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EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTION OF TRADE UNIONS OF HIGHER PROFESSIONAL EDUCATION
ACADEMY OF LABOR AND SOCIAL RELATIONS
DEPARTMENT OF TRADE UNION MOVEMENT
in the discipline "FUNDAMENTALS OF THE TRADE UNION MOVEMENT"
The struggle of trade unions in European countries to legalize their activities
Pishchalo Alina Igorevna
Faculty of MEFIS
1st year, group FBE-O-14-1
Checked the work:
Associate Professor Zenkov R.V.
Moscow, 2014
ABOUTheadship
Introduction
1. England - The birthplace of trade unions
2. The struggle of German trade unions for the right to legal existence
3. Formation of trade unions in France
Conclusion
Bibliography
Introduction
The emergence and development of the first trade unions in European countries was marked by the fierce struggle of the proletariat to consolidate their rights in labor relations, as well as to respect the socio-economic interests of the organization's members.
The reason for the formation of the first trade unions in Western European countries is the beginning of the industrial revolution in the middle of the 18th century.
The reason for the formation of the first trade unions in Western European countries is the beginning of the industrial revolution in the middle of the 18th century. Inventions appear that revolutionize technology, that is, in methods of processing raw materials. The main stages of this revolution: mechanical spinning machine, mechanical loom, use of steam propulsion.
The technical revolution, primarily the emergence of machine production, caused a revolution in the field of social relations. With the advent of machine production, the position of labor and capital changed dramatically. The period of primary accumulation of capital began. At that time, the poverty of hired workers was growing, who, deprived of any property, were forced to sell their labor power for next to nothing to the owners of tools and means of production.
It was at this time that the first associations of hired workers began to appear, which later grew into trade unions. The goal of trade unions was to improve labor relations and improve the socio-economic situation in society. The following methods were used to combat worker exploitation:
1. Riots, strikes (strikes)
2. Insurance offices
3. Friendly societies, professional clubs
4. The struggle to maintain (less often, increase) wages
5. The struggle to improve working conditions
6. Reduced working hours
7. Associations at an enterprise in an industry of the same locality
8. The struggle for civil rights, for social support for workers
Emerging from the needs of workers’ struggle for their rights, trade unions existed for a long time as illegal associations. Their legalization became possible only as society developed. Legislative recognition of trade unions played an important role in their development.
Emerging from the needs of economic struggle, trade unions took an active part in improving the financial situation of workers. The original and fundamental function for which trade unions were created is to protect the interests of workers from the encroachments of capital. In addition to the material, economic effect, the activities of trade unions had high moral significance. Refusal of the economic struggle would inevitably lead to the degradation of workers, their transformation into a faceless mass.
Despite the general patterns of the emergence and development of trade unions, each country had its own political and economic conditions that influenced the activities and organizational structure of trade unions. This can be seen in the emergence of the trade union movement in England, Germany and France.
1. England - The birthplace of trade unions
At the end of the 17th century, science and technology were actively developing. England was one of the first to use machines in large enterprises instead of hired workers, namely steam (1690) and spinning (1741).
Machine production was actively developing, while workshop and manufacturing production was in decline. Factory production is beginning to develop more and more in industry, and more and more technical inventions are appearing.
England occupied one of the leading places in the world market, which contributed to the rapid pace of its economic development. The development of industrial production entailed the rapid growth of cities. This period is considered the period of initial accumulation of capital.
But the machines were not perfect and could not work completely independently. The country did not want to lose its position in the world market, so it began to make maximum use of hired labor, including the labor of women and children. Wanting to make more profit, business owners lengthened the working day and lowered wages to the minimum, thereby reducing the motivation of workers and contributing to the growth of indignation among the masses. The state did not interfere in the economic sphere and did not try to force entrepreneurs to improve the regulation of working conditions.
