission of Russia, in autocracy, called upon to lead it along the path of victories, in Orthodoxy, the spiritual support of the people and power. Autocratic power, the tsar believed, should help a confused society find ground under its feet, surround it with care and guardianship, and strictly punish for disobedience. Alexander III felt like the father of a large family that needed his firm hand.

Politics in the peasant question. In 1881, a law was passed on the mandatory purchase by peasants of their plots. Essentially, this was the liquidation of a temporarily obligated state (implementation of the decree was delayed until 1917). Redemption payments were reduced by 1 ruble (the average ransom was 7 rubles), in 1883-1886. - The capitation tax has been phased out. They tried to solve the problem of peasant land shortage by organizing the resettlement of peasants (1889), establishing a Peasant Bank to finance the purchase of land, and facilitating the lease of state land. In 1893, the tsar signed a law that allowed redistribution of land between community members no more often than every 12 years, and family divisions to be carried out only with the consent of the village assembly. It was prohibited to sell the plot or pledge it. This law most clearly characterizes the policy of Alexander III on the peasant issue, its patronizing, patriarchal nature. In the community, the tsar saw the only guarantor of stability in the countryside, a kind of shield protecting the peasant from losing his allotment, from hopeless poverty, from becoming a proletarian deprived of the means of subsistence. The peasant policy of the 80-90s, on the one hand, looked after the peasantry, protected it from new economic realities, but on the other hand, it encouraged the passive and inactive, and gave little help to the active and energetic.

Labor politics. Laws of 1882-1886 the foundations of labor legislation were laid: the labor of children under twelve years of age was prohibited; Night work for women and minors is prohibited; the terms of employment and the procedure for terminating contracts between workers and entrepreneurs have been determined.

Police activities. The Order on “Strengthened Security” (1881) allowed the introduction of a special situation in unreliable provinces. The governor and mayor could imprison suspicious persons for up to three months, prohibit any meetings, etc. “Order departments” with political investigation functions and extensive agents were created in all major cities.

Events in the field of press and education. The new “Temporary Rules on the Press” (1882) established the most severe censorship and made it possible to freely close objectionable publications. The Minister of Education I.D. Delyanov became famous for the development of a new university charter, which deprived universities of autonomy (1884), and for the publication of a circular about “cook’s children,” which prohibited the admission to the gymnasium of children of small shopkeepers, coachmen, footmen, and cooks.

Counter-reforms. 1889-1892 Law 1889 established the position of zemstvo chief. Zemstvo chiefs received administrative and judicial powers, could remove village elders from office, subject peasants to corporal punishment, fines, and arrest. They were appointed by the government from among the local hereditary nobles.

Law 1890

actually deprived peasants of the right to nominate members of the district and provincial zemstvo institutions. Now they were appointed by the governor.

The law of 1892 introduced a high property qualification, and artisans and small traders were excluded from elections to the city duma.

In the 80s the government gained the opportunity to remove judges at its discretion, removed political cases from jury trials, and fired many prosecutors who served in the 60s and 70s.

Historians call these events counter-reforms to emphasize: they were directed against the reforms of the reign of Alexander II.

The assessment of the reign of Alexander III cannot be unambiguous. The government, on the one hand, ensured internal stability, industry developed rapidly, and foreign capital flowed into the country. On the other hand, the tsar’s attempts to reverse the processes begun during the years of the “great reforms” did not meet the needs of a rapidly changing society. The economic modernization that began in post-reform Russia gave rise to acute, qualitatively new problems and conflicts. The government, which saw its purpose as restraining society and protecting it from change, could not cope with the new problems. The results were immediate: the revolution, which shook the foundations of the old system, occurred ten years after the death of Alexander III.

