Military affairs of the Chukchi (mid-17th - early 20th century) - description and summary, author Nefedkin Alexander, read for free online on the website of the electronic library website
This publication examines various aspects of the military affairs of the Chukchi throughout the era known to us from written and other sources, starting from the second half of the 17th century, when the Chukchi first encountered the Siberian Cossacks, and up to the beginning of the 20th century, when clashes based on bloodshed still occurred to sweep. Information is drawn on neighboring peoples, Asian and American Eskimos, Koryaks and Russians, which makes it possible to better reveal the peculiarities of the Chukchi military affairs. The book is the first work in historiography devoted to the military affairs of the Chukchi. It will be useful not only to ethnographers, but also to a wide range of readers interested in military affairs.
On the first page of the cover: Chukchi warrior of the 18th century. Reconstruction. Drawing by A. V. Kozlenke.
Military affairs of the Chukchi (mid-17th - early 20th century) Nefedkin Alexander Konstantinovich
WAGING WAR
WAGING WAR
War and Peace
Causes of the war The Chukchi with different ethnic groups were different, the earliest of them were social: disputes, kidnapping of women, quarrels with lethal results and the blood feud that followed. Also, in the early era, hostilities could begin with disputes about hunting grounds, which was especially common among coastal residents during their fishing in canoes. The crew of the canoe usually sailed into foreign territory in difficult climatic conditions and were captured, sometimes killed, because of which the coastal residents were at enmity with each other (Baboshina 1958. No. 67: 164?167; Sergeeva 1962: 82?85; 103?104; Menovshchikov 1985. No. 56: 125?127; 1987. No. 1: 25?27; cf.: Krupnik 2000: 437). The reason for the start of hostile actions could also be a gross violation of the norms of behavior established by custom, such as, for example, the murder of an envoy (Baboshina 1958. No. 100: 242). All these and similar conflicts then resulted in blood feud, which was the usual reason for the subsequent war (Voskoboynikov, Menovshchikov 1959: 437; 1974. No. 19: 106?107; No. 30: 135?136; No. 83: 293; 1988. No. 99; 100; 130).
In the second half of the 17th - early 18th centuries. The Chukchi waged major wars against the Lower Kolyma and Anadyr Cossacks, who stubbornly tried to impose tribute on them and call them into Russian citizenship, that is, the war acquired a political character. Relations between Russians and Chukchi in the last third of the 17th century. Pentecostal M. Kolesov from the Nizhnekolymsk prison clearly draws (1679): “And to the lower yasak winter quarters, the non-peaceful people of the Chukhchi migrated and live from the winter quarters in the bottom, and they guard the Russian people and the yasak men, and how they seize whomever, and torture those people with all sorts of different torments, but when they have had enough they end in a shameful death” (DAI. 1862. T. VIII, No. 3?4: 9). The Chukchi did not have the best opinion of the servicemen. This is how one Chukchi fairy tale describes their behavior during the collection of yasak: “It was a bad time. There was a large camp on the shore of the estuary. Tangas with scary faces often came there. They shouted loudly. They demanded that the people of the camp work for them and give them all the spoils from the hunt” (Kozlov 1956: 27).
In the 18th century the causes of war change - the process of evolution goes further - selfish (economic) motives appear. With the nomadic Koryaks in the 18th century. There was a permanent war over the reindeer herds. As I. S. Vdovin proves (1944: 261), until the beginning of this century, the Chukchi came into contact with the Koryaks only at the mouth of the Anadyr (along the river itself they were separated by the Yukaghirs who lived here), only the active participation of the Koryaks in Russian expeditions, starting from 1702, led to the beginning of the Koryak-Chukchi wars. However, it should immediately be noted that the rare Yukaghir population on this river could hardly serve as some kind of barrier to the Chukchi campaigns against the Koryaks, because in the legends of the latter, back in the late 18th - early 19th centuries. there was information about the extermination of the Koryaks by the Chukchi, with the exception of a few families, long before the Russians arrived in the region (Mamyshev 1809: 22; cf. Beretti 1929: 5?6). Back in the middle of the 18th century. merchant N. Shalaurov specifically blamed the raids on the selfish leaders of the Anadyr Chukchi (Belov 1954: 179). Moreover, the raids were carried out on the nomadic Koryaks, while they preferred to trade with the settled ones for mutual benefit. I. S. Vdovin (1950: 83) believes that the first Chukchi raid on the reindeer Koryaks occurred in 1720 (see: Nul... 1866. No. 17: 4; contra: Gurvich 1982: 202). However, A.S. Zuev (20026: 248) cites the testimony of reindeer Koryaks dated April 5, 1711, according to which the Chukchi attacked the Penzhina Koryaks and stole their reindeer. Since the reindeer Koryaks were by this time receiving tribute, the Russians stood up for them, as their subjects, and carried out a number of expeditions with the goal of bringing the Chukchi to submission and explaining (cf.: From Irkutsk... 1814: 3). This is how Captain T.I. Shmalev described the situation in his note (1778): “The Chukchi and the loyal subjects of Her Imperial Majesty, the Koryaks, have had disagreements for a long time: they went on campaigns against each other and committed capital murders and robberies than the Russian military people obliged to protect Koryaks, caused concern" (Shakhovskoy 1866: 307). However, the Anadyr team still could not successfully resist the Chukchi raids due to the large areas that the servicemen had to control. Usually they stood guard, prevented the Chukchi from crossing Anadyr or, conversely, caught up with the raiders (Shashkov 1864: 77; cf. Lindenau 1983: 103; Belov 1954: 180?181). The enmity between the Chukchi and Koryaks went so deep that it was projected onto the afterlife: the Koryaks in 1777 explained the red spots in the sky during the northern lights by saying that this was the blood of their ancestors, who were fighting the Chukchi with spears in the sky (Alekseev 1958: 56 ). This continued until 1771, when the Anadyr fort was finally abolished, and the Chukchi, in search of new pastures, began to cross Anadyr and settle in the southern territories where the Koryaks lived (Vdovin 1962: 154?155). Although the Chukchi themselves claimed that they went on campaigns against the Koryaks for the sake of catching reindeer, but, according to Russian documents of the 18th century, they did this for the sake of pastures (Vdovin 1965: 67; cf. Vdovin 1970: 22–23 (song of Naikhye); Jochelson 1997: 223). Apparently, here the consequences are given instead of the cause: as a result of the departure of the Koryaks, the Chukchi occupied pastures south of Anadyr. After 1771, the northeastern part of the nomadic Koryaks was left alone with the enemy, while others migrated to the Gizhigi fortress for the winter (the most dangerous time), hoping that in the event of an attack by the Chukchi, the Russians would come to their aid (Kosven 1962: 282? 283; 287; cf.: AII, f. 36, op. 1, No. 643, l. 585). However, in the 1770s. detachments of servicemen were sent out from the prison to protect the Koryaks from the Chukchi (Gurvich 1966: BUT). Only in 1781 did the Gizhiga authorities agree with the Anadyr Chukchi to stop the latter’s attacks on the Koryaks, who, after the conclusion of peace, dared to migrate from the fortress to Anadyr and Kamchatka only in 1800 (Shakhovskoy 1822: 288). However, if major raids stopped, the enmity was not forgotten. In 1808, the Kamchatka commandant, Major General I. G. Petrovsky, argued that the Chukchi “almost constantly fight with their neighbors, the reindeer Koryaks, due to an ancient, some kind of irreconcilable enmity” (Semivsky 1817: 77, note (second pagination) ; cf.: Lesseps 1801. Part II: 155). Later, in 1867, G. Maidel (1925: 25) noted: “Bloody clashes have not happened for a long time, but all kinds of robberies and thefts are common in places where the Chukchi camps are located near the Koryak camps and therefore they try to live away from each other?. Thus, back in the middle of the 19th century. in the border area there were small predatory raids on neighboring Koryaks, so both peoples preferred to have a neutral strip of land between them.