Thus, with the emergence and functioning of capitalist production, the first associations of hired workers appeared - shop unions. They were rather primitive communities, were scattered and at the initial stage of development did not pose any threat. These associations consisted only of skilled workers who sought to protect their narrowly professional socio-economic interests. Within these organizations, mutual aid societies, insurance funds functioned, free assistance was offered, and meetings were held. Of course, the main thing in their activities was the struggle to improve working conditions.
The employers' reaction was sharply negative. They understood perfectly well that although these associations were small in number, the masses could easily join the ranks of dissatisfied workers who had their rights infringed, and even the rise in unemployment could not frighten them. Already in the middle of the 18th century. Parliament is inundated with complaints from entrepreneurs about the existence of workers' unions whose goal is to fight for their rights. In 1720 they achieved a ban on unions. Some time later, in 1799, parliament confirmed the ban on the creation of trade unions, citing this decision as a threat to the security and peace of the state from workers' organizations.
However, these bans only strengthened the activities of trade unions; they continued to function actively, but now illegally.
Thus, in England in 1799, the first attempts to strengthen trade unions - trade unions - began. During this period, one of the first trade unions appeared - the Landcashire Weavers Association, which united 14 small trade unions with a total number of about 10 thousand people. At the same time, a law on workers' coalitions was created, prohibiting the activities of trade unions and strikes.
The hired workers tried to legalize their activities, attracting to their side representatives of the young bourgeois intelligentsia, who, having formed the radical party, decided to enter into an alliance with the workers. They believed that if workers had the legal right to form unions, the economic struggle between workers and employers would become more organized and less destructive.
Under the influence of the trade unions' struggle for their rights, the English Parliament was forced to pass a law allowing complete freedom of workers' coalitions. This happened in 1824. However, trade unions did not have the right of legal personality, that is, the right to sue in court, and therefore could not defend themselves against attacks on their funds and property. Mass strikes began to become more destructive than before. In 1825, industrialists achieved a reduction in this law through the Peel Act.
In the 20-30s of the 19th century, national associations began to be created. In 1843, the great national union of trade unions was organized - a large organization of various unions, which, however, ceased to exist a year later.
By the 50s of the 19th century there was rapid growth of trade unions. The development of industry led to the formation of a labor aristocracy, large industry trade unions, industrial centers and trade union councils appeared. By 1860 there were more than 1,600 trade unions throughout the country.
On September 28, 1864, the founding meeting of the International Workers' Association took place in London, the purpose of which was to unite the proletariat of all countries. The first successes of social development of the young British industrial society made it possible in the late 60s and early 70s of the 19th century to once again raise before the government the issue of legislative legalization of trade unions.
The Labor Unions Act of 1871 finally guaranteed legal status to trade unions.
In the following decades, the importance and political influence of British trade unions continued to grow and reached its highest level of development. By the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century, the activities of trade unions were legally permitted in England. Before World War I, 1914-18, workers in Great Britain managed, through a stubborn struggle, to reduce the working day to 8-10 hours in some industries and to implement the first measures in the field of social insurance and labor protection.
2. The struggle of German trade unions for the right to legal existence
At the beginning of the 18th century, Germany was an economically backward country. The reason for this was economic and political fragmentation, which did not provide room for capital investment and industrial development. That is why the appearance of the first trade unions in Germany dates back only to the 30-40s of the 19th century.
The first significant impetus to the development of industry in Germany was given by the continental system of Napoleon I. In 1810, workshops were abolished, and in 1818 the German customs union began to operate.
Industry in Germany began to develop especially quickly after the revolution of 1848. The main issues were: the national unification of Germany, the liberation of peasants from feudal duties and orders, the destruction of the remnants of feudalism in the country, the creation of a set of basic laws - the Constitution, and opening the way for the further development of capitalist relations. The idea of German unification found wide circulation among the liberal bourgeoisie. It was after this revolution that industry began to develop sharply, which was also facilitated by the unification of the country in 1871. In this regard, the exploitation of hired workers reached its apogee, which caused discontent and led to the first unions of workers.