Counter-reforms of Alexander III

Even during the period when the emperor was only the heir to the throne, a conservative environment formed around him (“the party of the Anichkov Palace”), in which K.P. became the main figure. Pobedonostsev. Pobedonostsev was opposed to the development of Western European democratic institutions (self-government bodies, zemstvos) on Russian soil, believing that such “talking shops” would erode the country’s state foundations and would ultimately lead to collapse. After the regicide of Alexander II, the conservative course of the new emperor was finally determined:

1) politically, Alexander III considered it necessary to strengthen autocracy and class orders;

2) he rejected the project of liberal reforms supported by Alexander II;

The Manifesto “On the Inviolability of Autocracy” was approved, and later the “Order on Measures to Preserve State Order and Public Peace,” according to which central power was strengthened in Russia, an emergency government regime was introduced (military courts, exile of undesirable persons, closure of liberal newspapers, liquidation autonomy of universities, etc.);

4) the country entered a stage of its development, called the period of counter-reforms:

– many liberal achievements in the country were canceled, the principles that reigned in Russian life under Nicholas I were revived;

- in 1890, the “Regulations on Precinct Zemstvo Chiefs” were published, according to which zemstvos were subject to the supervision of governors, and the role of nobles was strengthened in them. The election system was transformed, a high property qualification was introduced, which reduced the number of voters several times. Zemstvo commanders had the right to apply corporal punishment to offending peasants;

– restrictions were introduced in the field of legal proceedings. Restrictions were introduced regarding the tenure of judges, the elected magistrate court was abolished, and the circle of persons from whom jurors were appointed was narrowed;

– “Temporary Rules on the Press” (1882) tightened censorship;

5) the political system of the country began to acquire the features of a police state. Security departments were created to monitor public order and security;

6) Alexander III sought to preserve the unitary nature of the state. The basis of the emperor's course is the Russification of the national borderlands. The independence of the outskirts of the empire was limited. The government of Alexander III, however, had to take a number of measures that made it possible to stabilize the social development of the country: 1) the temporarily obliged state of the peasants was abolished; 2) the amount of redemption payments was reduced; 3) the gradual abolition of the poll tax began; 4) in 1882

the Peasant Bank was established, which provided loans to peasants to purchase land; 5) democratization of the officer corps has begun; 6) in 1885, night work by minor children and women was prohibited; 7) in 1886, a document was adopted that regulated the conditions of hiring and dismissal and limited the amount of fines levied on workers.

Strengthening police control over society under Alexander III led to a temporary decline in the revolutionary movement. The foreign policy of Alexander the “Peacemaker” was very successful, during whose reign the country avoided participation in wars.

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Counter-reforms of Alexander 3 (1881-1894)

Autocracy created the historical individuality of Russia.

Alexander III

The Emperor completely limited the influence of liberalism, relying on conservative rule, maintaining peace and order in the Russian Empire. In addition, thanks to his foreign policy, Alexander 3 was nicknamed the “peacemaker king,” since he did not wage a single war during the entire 13 years of his reign. Today we will talk about the counter-reforms of Alexander 3, as well as the main directions of the internal policy of the “peacemaker tsar”.

Ideology of counter-reforms and major transformations

On March 1, 1881, Alexander 2 was killed. His son Alexander 3 became emperor. The young ruler was greatly influenced by the murder of his father by a terrorist organization. This made us think about limiting the freedoms that Alexander 2 wanted to give his people, focusing on conservative rule.

Historians identify two individuals who can be considered the ideologists of the counter-reform policies of Alexander 3:

K. Pobedonostseva
M. Katkova
D. Tolstoy
V. Meshchersky

Below is a description of all the changes that occurred in Russia during the reign of Alexander 3.

Changes in the peasant sphere

Alexander 3 considered the agrarian question to be one of the main problems of Russia. Despite the abolition of serfdom, there were several problems in this area:

The large size of farm-out payments, which undermined the economic development of the peasantry.
The presence of a poll tax, which, although it brought profit to the treasury, did not stimulate the development of peasant farms.
The weakness of the peasant community. It was in it that Alexander 3 saw the basis for the development of the Russian village.

N. Bunge became the new Minister of Finance. It was he who was entrusted with solving the “peasant issue.” On December 28, 1881, a law was passed that approved the abolition of the provision of “temporarily obliged” for former serfs. This law also reduced redemption payments by one ruble, which was an average amount at that time. Already in 1882, the government allocated another 5 million rubles to reduce payments in certain regions of Russia.

In the same 1882, Alexander 3 approved another important change: the per capita tax was significantly reduced and limited. Part of the nobility opposed this, since this tax brought about 40 million rubles annually to the treasury, but at the same time it limited the freedom of movement of the peasantry, as well as their free choice of occupation.

In 1882, the Peasant Bank was created to support the land-poor peasantry. Here peasants could get a loan to buy land at a minimal interest rate. Thus began the counter-reforms of Alexander III.