According to legends, in more ancient times only the Yukaghir-Alai fought with the Chukchi, and the Omoks and Kolyma did not encounter them (Yokhelson 1900a: 186; 1900. No. 96: 210?211; Gurvich 1966: 53). Clashes between the Chukchi and yasak Yukaghirs and Chuvans also occurred due to the fact that the latter supplied auxiliary contingents to the Cossack detachments (second half of the 17th - mid-18th centuries), although previously peaceful relations had prevailed between them. The Chukchi attacked the Yukaghirs for the purpose of robbery, taking captive women and children, and stealing deer (AII, f. 36, op. 1, no. 643, l. 583–583 volume; Merk 1978: 120; Dyachkov 1893: 37–38 , 133; Bogoras 1918. No. 23: 95?97). This is how the Chuvan tradition describes this war: “The Chukchi, knowing the daring of the Chuvans, everyone adapted how to kill them by cunning, attacking by surprise or at night or when they noticed them in small parties...” Having attacked and slaughtered everyone, the Chukchi were hiding even before they arrived. Russian help (Dyachkov 1893: 37). The war with the Yukaghirs led to their gradual extermination, and in 1763, Lieutenant Colonel F. X. Plenisner noted that the Yukaghirs along the Anadyr and Yablonovaya Rivers were all killed by the Chukchi, and their wives were taken captive (Vdovin 1965: 76). According to the testimony of Corporal G. G. Sheikin, the last 80 Yukaghirs, who lived 15 versts (16 km) from Anadyrsk, were destroyed by the Chukchi in 1756, and the remaining 10 women were resettled in a prison (AII, f. 36, op. 1 , No. 643, sheet 583 volume; cf.: Dyachkov 1893: 66).
The Chukchi rarely encountered the Evens, also stealing their deer. In the Even legend, these clashes are described as follows: “The Chukchi and Evens were at enmity, hunted each other, shot at each other and mercilessly chopped with swords” (Novikova 1987: 107). However, naturally, this is an epic memory of the past, while the fairy tales themselves are about small skirmishes (Bogoras 1918. No. 2: 28?29; Novikova 1987: 107?108). Also, clashes could have occurred over deer hunting, because the Lamuts sometimes hunted their domestic deer as game (Maidel 1894: 67?68; Antropova 1957: 182?183), although already in the second half of the 19th century. The Chukchi turned a blind eye to this “hunt” because they understood that their herds were displacing wild deer, the main prey of the Lamuts (Tan-Bogoraz 1933: 242?243).
Enmity with the inhabitants of the coast of Alaska and the Bering Strait Islands was permanent. The cause of the war was simple disputes over hunting grounds (Sauer 1802: 103; Galkin 1929: 72; Bogoraz 1934: 174?175; Rasmussen 1952: 145; Menovshchikov 1980a: 215. § 107?141; 1985. No. 133: 324? 327). Residents of Chukotka, as a rule, waged offensive wars, and Alaskans – defensive ones, although attacks from them also occurred (Rasmussen 1952: 145; Schweitzer, Golovko 2001: 31; Sheppard 2002: 3). At the end of the 18th century. Asians carried out their raids almost every year (Slovtsov 1856: 20). These constant hostilities were interrupted by periods of trade. Back in 1840, there was a raid on the Eskimos (Argentov 1857a: 37; 1886: 30?31; 1887. No. 2: 21; Antropova 1957: 178). This, in essence, was one of the last wars, in the full sense of the word, waged by coastal residents.
However, since the Chukchi still needed American goods, especially furs and wooden products, trade was carried out with the latter. The coastal Chukchi and Eskimos sailed to trade to the Bering Strait islands and Alaska. This trade in the 18th century. had not yet emerged as a separate industry, but was a kind of trade-raid, and more often a raid than a trade (Note... 1858: 103), because trade could immediately develop into a clash as a result of both quarrels and the desire of one of the parties to rob, taking advantage of the favorable moment. Therefore, not trusting the other side, the Chukchi went to the auction in large numbers and with weapons (Wrangel 1948: 180). Sotnik I. Kobelev describes how the Eskimos met the canoes of the coastal Chukchi on the island. King (Ukivok) in the Bering Strait (1791): “Those Ukipans, seeing us still at sea, that our canoes had stopped, dressed in kuyak, in their hands spears, bows and arrows on bowstrings... those Ukipans always have the same address...” (Ethnographic materials... 1978: 163). K. Merck (1978: 122) described this trade in a similar way: “The inhabitants of the island. Okipen is greeted, according to their custom, by Chukchi in armor, with bows, arrows and knives, and they also see them off when leaving” (Bogoraz 1934: 79). The Asian Eskimos and coastal Chukchi had a long-standing enmity with the inhabitants of the islands and Alaska. Back in 1816, one of the residents of a seaside village, seeing an image of an Eskimo with labrets in his lower lip, exclaimed: “Wherever I met such a man with two bones, I would pierce him!” (Kotzebue 1948: 103; cf. Nelson 1899: 330).
I. S. Vdovin (1965: 54?55, 63) points to the peaceful relations of the Reindeer Chukchi with the Asian Eskimos in the 17th-18th centuries, since he did not find information about their enmity. However, in earlier times, wars, naturally, were fought, about which information has been preserved in folklore (Tan-Bogoraz 1930: 69; Bogoraz 1934: 174, XXIII (around XII-XIII centuries); Zolotarev 1938: 78-80; Gurvich 1982: 200; Reuse 1994: 296 (XII-XVI centuries); cf. Kavelin 1931: 99). Here is how, for example, an Eskimo fairy tale describes the trade of the western reindeer Chukchi with the eastern reindeer herders and sedentary inhabitants: “We met with the people of the western side and greeted them cordially. They exchanged food with each other, gave different things, and told news. We rested and opened an exchange.