The formation of trade union legislation in Germany took place in difficult political conditions. After the assassination attempt on Emperor Wilhelm I in Germany (October 1878), the “Exceptional Law against Socialists” was issued. It was directed against social democracy and the entire German revolutionary movement. During the years the law was in force (which was extended by the Reichstag every three years), 350 workers' organizations were dissolved, 1,500 were arrested and 900 were deported. The Social Democratic press was persecuted, literature was confiscated, and meetings were prohibited. This policy was carried out for quite a long period. Thus, on April 11, 1886, a special circular was adopted declaring strikes a criminal offense. The rise of the strike movement and the increase in the number of votes cast for Social Democratic candidates in the elections to the Reichstag showed the impossibility of preventing the development of the labor movement through repression. In 1890 the government was forced to abandon further renewal of the law.
After the collapse of the law against the socialists, entrepreneurs, despite the permission of trade unions, by the law of 1899, constantly sought to curtail the rights of workers to create their own organizations. At their request, the government demanded the establishment of control over trade unions (1906), and judicial practice equated campaigning for joining a trade union to extortion.
Despite all the obstacles, the trade union movement had become an influential force in German society by the beginning of the 20th century. Trade union funds and organizations were created. Monitoring of compliance with the law on compulsory health insurance and pension provision for older workers has begun. For 1885-1903. 11 amendments were made to social legislation by trade unions. In 1913 - 14.6 million. The number of people insured against accidents in 1910 was 6.2 million people. The number of people with old age and disability insurance increased in 1915 to 16.8 million people. German social legislation was very progressive for its time, and improved the situation of workers. The foundations of the “social state” were laid, which developed in the 20th century.
3. The formation of trade unions in France
The result of the Great French Revolution, starting in the spring-summer of 1789, was a major transformation of the social and political systems of the state, which led to the destruction of the old order and monarchy in the country, and the proclamation of a de jure republic (September 1792) of free and equal citizens under the motto “Liberty” , equality, brotherhood."
France remained an agrarian-industrial country, with a low concentration of production. The large industry of France was much less monopolized than in Germany. At the same time, financial capital developed faster than in other European countries.
Due to the insufficient and slow pace of economic development, banking and usurious capital increasingly developed in the French economy at the expense of industrial capital. France was rightly called the world's moneylender, while the country was dominated by small rentiers and bourgeois.
During the development of capitalism in France, all governments in the 19th century pursued policies against trade unions. If at the height of the Great French Revolution a decree was adopted on August 21, 1790, recognizing the right of workers to create their own unions, then already in 1791 the Le Chapelier law was adopted, which was in force for about 90 years, directed against workers' organizations, prohibiting the union of citizens of one class or one profession.
Pleasant in 1810, the Criminal Code prohibited the formation, without the permission of the government, of any associations with a number of more than 20 people. The sharp deterioration in the situation of workers as a result of the industrial revolution contributed to the growth of the labor movement. Under the Napoleonic Criminal Code, participation in strikes or strikes was a criminal offense. Ordinary participants could receive from 3 to 12 months in prison, while leaders - from 2 to 5 years.
In 1864, a law was passed allowing unions and strikes. At the same time, the law threatened to punish those trade union activists who, through illegal means, organized a strike in order to increase wages.
In September 1870, a bourgeois democratic revolution took place in France, the goal of which was to overthrow the regime of Napoleon III and proclaim a republic.
A major role in the struggle to overthrow the monarchy of Napoleon III belongs to the Paris sections of the International and the syndicate chambers - trade unions. On March 26, 1871, elections were held for the Council of the Paris Commune, which included representatives of the labor and trade union movement in France. A number of reforms were carried out, the consequence of which was the prohibition of deductions from wages, the refusal of night work in bakeries, and it was decided to give preference to workers' associations over private entrepreneurs in all contracts and supplies for the city. The decree of April 16 transferred to productive associations all industrial establishments abandoned by the owners, and the latter retained the right to remuneration. The defeat of the Paris Commune in 1871 allowed the ruling circles to pass a law banning workers' unions on March 12, 1872.