In 1893, a law was passed limiting the right of peasants to leave the community. To redistribute communal land, 2/3 of the community had to vote for the redistribution. In addition, after the redistribution, the next exit could only be made after 12 years.

Labor legislation

The Emperor also initiated the first legislation in Russia for the working class, which by this time was rapidly growing. Historians highlight the following changes that affected the proletariat:

On June 1, 1882, a law was passed that prohibited the labor of children under 12 years of age. This law also introduced an 8-hour limit on the work of 12-15 year old children.
Later, an additional law was passed that prohibited night work by women and minors.
Limiting the size of the fine that an entrepreneur could “collect” from a worker. In addition, all fines went to a special state fund.
The introduction of a paybook in which it was necessary to enter all the conditions for hiring a worker.
Adoption of a law increasing the worker's responsibility for participating in strikes.
Creation of a factory inspection to check compliance with labor laws.

Russia became one of the first countries where control over the working conditions of the proletariat took place.

The fight against sedition

To prevent the spread of terrorist organizations and revolutionary ideas, on August 14, 1881, the law “On measures to limit state order and public peace” was adopted. These were important counter-reforms of Alexander 3, who saw terrorism as the greatest threat to Russia. According to the new order, the Minister of the Interior, as well as governors general, had the power to declare a “state of exception” in certain areas for increased use of the police or army. Governors-General also received the right to close any private institutions that were suspected of collaborating with illegal organizations.

The state has significantly increased the amount of funds allocated to secret agents, the number of which has increased significantly.

In addition, a special police department, the Okhrana, was opened to consider political cases.

Publishing policy

In 1882, a special council was created to control publishing houses, consisting of four ministers. However, Pobedonostsev played the main role in it. Between 1883 and 1885, 9 publications were closed, including the very popular “Notes of the Fatherland” by Saltykov-Shchedrin.

In 1884, a “cleaning” of libraries was also carried out. A list of 133 books was compiled that were prohibited from being stored in the libraries of the Russian Empire. In addition, censorship on newly published books increased.

Changes in education

Universities have always been a place for the dissemination of new ideas, including revolutionary ones. In 1884, the Minister of Education Delyanov approved a new university charter. According to this document, universities lost the right to autonomy: the leadership was entirely appointed from the ministry, and not elected by university employees. Thus, the Ministry of Education not only increased control over curricula and programs, but also received full supervision over the extracurricular activities of universities.

In addition, university rectors lost their rights of protection and patronage over their students. So, back in the years of Alexander 2, each rector, in the event of a student being detained by the police, could stand up for him, taking him under his wing. Now it was prohibited.

Secondary education and its reform

The most controversial counter-reforms of Alexander 3 affected secondary education. On June 5, 1887, a law was adopted, which was popularly called “about cooks’ children.” Its main goal is to make it difficult for children from peasant families to enter gymnasiums. In order for a peasant child to continue studying at the gymnasium, someone from the “noble” class had to vouch for him. Tuition fees also increased significantly.

Pobedonostsev argued that the children of peasants do not need to have a higher education at all; ordinary parish schools will be enough for them. Thus, the actions of Alexander 3 in the field of primary and secondary education canceled out the plans of part of the enlightened population of the empire to increase the number of literate people, the number of which in Russia was catastrophically small.

Zemstvo counter-reform

In 1864, Alexander 2 signed a decree on the creation of local government bodies - zemstvos.

28.) Alexander III and counter-reforms

They were created at three levels: provincial, district and volost. Alexander 3 considered these institutions a potential place for the dissemination of revolutionary ideas, but did not consider them a useless place. That is why he did not eliminate them. Instead, on July 12, 1889, a decree was signed approving the post of zemstvo chief. This position could only be held by representatives of the nobility. In addition, they had very broad powers: from conducting trials to decrees on organizing arrests in the area.

In 1890, another law of those counter-reforms in Russia at the end of the 19th century was issued, which concerned zemstvos. Changes were made to the electoral system in zemstvos: only nobles could now be elected from landowners, their number increased, the city curia was significantly reduced, and peasant seats were checked and approved by the governor.

National and religious politics

The religious and national policies of Alexander 3 were based on the principles that were proclaimed back in the years of Nicholas 1 by the Minister of Education Uvarov: Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality. The emperor paid great attention to the creation of the Russian nation. For this purpose, a rapid and large-scale Russification of the outskirts of the empire was organized. In this direction, he did not differ much from his father, who also Russified the education and culture of non-Russian ethnic groups of the empire.