The coastal and tundra people of the northern side brought animal skins, belts, soles and rendered fat for exchange.
People from the western side brought iron, knives, cauldrons, tobacco, tea, and deer junk for exchange. Before the exchange, according to the custom of the opponents, two deer were placed opposite each other, then they prepared to stab. Whose deer falls with its head towards the opponents must be the first to start a war in the event of a quarrel. Here two people stuck spears into deer. The deer on our side fell on the spot, turning its head to the side. The enemy's deer fell headfirst towards our people.
After that they began to exchange with each other. During the exchange, a dispute arose over the low price. ...We never came to an agreement in the quarrel.
According to custom, the war should begin in the morning. They must prepare for battle overnight, and send the women, children and old people home with the reindeer herds. If the opponents who are to be attacked do not wish to accept battle, then, according to custom, they can leave with their caravans before dawn. But the other side can catch up” (Menovshchikov 1985. No. 128: 310?311). Consequently, a whole exchange ritual has developed in Chukotka. At the same time, the Western Chukchi brought Russian goods, as well as reindeer skins, for trading, while the eastern nomads, who were joined by the settled ones, had coastal goods (cf.: Menovshchikov 1974. No. 42: 180?182; 19886. No. 6: 39?42 ; Krupnik 2000: 224?230). Those going to trade, as well as on military expeditions, took with them women, children and herds (cf. Lesseps 1801. Part II: 109?110; Shchukin 1852: 14). At first, both sides met and easily communicated with each other. Trading is the highlight, the goal of the entire trip. It is furnished with a special ritual, which opens with a fortune-telling sacrifice, showing who will be the first to start hostilities in the event of a quarrel. Consequently, quarrels that escalated into conflict were the most common occurrence in such exchanges. Fortune telling was traditionally based on the fall of a sacrificial deer. Then the course of events followed a military course, according to the “civilized” way of warfare: the attack was carried out only the next day, the opponents had the whole night to prepare for battle, each side was free to take the fight or flee if they did not feel the strength to resist the attacker .
Internal wars between the Chukchi are poorly reflected in the sources, firstly, due to the lack of information about this among the Russians, and secondly, due to the fact that the ethnic self-awareness of the Chukchi in historical times prevented the flare-up of internecine conflicts. According to K. Merk (1978: 99), the Chukchi had civil strife in ancient times, that is, much earlier than the end of the 18th century, Chukchi folklore also mentions this (Bogoraz 1900. No. 145: 388?389; 1934: 175; Kozlov 1956 : 19?22). In 1741, D. Ya. Laptev mentioned banditry raids: “The best way for them [the Chukchi] to support and feed themselves is to rob each other or whatever they get from the Koryaks” (Vdovin 1950: 93). Obviously, we are talking about stealing deer from each other, which was a kind of extreme sport among the Chukchi. Back at the beginning of the 20th century. There were, although rare, internal clashes due to various social and economic reasons. Thus, V.G. Bogoraz (18996: 18?19; 1902a: 84) for three years of his observations at the very end of the 19th century. counted approximately 10 murders among the Kolyma Chukchi, including one murder of a father and two of brothers, and these murders are more common among the Primorsky and Zachaun Chukchi than among the Kolyma and Olennye. Among the Chukchi at the beginning of the 20th century. There was no central authority and written laws that could prevent clashes and bring the criminal to justice, there was only traditional law, according to which a crime, mainly murder, was followed by blood feud, which served as a certain barrier to the offender. As we see, with the cessation of external wars, the reasons for the clashes, and the methods for carrying them out, returned to their original state, however, they can no longer be considered wars proper - they were just conflicts.
The beginning of the war. Usually war was declared in advance. This was the norm of “international relations in the region” (Menovshchikov 1985. No. 127: 309). “I will come to you as soon as the first snow falls, and I will kill you,” says the leader of the Tanits to the Chukchi hero Kunlel in one legend (Baboshina 1959. No. 103: 250; cf.: Senate archive. 1889: 35, 36, 535; Bogoraz 1949. No. 4: 139; Stebnitsky 1994a: 104, 167). If the enemy was not prepared for battle, then he could be given three days to prepare (Bogoraz 1901. No. 132: 337; cf. Jochelson 1905. No. 6: 138). An open challenge to battle and giving the enemy time to prepare for battle had their rational basis: to decide the fate of the war in a “general battle” and not to drag it out until resources were depleted. If one side was defeated, then a retaliatory raid could occur not only the next year, but also several years later, for example, after four years (Bogoraz 1935: 175).
Since the Chukchi and Eskimo society, as was said, was dominated by the cult of physical strength, then, by demonstrating one’s skill and desire to fight, one could force the enemy to retreat without a fight, as we see in the Eskimo fairy tale “The Solved Mystery,” where the hero from Sireniki, having killed a dog in the enemy camp and threatening to kill the enemy leaders, forced the latter to withdraw their troops (Sergeeva 1962: 85). As a warning to the enemy, the Chukchi could leave their insole made of grass on the ground (Bogoraz 1902. No. 5: 162), or stick an arrow with a blunt tip into the ground, warning others not to graze deer here (Bogoraz 1934: 176). Another signal to the enemy that his appearance had been detected and resistance was being prepared was the shooting of three arrows in a row towards the enemies (Lebedev, Simchenko 1983: 129).
Peace could be concluded when the parties, having suffered significant losses, understood the futility of further struggle, which threatened complete exhaustion (Bogoraz 1900. No. 167: 415; Voskoboynikov, Menovshchikov 1951: 450; Baboshina 1958. No. 98: 239; Menovshchikov 1988. No. 129: 308). Old men were sent as ambassadors, coming to the enemy’s camp and offering to make peace (Kavelin 1931: 99). For coastal residents, the mediating party could be the residents of a neighboring village, who observed neutrality in the conflict (Baboshina 1958. No. 67: 167). The normalization of relations between neighbors took place through negotiations between representatives of the two opposing parties (Bogoraz 1934: 178). Peace could be concluded not only between individual ethnic groups, but even between individual camps of Koryaks and Chukchi, while hostility continued between other settlements (Baboshina 1958. No. 101: 243). In Koryak legends, peace with the Chukchi is often concluded through the marriage of the son of a Chukchi elder to the daughter of a Koryak reindeer herder (Stebnitsky 1994: 57?58; cf. Vdovin 1962: 154). The reconciled parties then married each other (Kozlov 1956: 22). When making peace, gifts were exchanged (Bogoraz 1934: 175); as a sign of peace, even the leader wore his knife with a broken end (Kruzenshtern 1950: 173; Lyubov... 1811: 22?23).