The Orthodox Church became the support of the autocracy. The emperor declared a fight against sectarianism. In gymnasiums, the number of hours for “religious” subjects increased. Also, Buddhists (and these are Buryats and Kalmyks) were forbidden to build temples. Jews were forbidden to settle in large cities, even beyond the Pale of Settlement. In addition, Catholic Poles were denied access to managerial positions in the Kingdom of Poland and the Western Region.

What preceded the reforms

Just a few days after the death of Alexander 2, Loris-Melikov, one of the main ideologists of liberalism, the Minister of Internal Affairs under Alexander 2, was dismissed, and with him the Minister of Finance A. Abaza, as well as the famous Minister of War D. Milyutin, left . N. Ignatiev, a well-known supporter of the Slavophiles, was appointed as the new Minister of Internal Affairs. On April 29, 1881, Pobedonostsev drew up a manifesto called “On the Inviolability of Autocracy,” which substantiated the alienness of liberalism for Russia. This document is one of the main ones in defining the ideology of the counter-reforms of Alexander 3. In addition, the emperor refused to accept the Constitution, which was developed by Loris-Melikov.

As for M. Katkov, he was the editor-in-chief of Moskovskie Vedomosti and generally one of the most influential journalists in the country. He provided support for counter-reforms on the pages of his publication, as well as other newspapers throughout the empire.

The appointment of new ministers showed that Alexander 3 did not intend to completely stop his father’s reforms, he simply hoped to turn them in the right “channel” for Russia, removing “elements alien to it.”

The period of counter-reforms in Russia

After the resignation of the liberal ministers, one of the first steps of the government of Alexander III was the adoption of " Provisions on measures to protect state order and public peace August 1881 - a law that strengthened the police regime in the country. When introducing it in any locality, the authorities could expel undesirable persons without trial, close educational institutions, press organs, and commercial and industrial enterprises. In fact, a state of emergency was established in Russia, which existed, despite the temporary nature of this law, until 1917.

In addition, repressive authorities were strengthened - law enforcement departments were created - security departments. Thanks to the measures taken, as well as the internal crisis of the revolutionary movement, the authorities managed to defeat the People's Will and restore order in the country.

Zemstvo bosses. In 1889 the government introduced Regulations on zemstvo district commanders, which, having abolished elected justices of the peace, peace mediators and county presences on peasant affairs, transferred administrative and judicial power locally to nobles from local landowners appointed to this position. Rural and volost assemblies were subordinate to the zemstvo chiefs. As a result, this measure restored the administrative power of the landowners over the peasants, who, as a result of its implementation, even started talking about restoring serfdom.

Zemstvo counter-reform. According to the law of 1890, the representation of nobles in zemstvo institutions was increased and control over zemstvos by the administration was strengthened. In the first landowning kuri, the property qualification was lowered, which allowed small landed nobles to join the ranks of the vowels at their own expense. In the second curia, the qualifications, on the contrary, increased, which limited the rights of average entrepreneurs. Representatives from the peasant curia had to be approved by the authorities.

Urban counter-reform(1892) increased the property qualification for elections, and this reduced the number of voters by 3 times and ensured the dominance in city government of large entrepreneurs and noble landowners with large real estate in cities. In addition, the authorities now had the right not only to reject the candidacy of an already elected mayor, but also to approve the entire leadership of the city government, to intervene even more actively in the affairs of Duma etc.

In the courts Publicity was limited and all cases of violent actions against officials were removed from the jurisdiction of the jury. In fact, the principle of irremovability of judges was violated, which, to a certain extent, created the possibility of administrative pressure on the courts. The property qualification for jurors was increased. Plans were hatched to completely eliminate the institution of juries, which the right-wing press disparagingly called the street court.

National policy. The idea of Russian national identity, which was opposed to the West, became widespread again.

Active Russification of the peoples of the outskirts of the empire was carried out, the rights of persons of non-Orthodox religions, especially Jews, were limited.

Russian culture of the 19th century.

Slavophilism as a movement of social thought appeared in the early 1840s. His ideologists there were writers and philosophers A. S. Khomyakov, I. V. and P. V. Kireevsky, brothers K. S. and I. S. Aksakov., Yu. F. Samarin etc. Slavophilism can be described as the Russian version of national liberalism.

Developing the idea of the originality of Russian history, the Slavophiles, unlike Shevyrev, Pogodin and Uvarov, considered the main driving force not the autocracy, but the Orthodox people, united in rural communities. At the same time, polemicizing with Chaadaev, they argued that it was Orthodoxy that predetermined the great future of Russia and gave its entire history a truly spiritual meaning.

The main provisions of the theory of Slavophilism:

– the most important characteristic of Russian society and the Russian state is nationality, and the basis of the original Russian path of development is Orthodoxy, community and the national Russian character;

– in Russia, the government is in harmony with the people, as opposed to Europe, where social conflicts are exacerbated. Autocracy, according to the Slavophiles, saved Russian society from the political struggle in which Europe was mired;

– the foundations of Russian social life lie in the communal system in the countryside, collectivism, conciliarity;

– Russia is developing in a non-violent way;

– in Russia, spiritual values prevail over material ones;

– Peter I used violent methods to introduce experience mechanically borrowed from the West, which led to a disruption of the natural development of Russia, introduced an element of violence, preserved serfdom and gave rise to social conflicts;

– serfdom must be abolished, while preserving the community and the patriarchal way of life (we were talking only about the spiritual way of life, the Slavophiles did not oppose modern technology, railways and industry);

– to determine the path of further development it is necessary to convene a Zemsky Sobor;

- Slavophiles denied revolution and radical reforms, considering only gradual transformations possible, carried out from above under the influence of society according to the principle: to the king - the power of power, to the people - the power of opinion.

Westernism took shape as an ideological trend in the works and activities of historians, lawyers and writers T. N. Granovsky, K. D. Kavelin, P. V. Annenkov, B. N. Chicherin, S. M. Solovyov, V. P. Botkin, V. G. Belinsky. Like the Slavophiles, Westerners sought to transform Russia into a leading power and to renew its social system.

Counter-reforms of Alexander 3: causes, characteristics, consequences

Representing the Russian version of classical liberalism, Westernism, at the same time, differed significantly from it, because it was formed in the conditions of a backward peasant country and a despotic political regime.

Despite the reaction (according to A.I. Herzen - external slavery), thanks to the social movement in the country it was possible to maintain internal freedom - independence and free-thinking of the spiritual elite.

There was a complication of social thought; independent and original ideological movements that take into account national specifics.

Started differentiation of socio-political directions, which prepared the intellectual and moral ground for the further development of the liberation movement in Russia.

In society and part of the bureaucracy, a spiritual atmosphere that made it possible to begin preparations for the abolition of serfdom.

The country's social movement had a significant influence on the development of Russian culture and, especially, literature. On the other side, Russian literature, which has taken on the functions of a secret spiritual parliament Russia, gave socio-political ideas an artistic form and thereby increased their impact on society.

Reign of Nicholas II (1894-1917)

Socio-economic vestiges in agriculture (a backward landowner economy that used peasant labor, agrarian orders in the Russian countryside, incomplete community ownership of land, etc.) were combined with development of capitalism both in agriculture and industry, which contributed to exacerbation of contradictions in Russian society.

Crop failure of 1900, economic crisis of 1900-1903. and the economic consequences of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 aggravated the agrarian crisis and led to a deterioration in the economic situation of the broad masses.

Political background.

Autocracy – The Russian absolute monarchy was the main political relic of feudalism. The autocracy prevented any socio-political changes and was unable to modernize the social system of Russia. The personal qualities of Nicholas II also played an important role; contemporaries, including those from the tsar’s entourage, emphasized the sovereign’s distrust of all reforms.

A regime of political lawlessness. Tsarism, despite the concessions of the 60-70s. last century continued to persecute the germs of political dissent, resorting to repression against the worker and peasant movement, exile and prison for revolutionaries, surveillance and persecution of even moderate Russian liberals.

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Alexander III (reigned 1881-1894) was the second son of Alexander II. He was not prepared for the reign, and therefore he did not receive a serious education. Only in 1865, after the death of his elder brother Nikolai Alexandrovich, did twenty-year-old Alexander Alexandrovich become heir to the throne. According to historians, Alexander III of all the unlimited Russian autocrats was the most limited, although he did not recognize any “constitution”. It was limited not by parliament, but by “the grace of God.” Alexander III was distinguished by excellent health and colossal physical strength. He easily broke horseshoes and bent a silver ruble.