Usually, to make peace, the elders came with a significant escort, since, on the one hand, they did not trust their recent enemies, and on the other hand, the threat of using force kept them from attacking and made them more accommodating. Thus, in 1740, 12 toyons accompanied by 200 warriors came to negotiate with the Russians in Anadyr (Vdovin 1948: 68); in 1756, more than 300 sedentary Chukchi warriors arrived for the same purpose (Vdovin 1950: 96; Alekseev 1961: 19), and in 1763, 60 canoes of 20–25 people each (1200–1500 people) arrived for negotiations with the commander of Anadyrsk F. X. Plenisner (Alekseev 1958: 25; Vdovin 1959: 42). Even at the beginning of the 19th century. “the supreme head of the entire Chukchi people” Chechro-Tuma arrived for negotiations with the governor, accompanied by 12 toyons and many Chukchi (Lyubov... 1811: 18). If the warring parties made peace, then its violation was regarded as a negative phenomenon (Baboshina 1958. No. 101: 243; cf. Stebnitsky 1994: 79 (Koryaks believe in the Chukchi keeping peace and sleep peacefully)).
Unions. In the 18th century - century of wars - we are also observing certain elements of foreign policy aimed at creating favorable conditions for waging wars. Thus, coastal residents did not specifically connect Russians with the inhabitants of Alaska, fearing their union, which could be directed against the inhabitants of Chukotka (Belov 1954: 182; cf. Efimov 1948: 230; 1971: 196; Grekov 1960: 54). In historical times, the Chukchi's constant allies were the Asian Eskimos, with whom the nomads had strong trade ties. And in the event of a great danger that the Russians posed to the Chukchi, the coastal residents could accept help even from their long-time opponents - the inhabitants of the islands, who were better known and did not threaten the independence of the Chukchi. Thus, during the first campaign of D. I. Pavlutsky (1731), the Chukchi were helped by Eskimos from the Bering Strait islands, which the islanders themselves declared to M. S. Gvozdev the following year (Polonsky 1850: 399, 400; Sokolov 1851: 94, 96; Efimov 1948: 240?241; Goldenberg 1984: 129; Krasheninnikov 1949: 178). Even among the killed Chukchi after the third battle, the servicemen found one or two Eskimos, who were recognized by the labrets in the lip (Efimov 1948: 225; Zuev 2001: 28). Indeed, a similar interaction is evidenced by the alliance of the inhabitants of the Diomede (Gvozdev) islands with the Asian Eskimos, who fought with the inhabitants of the island. King (Ukiwok), who were helped by their American relatives from the Seward Peninsula (Nelson 1899: 330; Schweitzer, Golovko 2001: 31, 35, note 9; cf. Vdovin 1965: 56 (1763)). And the residents of Maly Fr. themselves. Diomede (Kruzenshtern) were for some time at enmity with the inhabitants of the Big Island (Ratmanov) and in alliance with the Eskimos of Cape Prince of Wales, but were defeated (Nelson 1899: 330; Sheppard 2002: 2; cf.: KPTs. No. 71: 186 (1763)). According to the assumption of the Russian authorities, the Chukchi against the captain were helped by the Eskimos not only of the Bering Strait Islands, but also of Alaska (Belov 1956: 324, 330). The Chukchi did not want to unite with their old enemies, the Koryaks, against the Russians even during the Koryak uprising (1755), hoping for peaceful negotiations with the Russians, and with their raids on the Koryaks, they essentially helped the Russians (KPTs. No. 70: 183; Alekseev 1961 : 19), although, according to the assumption of the rebel Itelmens, the Chukchi, having made peace with the Koryaks, should come to the aid of the Kamchadals (1746) (KPTs. No. 36: 97; but cf.: No. 38: 102?103, 108?109). In 1715, the rebel Yukaghirs called the Chukchi for help against Anadyrsk, but apparently did not receive help, since at that time there was no active struggle between the Chukchi and the Russians (PSI. Book 2, No. 29: 88?89, 93).
The resettlement of the peoples of Eastern Siberia at the end. XVII century
Reproduced from: IEAS. P. 7 (compiled by B. O. Dolgikh) with clarifications according to publications: Vdovin 1972; Leontyev, Novikova 1989: 22
In general, in historical times, as recorded in the sources, the permanent allies of the Reindeer Chukchi were the sedentary Eskimos, who often lived interspersed with them. The latter were, so to speak, natural allies with whom no special agreements were concluded, and friendly relations themselves developed naturally through barter and a kind of proxy. The same principles of relationships operated among neighboring settlements. Agreements were concluded with the Eskimos of the islands, which included the provision of military assistance if necessary. The agreements with the nomadic Koryaks were purely conciliatory, not intended for mutual assistance. Also, the Chukchi did not supply contingents to Russian expeditions - the Russians were still afraid of the Chukchi.
Strategy
Since the Chukchi did not have specialized military squads that fed on war, their militias, collected from time to time, did not conduct permanent hostilities. A large-scale war was also hampered by the lack of a material base, special food supplies, dispersal of nomads, etc. Like other nomadic ethnic groups, the strategy of the Reindeer Chukchi was mobile and offensive. They used a defensive strategy against punitive expeditions of the Russians, which were difficult to resist: the Chukchi simply retreated to a safe place, fighting only if necessary, or they rallied their forces for a general battle in order to decide the fate of the campaign in one battle, as they did against expeditions A F. Shestakov and D. I. Pavlutsky. The strategy of the Eskimos and sedentary Chukchi was mainly defensive: they were less warlike than the nomads, and preferred to sit out from raids in special fortifications or simply hide.
The war itself was seasonal. It is possible to distinguish certain seasons for certain types of military operations (Nefedkin 2001). Winter should be recognized as the main time for conducting land wars. The strategy of the Reindeer Chukchi was based on unexpected raids. This was explained by the fact that it was in winter that the Chukchi could quickly move on their only high-speed land transport - on reindeer sleds, which were not used in the summer. At the same time, in winter, the male population was less busy in the pasture, since the herds of deer were calm, and even a couple of teenagers could herd them (Bogoraz 1991: 72; cf. Orlovsky 1928: 69?70; Beretti, 929–16; DRURY 1936: 110, 117; Menovshchikov 1974. No. 100: 330; however compare: Karaev 1926. No. 4: 140; V. A. 1935: 62). During most of the 18th century. in winter, the Chukchi attacked the Koryaks in order to capture reindeer. During the rest of the year, the Koryaks were not afraid of Chukchi raids (KPTs. No. 65: 170). The purpose of such a raid was to appear unexpectedly, capture the spoils and quickly retreat. S.P. Krasheninnikov (1949: 734) wrote about such winter raids: “They [the Chukchi] raid them [the Koryaks] in parties every winter and continue to ruin them, and with the Chukchi they are forced to, because they found great things in their tracts and repaired them devastation, filling them and killing them and driving away the herds of deer, which is all their wealth. But although in such a need they dared to go out into battle against the Chyukoch, they were nevertheless always defeated and were forced to flee to save themselves” (cf. Merk 1978: 120). They could attack both in the first snow (Baboshina 1959. No. 103: 250; Lebedev, Simchenko 1983: 129), and already in the spring (Senate archive. 1889: 35, 36, 535). Moreover, the same Chukchi could raid both in March and in November (Shakhovskoy 1822: 306). But still, the most favorable time for raids was the end of the winter season, from the end of February to the end of May, when the strength of the winds subsided and the frosts were not so severe (Yokhelson 1997: 214).