Alexander III ascended the throne at the age of 36 after the historical events of March 1, 1881 (see Alexander II and the reforms of the 60-70s of the 19th century). The new emperor was a strong opponent of reforms and did not recognize his father's reforms. The tragic death of Alexander II in his eyes meant the perniciousness of liberal policies. This conclusion predetermined the transition to reactionary politics.

The evil genius of the reign of Alexander III becomes K. P. Pobedonostsev, Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod. Possessing a sharp analytical mind, Pobedonostsev develops a position that denies democracy and contemporary Western European culture. He did not recognize European rationalism, did not believe in the good nature of man, and was a fierce opponent of parliamentarism, calling it “the great lie of our time,” believing that parliamentarians in the majority belong to the most immoral representatives of society. Pobedonostsev hated the press, which, in his opinion, invades every corner of life with its own opinion; imposes his ideas on the reader and influences people's actions in the most harmful way.

What was offered in return? According to Pobedonostsev, society rests on the “natural force of inertia,” based not on knowledge, but on experience. Politically, this meant respect for the old government institutions. The contrast between rational thought and traditional life was a very desirable conclusion for conservatives, but dangerous for social progress. As is known, wise public policy takes into account both of these vital factors.

In practice, the implementation of these rather complex legal ideas was carried out through the inculcation of pseudo-popular views, the idealization of antiquity, and the support of nationalism.

Counter-reforms of Alexander III (page 3 of 4)

Alexander III dressed in folk clothes; Even in the architecture of official buildings, the pseudo-Russian style dominated.

The period of the reign of Alexander III was marked by a series of reactionary changes, called counter-reforms, aimed at revising the reforms of previous decades.

In the post-reform years, the nobility recalled with a sense of nostalgia the “good old days” of the serfdom era. The government could no longer return to the previous order; it tried to maintain this mood. In the year of the twentieth anniversary of the reform of 1861, even a simple mention of the abolition of serfdom was prohibited.

An attempt to revive the pre-reform order was the adoption of certain legislative acts. On June 12, 1889, the law on zemstvo district commanders appeared. 2,200 zemstvo sections were created in the provinces. Zemstvo chiefs with a wide range of powers were placed at the head of the plots: control over the communal self-government of peasants, consideration of court cases previously carried out by the magistrate's court, resolution of land issues, etc. The positions of zemstvo chiefs could only be held by persons of noble origin who had a high land qualification. The special status of zemstvo chiefs meant an arbitrary strengthening of the power of the nobility.

In 1892, a new regulation on cities appeared. City government could no longer act independently. The government received the right not to approve legally elected mayors. The property qualification for voters was increased. As a result, the number of voters decreased by 3-4 times. Thus, in Moscow the number of voters decreased from 23 thousand to 7 thousand people. In fact, civil servants and the working intelligentsia were removed from city administration. Management was entirely in the hands of homeowners, industrialists, merchants and innkeepers.

In 1890, the rights of zemstvos were even more limited. According to the new law, the nobles in the zemstvos retained 57% of the vowels. The chairmen of zemstvo councils were subject to approval by the administration, and in cases of their non-approval, they were appointed by the authorities. The number of vowels from the peasants was reduced, and a new procedure for electing vowels from them was introduced. Rural assemblies elected only candidates, and for each place at least two or three, of whom the governor appointed a public official. Disagreements between the zemstvos and the local administration were resolved by the latter.

In 1884, a new university statute was introduced that abolished the internal autonomy of universities. Teachers elected to their positions by academic councils had to undergo approval by the Minister of Education. Tuition fees have increased. Benefits for conscription into the army of persons with education were limited. In relation to the secondary school, the infamous circular about “cook’s children” was issued, which recommended limiting the admission to the gymnasium of “children of coachmen, footmen, cooks, laundresses, small shopkeepers and similar people, whose children, with the exception of those gifted with extraordinary abilities, should not at all remove them from the environment to which they belong."

Perhaps most of all, Russia during this period was lucky with its financial policy, which was greatly facilitated by outstanding people who held the post of Minister of Finance successively: N.H. Bunge, I.A. Vyshnegradsky and S.Yu. Witte. Financial recovery has been achieved in Russia: the ruble has become stable and the financial deficit has been overcome. This happened due to the improvement of the tax system, the development of railway and industrial construction, the attraction of foreign capital and a sharp increase in bread exports. They began to sell more bread abroad than demand could allow. However, on the shoulders of a starving village, Russia was able to capture the food markets of Europe, and the state reached financial prosperity.

Alexander III, having no predilection for reflection, knew no doubts. Like any limited person, he had complete certainty in his thoughts, feelings and actions. He understood history as amusing stories and did not consider it necessary to draw conclusions from it. The focus was on supporting the local nobility by the end of the 19th century. was at least a political mistake. New forces have formed in Russia. The strengthened bourgeoisie persistently demanded its participation in political life. The thirteen years of the reign of Alexander III were a relatively calm period, but this calm was accompanied by deep political stagnation, no less dangerous than the turbulent events.

Alexander III. Russian Emperor (1881-1894), nicknamed the Peacemaker. Portrait by I. N. Kramskoy. 1880.

The theme of "Counter-Reforms of Alexander 3" is key to understanding why Russia experienced three subsequent revolutions, the murder of the royal family, and much more in the first quarter of the 20th century. And although Alexander the Third is the penultimate ruler of the Romanov dynasty (if you don’t count Mikhail Romanov), the emphasis made during his reign was continued by his son Nicholas II.

Reasons for counter-reforms

The reasons for such a policy should be sought, in my opinion, in the Manifesto “On the Inviolability of Autocracy” dated April 29, 1881. At the very beginning we find these lines: “It was pleasing to God, in His inscrutable destinies, to complete the glorious Reign of Our Beloved Parent with a martyr’s death, and to entrust to Us the Sacred duty of Autocratic Rule.”.

Thus, we see that the first, and I think, the main reason for the policy of counter-reforms was rooted in the author of the Manifesto: he sincerely believed that God had punished his father, Alexander II, for his reforms and now placed his son on the throne, placing it on him "sacred duty". Let me remind you that at that time conservative ideology in Russia was represented by the Theory of Official Nationality, and the words of the document directly appeal to it.

The second reason for the counter-reforms follows from the first: the ruling circles in Russia were against rapid development, rapid changes. And they have already begun: the stratification of the peasantry caused by, the strengthening of property inequality in the countryside, the growth of the proletariat - the working class. The old government could not keep track of all this, because it thought in old archetypes: how can society be protected from its development?

Characteristics of counter-reforms

Printing and education

1882 Tightening censorship. Closing of liberal newspapers and magazines (“Otechestvennye zapiski”, “Delo”...)
1884 Reactionary university charter. Abolition of university self-government.
1887 Circular “On cook's children” (prohibition of admission of lower-class children to the gymnasium).

These actions were taken against, one of which again granted the country university self-government.

Local government

The institution of zemstvo chiefs (from the nobility) was introduced to strengthen control over zemstvos
The rights and powers of zemstvos are limited.
In zemstvos, the number of deputies from nobles has been increased at the expense of the number of deputies from other classes

These actions were carried out with the aim of downplaying the role of local self-government and turning zemstvos into a purely executive and administrative body of the state. The latter did not trust his people. How will he manage himself?

Judicial counter-reform

An emergency law was adopted to combat the revolutionary movement (1881). In accordance with it, in the event of revolutionary unrest, governors received the right to introduce a state of emergency in the provinces, which gave them a free hand in relation to revolutionaries or their accomplices.
The openness of legal proceedings in political cases was limited (1887).
Magistrates' courts were liquidated (1889), which could deal with minor court cases.

These actions were aimed at limiting the capabilities of the courts. Many people know that the court has become more objective, a jury trial was introduced, which could go far for the defense. It is not for nothing that the second half of the 19th century was the heyday of the legal profession, which, for example, showed .

Peasant question

Although Alexander the Third could not reverse the peasant reform, contrary to our expectations, something useful was done for the peasants. Thus, in 1881, the temporarily obliged position of the peasantry was abolished. Now all peasant communities were transferred to the purchase of land from the landowner, simply - to the purchase. In the same year, redemption payments were reduced by one ruble.

In 1882, the Peasant Bank was created for settlements on the peasant issue and redemption payments. And from 1882 to 1887 the poll tax was abolished.

But not everything was rosy. Thus, in 1893, the state limited the exit of peasants from the community. Alexander the Third saw in the peasant community the guarantee of preserving both autocracy and stability in Russia. Moreover, by doing this, the state reduced the flow of peasants into the city and their replenishment of the impoverished proletariat.