In winter, the inhabitants of Chukotka (they were the aggressive side) attacked the Eskimos of the Alaskan coast. Chukchi reindeer sleds were transported across the ice of the Bering Strait, as told in the legend of Elendi (Bogoraz 1899: 356?358; Tan-Bogoraz 1930: 71?77; Vdovin 1987: 42; cf. Wrangel 1835: 607?608; Sk -th 1888. No. 26: 2). The latter set off on a campaign, taking with him one of his wives and cargo sleighs with provisions and fodder - three sledges in total (Bogoraz 1899: 356). Naturally, the coastal residents of Chukotka made this journey on dog sleds, starting, for example, from the most convenient place for this - Uelen, from which America is 89 km (Vdovin 1944: 262; 1965: 57; Gondatti 1898: 17, IX). Fr. could be used as a rest point. Ratmanova, from where it took a day to get to Alaska. They could reach the island itself on ice and on foot, if there were a lot of hummocks and it was inconvenient to travel (PSI. Book 1, No. 108: 458; Merk 1978: 121; Gondatti 1898: 17, XI; Medushevskaya 1954: 118). The Americans, if they learned about the attack in advance from observation hills, preferred not to engage in battle, hiding from the Asians in caves where provisions, clothing and weapons were stored (Schweitzer, Golovko 2001: 26, 30; Sheppard, 2002: 9; Chernenko 1957: 132) .
In the summer, on the Anadyr and other border rivers, the Cossacks, who could not subsist on a salary and could not cultivate the land due to climatic conditions, fished and hunted for deer that crossed the middle reaches of the Anadyr in the same places (at the end of the 18th century in. - 160 versts (170 km) from the mouth in May - June to the north, to summer pastures, and in August - September back, to wintering (Sokolov 1852a: 165; Merk 1978: 144; Silnitsky 1897: 25). , who came to Anadyr to hunt for reindeer on canoes, encountered here hunting Russians and Yukaghirs (cf. Lindenau 1983: 163).During this period, Cossack parties were especially often subjected to unexpected attacks by the Chukchi, because the deer were transported to summer pastures far from the prison (Vdovin 1944: 254, 259; 1965: 115; Alekseev 1961: 11). In a military manner, the commandant of Anadyrsk, Captain V. Shatilov, briefly and clearly describes these attacks (1751): “Russian people were killed in any minor negligence in the fishing industry, and the packs are beaten to death, they take captive their wives and children, copper and iron cauldrons, axes, knives, etc., as they do not have them in their land” (Shashkov 1864: 67). Since in the first half of the 18th century. The Chukchi themselves did not trust the Russians and were afraid of them; they, according to Ya. I. Lindenau (1983: 163), came to the fisheries in very large numbers, 150 canoes with a crew of 15–20 people each, that is, approximately 2250 ?3000 people, naturally, including families (cf. Vdovin 1950: 83). Back at the beginning of the 19th century. the Chukchi attacked Russian fishermen on the Main River, a southern tributary of the Anadyr (Dyachkov 1893: 41, 56).
In the summer in the second half of the 17th century. The Chukchi often attacked the few Russians who were fishing in Kolyma and in the surrounding area (DAI. 1862. T. VIII, No. 3?4: 9; KPMGYA. No. 25: 64 (1659); No. 30: 69 (1662); No. 192 : 241 (1679); Vdovin 1965: 104 (1659); Belov 1954: 181 (mid-18th century); Chulkov 1785. Book 1: 485?486; Book 2: 389?390, note 2; Gedenshtrom 1830 : 99). Some Russian villages in Kolyma were simply destroyed by the Chukchi, in particular Pogromnoye (a fishermen's settlement three miles below Nizhnekolymsk) and Duvannoye. I. Shklovsky (1892: 97) believed that the names of both rivers (Ubiennaya, Krovaya, Razboinichya) and villages (Pogromnoye, Tomilino, where, according to legend, a maiden wounded by an arrow languished) testified to clashes with the Chukchi, Duvannoye, where the Chukchi shared the spoils). In the first half of the 18th century. the number of Chukchi in the Lower Kolyma decreased due to epidemics, and they no longer posed a great threat to the Russian and Yukaghir population (Vdovin 1965: 105; cf. Gurvich 1966: 49 (left due to epidemics, smallpox or died out from it in 1690- x years)). However, back in 1752, six people sent from Nizhnekolymsk for fishing on the “Chukotskaya River” were killed by the Chukchi (Vdovin 1944: 254; Gurvich 1966: 49). The summer period was the season of naval wars, when the coastal inhabitants, the Chukchi and Eskimos, went on a campaign to the Bering Sea islands and Alaska. In the summer, there were also raids in the tundra by small foot gangs. In general, the nomadic Chukchi, who owned numerous herds of deer, rarely walked, so they did not conduct long raids overland in the summer, which was inconvenient and unusual for them.
Intelligence service. Naturally, for a successful campaign, it was very important to obtain information about the enemy, taking into account the difficult natural conditions and the insignificant, by our standards, forces that the enemy prepared for battle could defeat. There was intelligence - strategic and tactical. The first included various types of obtaining information: a spy was sent far ahead, even half a month before the main caravan arrived. The scout obtained the necessary information through questioning and inspection (Menovshchikov 1985. No. 127: 308). He could, under the guise of a guest, arrive at the settlement of the future enemy, trying to find out the names of the allies, the number of soldiers, and the date of the campaign. The head of the village possessed such information among the Eskimos, without revealing these secrets to others, and the scout sought to find out this data from him (Sergeeva 1962: 103?104). Information could also be obtained from a runaway slave who returned home (Bogoraz 1934: 174?175; Malaurie 1974: 140, 154; Menovshchikov 1985. No. 133: 324?327). Similar information about the enemy was provided by refugees from destroyed settlements or zones of potential danger (Kozlov 1956: 30; Menovshchikov 1985. No. 127: 307–308; No. 132: 321). On the other hand, expecting the arrival of enemies, the sentinel, usually a good runner, was sent far ahead, towards the enemy, to a convenient hill, but he did not stay here for long and returned home by sunset (Menovshchikov 1985. No. 127: 307; cf. Bakhtin 2000: 124). The strategic type of reconnaissance also includes long-term tracking of the enemy in anticipation of an opportunity to attack him. According to the Even legend, the Chukchi tracked the Even for a whole year (Novikova 1987: 108).