Consequences of counter-reforms

The policy of counter-reforms did not contribute to the development of those directions that were laid down in the previous reign. The life of the peasants was still miserable and remained so. To characterize everyday life, the following example can be given.

Somehow L.N. Tolstoy, traveling around Russia, saw a peasant who was carrying a cart of potato tops. “Where are you taking?” - the Great Russian writer asked the peasant. “Yes, here it is - from the master.” "For what?" - asked Tolstoy. “For these tops, which we will now eat, we will have to sow the master’s field next year, cultivate and reap,” answered the poor fellow (Told from the book by S.G. Kara-Murza “The Civil War in Russia”).

All the more terrible is the meaning of the words of Nicholas II, that all sentiments for change are groundless. The more definite becomes the understanding of the causes of the three revolutions in Russia in the first quarter of the 20th century.

Post Scriptum: Of course, we were not able to cover many important aspects of the topic in this short article. You can get a holistic understanding of the history of Russia and World History, as well as understand how to solve Unified State Exam tests in history by studying, as well as on our Unified State Exam preparation courses .

Best regards, Andrey Puchkov

Autocracy created the historical individuality of Russia.
Alexander III

Counter-reforms are the changes that Alexander 3 carried out during his reign from 1881 to 1894. They are named so because the previous emperor Alexander 2 carried out liberal reforms, which Alexander 3 considered ineffective and harmful to the country. The Emperor completely limited the influence of liberalism, relying on conservative rule, maintaining peace and order in the Russian Empire. In addition, thanks to his foreign policy, Alexander 3 was nicknamed the “peacemaker king,” since he did not wage a single war during the entire 13 years of his reign. Today we will talk about the counter-reforms of Alexander 3, as well as the main directions of the internal policy of the “peacemaker tsar”.

Ideology of counter-reforms and major transformations

Historians identify two individuals who can be considered the ideologists of the counter-reform policies of Alexander 3:

K. Pobedonostseva
M. Katkova
D. Tolstoy
V. Meshchersky

Below is a description of all the changes that occurred in Russia during the reign of Alexander 3.

Changes in the peasant sphere

Alexander 3 considered the agrarian question to be one of the main problems of Russia. Despite the abolition of serfdom, there were several problems in this area:

The large size of farm-out payments, which undermined the economic development of the peasantry.
The presence of a poll tax, which, although it brought profit to the treasury, did not stimulate the development of peasant farms.
The weakness of the peasant community. It was in it that Alexander 3 saw the basis for the development of the Russian village.

In 1882, the Peasant Bank was created to support the land-poor peasantry. Here peasants could get a loan to buy land at a minimal interest rate. Thus began the counter-reforms of Alexander III.

Labor legislation

The Emperor also initiated the first legislation in Russia for the working class, which by this time was rapidly growing. Historians highlight the following changes that affected the proletariat:

On June 1, 1882, a law was passed that prohibited the labor of children under 12 years of age. This law also introduced an 8-hour limit on the work of 12-15 year old children.
Later, an additional law was passed that prohibited night work by women and minors.
Limiting the size of the fine that an entrepreneur could “collect” from a worker. In addition, all fines went to a special state fund.
The introduction of a paybook in which it was necessary to enter all the conditions for hiring a worker.
Adoption of a law increasing the worker's responsibility for participating in strikes.
Creation of a factory inspection to check compliance with labor laws.

Russia became one of the first countries where control over the working conditions of the proletariat took place.

The fight against sedition

The state has significantly increased the amount of funds allocated to secret agents, the number of which has increased significantly. In addition, a special police department, the Okhrana, was opened to consider political cases.

Publishing policy

Changes in education

Secondary education and its reform

Zemstvo counter-reform

In 1864, Alexander 2 signed a decree on the creation of local government bodies - zemstvos. They were created at three levels: provincial, district and volost. Alexander 3 considered these institutions a potential place for the dissemination of revolutionary ideas, but did not consider them a useless place. That is why he did not eliminate them. Instead, on July 12, 1889, a decree was signed approving the post of zemstvo chief. This position could only be held by representatives of the nobility. In addition, they had very broad powers: from conducting trials to decrees on organizing arrests in the area.

National and religious politics

What preceded the reforms

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