There was also tactical reconnaissance: scouts scouted the area immediately before the arrival of the bulk of the army (Voskoboynikov, Menovshchikov 1959: 435; Menovshchikov 1974. No. 85: 301; 1985. No. 132: 323?324). And finally, a scout was also sent straight from the camp to see what was ahead (Menovshchikov 1974. No. 91: 317; 1985. No. 127: 309; cf. Bogoraz 1899: 353). Scouts were also sent to the enemy camp in order to find out what the enemies intended to do, how many troops they had and who was leading them (Voskoboynikov, Menovshchikov 1959: 437; Sergeeva 1962: 84). This was not difficult, since camp guards were not usually posted.
Hike. When going on a campaign, the Chukchi determined its goal, objectives and route. The Chukotka toyon Naikhye described the upcoming campaign and its goal as follows (1740): first he will gather troops and reach the Anadyr River by land, then he will board kayaks, enter Anadyrsk, break the heads and necks of Russians, burn houses and graze herds of deer here. (Vdovin 1970: 22?23). There were also certain raid routes: they passed through Anadyr either downstream from the fort, or 300 versts (318 km) upstream (Belov 1954: 180). Note that in the spring the river was cleared of ice at the end of April - beginning of May, but in the winter it was simply crossed on the ice (Dyachkov 1893: 5; cf. Sokolov 1852a: 165).
Captain T.I. Shmalev, in his notes that he kept in Gizhiga, briefly described the route of one of the last Chukchi raids on the Koryaks, which is a typical example of enterprises of this kind (Shakhovskoy 1822: 306?307): “In March 1776, the Chukchi Toyon Amulyan with 180 Chukchi came to search over the Koryaks to the Apuke and Pakhache rivers, and first they drove away 28 deer from the Koryak Nushekhly, and the boy captured here was given for ransom on March 19; Then, having come to the Aput prison, they treated the Aput Koryaks friendly and carried out a bargaining, during which, however, the Koryaks killed one Chukchi with a gun. After this we went to the Pakhachinsky prison, where nothing happened except conversations. And when they went up the Pakhache River, they found a yurt of Koryaks on foot, plundered the crew and took two girls with them. On March 25th, they killed the Koryak Alalyk, eight of whom were killed, four women were taken prisoner, the spoils were taken of the Alalykov herd of deer, and also of another Koryak Tynaptiya herd, two herds in total, and returned to their land.”
As we can see, we have before us a brief account of a raid that lasted less than a month and was carried out at the end of the winter season. It was purely predatory, aimed at areas that were not covered by the Gizhiga fortress. The attacking forces were not particularly large and, obviously, were not designed for clashes with the Russians. Herds of reindeer Koryaks were stolen, the men were killed, and the women were taken captive, but the shepherd boy was released for a ransom. The forts of the sedentary Koryaks did not storm, preferring to trade, although quarrels arose here too, leading to the death of one Chukchi. However, having found a single semi-dugout, they plundered it too, and the women were taken captive. Having captured two large herds, the Chukchi returned home. This raid, unexpected for the enemy, without major battles and many losses, but with good booty, is a typical example of a perfectly executed raid.
The raid itself could take place over a long distance. The population density of Chukotka was very low at that time. Let us remember that in the 1760s. Colonel F. X. Plenisner argued that from Anadyrsk it took a month to travel by reindeer to the Chukchi dwellings (Vdovin 1959: 42). One Chukchi tale mentions that warriors returned home from a campaign with hunted reindeer and cargo sleds within ten days (Menovshchikov 1974. No. 86: 307, No. 91: 315; cf. Tan-Bogoraz 1958: 82), that is, they we traveled about 150–200 km; in another tale, it took 18 days to reach the camp (Belikov 1965: 158).
If necessary, a short time was allotted for preparations for the campaign: one Eskimo legend speaks of setting out the next day (Menovshchikov 1985. No. 127: 308). When going on a hike, the Chukchi took with them a herd of spare reindeer in case the riding animals died from overwork or hunger. Thus, in 1754, a caravan of 500 Chukchi numbered 2,000 deer (KPTs. No. 70: 181). Since two reindeer were often harnessed to a sled, almost every sled had one spare animal. In addition, animals were taken from the same herd for slaughter. The expedition also took spare sleds, which they sat on when the sled broke down. Perhaps, like the trophy sleighs, they were used to carry the loot during their return, and they, like the Koryaks, were used by captive women and children (Yokhelson 1900. No. 53: 130). The sedentary Chukchi, tempted by prey and participating in the winter campaign of the nomads, rode on sleighs drawn by the reindeer of their nomadic fellow tribesmen, but the attitude towards them on the part of the nomads remained disdainful (Bogoraz 1900. No. 110: 286?287). They drove in a chain, one after another, along a well-worn track, so that the reindeer would get less tired (Bogoraz 1899: 370). When a small group of warriors went on a hike on foot, then, most likely, like on a hunt, they also walked in a row (Menovshchikov 1988. No. 99: 235; cf.: No. 156: 364; Fieup-Riordan 1994: 330; Bruch 1998: 89; (Alaskan Eskimos)). In a snowstorm, if they continued their journey, the sledges were tied one to the other so as not to get lost (Rubtsova 1954. No. 27: 325. § 14?17); deer were also tied by the antlers (Menovshchikov 19886. No. 28: 130).
During short stops and before battle, the reindeer reins were tied to the sledges (Vdovin 1965: 97; Bogoraz 1899: 370, note 3). Cossack B. Kuznetsky describes the bivouac of the Chukchi returning from a campaign in the following way (1754): “...and as they go, they stand not all at once, but separately, who goes where or chooses a place to spend the night, only in view of each other, and instead of yurts they set up embroidered canopies made of warm reindeer skins, in which ten or more people sleep” (KPTs. No. 70: 181) (1756). Consequently, the location of the camp was quite free, perhaps they were guided by a place in the caravan. Naturally, relatives tried to stay together (Wrangel 1948: 175; cf. Tan-Bogoraz 1979: 28 (reindeer Koryaks)). I. B. B. de Lesseps (1801. Part II: 109) notes a different arrangement of canopies in the camp of the Chukchi who came to trade: they were placed in a row according to the pattern of the yarangs. As we see, the expedition took with them only canopies that could accommodate more than ten people (cf. Vdovin 1965: 50). The ground under the canopy was covered with deer skin thrown over brushwood. At night, spears and bundles of arrows were stuck into the canopy in front of the entrance. I. B. B. de Lesseps (1801. Part II: 110) explains that this was done against the Koryaks, but it is absolutely clear that such a barrier will not protect against enemy attack - it was done against the evil spirits of the kale. The canopy itself was secured on the sides with four pegs (Lesseps 1801. Part II: 109) or simply tied between the sledges (Galkin 1929: 170). If there was no canopy, then they slept directly on the sleigh (Galkin 1929: 178; Rubtsova 1954. No. 1: 29?30. § 159, 207; Aivangu 1985: 59; cf.: Koltun 1904: 28). Under favorable weather conditions, the Chukchi could simply sleep in the forest. If it was tundra, then they could sleep in the snow, throwing a deer skin on it (Galkin 1929: 162; cf. Koltun 1904: 28).
Halts were made in places where there was moss and food for deer. The deer were sent to graze with one or two shepherds, whose main task was to protect the herd from wolves (Beretti 1929: 48). Mounted animals could simply be tied up at night (Gurvich 1983: 101). If there was a fear that the reindeer would return to the herd, then they were not unharnessed at night (Bogoraz 1991: 33). When it was assumed that there would not be enough food for deer along the way, they took it with them (M-v 1877. No. 47: 386; Bogoraz 1900. No. 145: 388), using, for example, clothes as bags for it ( Bogoraz 1899: 356). Fires, unlike the Koryaks, could not be lit at a halt (Bogoraz 1991: 108). This looks strange, since the fire was considered a guardian against evil spirits that dominated in the dark (Vdovin 1977: 133). Perhaps this behavior is explained by the lack of fuel in the tundra (Tan-Bogoraz 1958: 82). On the other hand, a Koryak tale mentions that the Chukchi in the camp sat in “tents” with fires (Jochelson 1905. No. 6: 137; cf. Stebnitsky 1994: 24). No guard was posted at the bivouac, no fortifications were erected (Voskoboynikov, Menovshchikov 1959: 432). Only when they noticed a stranger did they ask who he was (Bogoras 1918. No. 23: 95).
When an enemy attack was expected, according to the Chukchi, even in the yaranga they slept dressed and shod, placing bows and spears nearby (Vdovin 1965: 129). Bows, as the classic of Koryak literature Ketsay Kekketyn writes, the Chukchi placed bows under their heads, just like the Koryaks (however, perhaps this is a simple interpolation of the Koryak custom on their opponents). Consequently, the awakened warrior could immediately use the bow. The spears were placed in one vertical pyramid (Stebnitsky 1994: 50?51; cf. Voskoboynikov, Menovshchikov 1959: 432).
Raid with a camp. The main type of winter raid was a gradual migration with the entire camp to the enemy’s camp. N. N. Beretti (1929: 13), talking about the Koryaks and Chukchi, notes: “The nomadic natives often take their wives with them on long and long trips.” Folklore also mentions raids together with women (Bogoraz 1901. No. 130: 335; Menovshchikov 1974. No. 91: 316?318; cf.: Neverov 1874: 47; Peoples of Russia. 1880: 12; Lebedev, Simchenko 1983: 131 (Koryaks )). Moreover, the sedentary Chukchi and the reindeer participating in the campaign could also take their wives with them (Bogoraz 1900. No. 110: 286?287; No. 130: 335; cf. Bakhtin 2000: 46, 201). Such a custom was not characteristic only of the Chukchi; it also existed among other peoples of the region, for example the Itelmens (Steller 1927: 47). In the 1860s. the participation of women in the expedition was explained by the fact that men did not want (and were not able) to do women’s work even during the expedition (Neumann 1871. Vol. I: 19; Beretti 1929: 16). Indeed, in the Chuvan legend it is mentioned that during the raid women set up “tents” - a typically female job (Bogoras 1918. No. 23: 95), despised by men (Obruchev 1974: 86). Consequently, the campaign actually represented a certain type of migration.
About the course of such a raid, K. Merk (1978: 120) notes: “When they approach foreign land, they leave women and yurts behind.” It may seem that the yarangas with women remain somewhere far in the rear, on the border of enemy territory, but this is not so. Chukchi legends telling about raids say that the enemies set up their camp in close proximity to the enemy’s camp. The attackers camped without any fortifications or patrols and completely calmly went about their everyday affairs (see: Menovshchikov 1974. No. 87: 309; No. 91: 316; Lebedev, Simchenko 1983: 131). The fighters, dressed in armor, went into battle, leaving the sledges at the camp, where the women remained without any protection (Lebedev, Simchenko 1983: 131). If there was a forest and some natural shelters or hard-to-reach areas in a given territory, then the women stayed there (Mamyshev 1809: 25, note). Warriors could drive directly to the battlefield on sleds, leaving them behind the line (Sgibnev 1869: 16), which, in turn, prevented the possibility of encircling the detachment. Then the action followed a scenario similar to how they acted when attacking an enemy camp.
A raid by only men. Only men on sledges could go on a winter raid. Such a raid could be long-distance and unexpected for the enemy, since in this case the Chukchi were mobile, not burdened with a large convoy. Such raids could be very long distances. Thus, B. Kuznetsky noted that he traveled from the outskirts of Anadyrsk, where he was captured, to the Chukchi camp for six weeks (KPTs. No. 70: 181) (1756). If we accept that on average a caravan traveled 10–12 km per day while moving slowly (Vdovin 1987: 73), then this distance could be at least 420–500 km. If the raid was purely predatory, aimed at capturing deer, then they preferred not to take prisoners, but killed everyone (Baboshina 1958. No. 101: 243).
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How the stone point was attached to the arrow is shown by later analogues, where the stone was simply replaced by iron. Two riveted bone plates 9.5-17.0 cm long were attached to the shaft, and into them, in turn, a flat triangular tip made of sheet or boiler iron 4-10 cm long was inserted (Bogoraz 1901: Pl. IX, 3; 8 ; Ukhtomsky 1913: 110–111. Fig. 3). Koryak arrows had an iron tip held in the horn tip by a rivet (Vdovin 1971: 290). In earlier times, stone was used instead of iron. The flint tip could also be inserted directly into the cut of the shaft, as we see with the laurel-shaped point 8.5 cm long from MAE (No. 752-52). Moreover, this type of tip with a cutting attachment prevailed on the coast of Eastern Chukotka back in the 1st millennium (Arutyunov, Sergeev 1969: 130; cf. Rudenko 1947: 82–83; Orekhov 1977). Such a stone tip had less penetrating force when fired, and was designed to stratify its material “from the dark crystal found in the mountains” (KPTs. No. 70: 183), which led to blood poisoning (cf.: Sokolov 1852: 103 (f. Unalaska)). And to strengthen this action in the middle of the 18th century. the points were smeared with poison from the juice of the root of the buttercup herb, from which “a person, having received an ulcer with an arrow, will soon swell and die” (KPTs. No. 70: 183); this testimony of the Cossack B. Kuznetsky (1756) is repeated almost verbatim in the message of the Chukchi Hekhgitit (1763) (KPTs. No. 71: 186; Sergeeva 1962: 85; Malaurie 1974: 143). Aconite juice was used as a poison for a similar purpose by the Itelmen, as well as the Aleuts and Ainu (Krasheninnikov 1949: 404; Steller 1927: 22; Middendorf 1869. Otd. 5: 601).
Chukchi arrows with iron tips made of sheet iron, inserted into bone couplings attached to the shafts.
Reproduced from: Ukhtomsky 1913: BUT, fig. For, b, c, d, e, f
The Chukchi, apparently, made bone arrowheads themselves, because the production of arrows - the most consumable type of weapon - was one of the duties of men (Merck 1978: 116; cf. Bakhtin 2000: 229). The same applies to combined iron-and-bone tips, which the Chukchi made from boiler metal (Ukhtomsky 1913: 116; Bogoraz-Tan 1934: 13–14). Iron tips of good quality, sometimes, as V. G. Bogoraz points out (1991: 91), with vegetable notches made of copper and brass on the sleeve, were purchased from the Russians in Kolyma or Anadyr, as well as from the Koryaks. They were highly valued: they were often covered with fur caps (with the skin inward) to protect them from dampness and rust. These covers were often made from the skin taken from the legs of a deer calf (Bogoraz 1991: 144. Fig. 74k, 1).
Chukchi arrows with bone tips:
a - dagger-shaped; b - leaf-shaped; c, d, e - needle-shaped; d - tip with asymmetrical spikes.
Reproduced from: Bogoraz 1901: Table. VIII, 2-7
A participant in D.I. Pavlutsky’s campaign noted that typical arrows among the Chukchi are equipped with two- or three-edged tips made of walrus tusks (Vdovin 1965: 35; cf. Dall 1870: 379 (three-edged tips are typical for Asian Eskimos)). The number of faces could reach five (MAE. No. 752-77). Obviously, these tips were both combat and hunting, intended for hunting large game (Ukhtomsky 1913: 111; Volkov, Rudenko 1910: 178). Such tips, characteristic of the Eskimos, were about 20 cm long and mounted on a shaft of 50–69 cm (Ukhtomsky 1913: 106–107. Fig. 1; cf. Nelson 1899: PI. LXIa, 1). Similar bone tips are known back in the Punuk time (VI-XVI centuries) on the western coast of Chukotka and are obviously of Eskimo origin (Dikov 1979: Fig. 89, 14; cf. Orekhov 1977: 112. Fig. 18-4; 18-8).
For many points, we cannot accurately determine whether they are hunting or combat. The tips that could be used in war differed in shape and the material from which they were made (compare with the classification of Koryak arrows: Vdovin 1971: 283–291).
Let us also note other types of bone tips kept in the REM collections:
Leaf-shaped tip 15 cm long with a forked heel (Ukhtomsky 1913: 108).
A tetrahedral tip of an asymmetrical rhombic shape, 12 cm long with an arrow length of 71 cm. It was inserted with a handle into the shaft and wrapped with tape for strength (Ukhtomsky 1913: 108. Fig. 1b).
Heavy bilobed tips ending in spines, sometimes asymmetrical (Ukhtomsky 1913: 108–109. Fig. 1c). Such a tip was relatively small (the exhibit in the MAE is 7 cm long), it caused a large wound, leading to heavy loss of blood. As noted by Corporal G. G. Sheikin (1750s), such small tips were attached to the shaft very weakly, apparently with glue, so that they would remain in the body when the arrow was removed (AII, f. 36, op. 1, no. 643, l.585; cf.: Vdovin 1965: 37; Merk 1978: 116). Arrows with such a tip were probably the most common (cf. Merk 1978: 116). Note that, judging by the Eskimo parallels, arrows with similar but larger tips were intended for hunting large animals and, obviously, for war (cf. Jacobsen 1884: 8–9; Burch 1998: 69–70).
Chukchi bone arrowheads:
a, c - with asymmetrical spikes, b - asymmetrically rhombic; g - g - needle-shaped.
Reproduced from: Ukhtomsky 1913: 106, fig. la, b, c, d, e, f, g
Another class of Chukchi arrowheads, known from ethnographic collections, are iron ones:
Chukchi arrows with iron tetrahedral tips:
a, b, c - elongated triangular; g, d - needle-shaped; e - elongated rhombic; g - needle-shaped, made from a polished file; h - elongated triangular on a long neck.
Reproduced from: Ukhtomsky 1913: 114, fig. 6a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h
tetrahedral tips, which E. D. Ukhtomsky (1913: 114–115. Fig. 6a - d) considers, due to the care of processing, acquired from Russians or Koryaks;
needle-shaped tips (Ukhtomsky 1913: 111. Fig. 6d, e, g); iron tips on a long neck (Ukhtomsky 1913: 111. Fig. 6f, h);
warhead tips with a thickening point expanding from above (Bogoraz 1901: Table IX, 6; Ukhtomsky 1913: 111. Fig. 4e, f);
double-edged tips 12–24 cm long, copying the shape of needle-shaped bone ones, with a shaft 75–81 cm long (Ukhtomsky 1913: 114–115. Fig. 4a - d). Similar tips were used by the Eskimos to hunt sea animals (see: Jacobser 1884: Fig. 21);
Arrows with iron tips:
a, c - diamond-shaped; b - leaf-shaped; g, e - spiny with a long neck; e - and - forked.
Reproduced from: Ukhtomsky 1913: 113, fig. 5a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i
flat forked tips 7–5 cm long (with an arrow length of 66–84 cm) were used for hunting water birds and small game (Ukhtomsky 1913: 113–114. Fig. 5a–d) In war they could be used in emergency cases;
leaf-shaped or diamond-shaped tips 9-15 cm long, the total length of the arrows was 67-85 cm (Bogoraz 1901: Table IX, 11-12; Ukhtomsky 1913: 111. Fig. 5g, h, i; cf.: MAE. No. 611 -114);
small tips with symmetrical or asymmetrical spikes and a long neck (Ukhtomsky 1913: 113. Fig. 5e, 0;
arrow-knife made from an old knife (Ukhtomsky 1913: 115. Fig. 4g). Such an arrow was supposed to cause large bleeding wounds.
Points with a blunt wooden tip (tomars) were purely hunting, intended for knocking down and stunning game (Bogoraz 1901: Table VIII, 10–11; IX, 10).
All these types of arrows existed in the 19th century. In general, the Chukchi tips are very large and are obviously intended to inflict a deep wound on the enemy, who must suffer from profuse loss of blood. Long faceted tips could be intended to pierce the shell and enter the enemy’s body. Large iron points are quite heavy and unbalanced, which reduces the flight range. However, as already noted, it is often quite difficult to distinguish between combat arrows and those intended for hunting large animals.
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