In connection with the economic crisis of overproduction in the 80s of the 19th century and the subsequent depression, a new rise in the labor movement began. Major strikes are taking place in the country; the majority of workers are striving to fight for their rights. The strike movement stimulated the growth of trade unions.
On March 21, 1884, a law on trade unions was adopted in France (amended in 1901). He allowed the free, spontaneous organization of syndicates, subject to their activities in the economic sphere. Government permission was no longer required to create a trade union. The revival of the labor trade movement in France begins.
In 1895, the General Confederation of Labor (CGT) was created, which took the position of class struggle, proclaiming the destruction of capitalism as its ultimate goal. The main goals of the General Confederation of Labor were:
1. Uniting workers to protect their spiritual, material, economic and professional interests;
2. The unification, outside of any political parties, of all workers who are aware of the need to fight for the destruction of the modern wage labor system and the entrepreneurial class.
The industrial boom of the early 20th century further contributed to the growth of trade unions and strike struggles. In the period from 1904 to 1910. In France, large strikes took place among winegrowers, tram workers, port workers, railway workers and other blue-collar workers. At the same time, strikes often ended in failure due to government repression.
Adopted in 1906 by the Amiens Congress of the General Confederation of Labor of France, the Amiens Charter contained provisions on the irreconcilable class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, it recognized the syndicate (trade union) as the only form of class association of workers, declared the renunciation of political struggle and declared a general economic strike as a means of overthrowing the capitalist system. One of the most important points of the Amiens Charter was the declaration of the “independence” of trade unions from political parties. The syndicalist principles of the Amiens Charter were subsequently used in the struggle against the revolutionary trade union movement and its connections with the communist parties. The Charter finally legalized the activities of trade unions.
Conclusion
The history of the emergence and development of the trade union movement in England, Germany and France shows that, despite the differences associated with the peculiarities of the economic and political development of these states, the creation of trade unions has become a natural result of the development of civilization. From the first steps, trade unions became an influential force that was taken into account not only by entrepreneurs, but also by the state.
However, the struggle of trade unions for the right to exist was far from simple. During the 19th century, thanks to the persistence of workers, trade unions were legalized in almost all industrialized countries of Western Europe.
Gradually, trade unions turned into a necessary element of civil society. The need for the formation and development of trade unions was to prevent the employer from acting arbitrarily towards employees. The entire history of the labor trade movement shows that a worker alone cannot defend his interests in the labor market. Only by combining their forces into the collective representation of workers, trade unions are natural defenders of the rights and interests of the working person.
Thus, the social role of trade unions in society is quite large. Their activities have had and will have an impact on all spheres of the functioning of society: economic, social and cultural.
This becomes especially relevant in conditions when the free development of the market becomes difficult to control. In such a situation, it is the unions that have to fight the hard battle, since they remain the last hope of a person, especially considering that employers are often afraid to act against an employee if he has strong protection in the form of trade unions. A considerable number of entrepreneurs profess principles in relation to employees that were more characteristic of the period of the late 19th - early 20th centuries. In a number of private business enterprises, relationships are revived when the employee becomes completely powerless in relation to the employer. All this inevitably gives rise to social tension and discredits the very idea of building a civilized civil society.
Now we can say with confidence that the sacrifices that were made in defense of the rights and freedoms of employees were not in vain.
Bibliography
trade union strike public social
1. Shtok E. From the history of the labor movement. LABOR MOVEMENT IN GERMANY 1914-1918 Struggle of classes, No. 9, September 1934, pp. 45-51
2. Bonwech B. History of Germany. Volume 2: From the creation of the German Empire to the beginning of the 21st century. M., 2008
3. Borozdin I.N. Essays on the history of the labor movement and the labor question in France in the 19th century. M., 1920
4. Scientific publishing house "Big Russian Encyclopedia". M., 2001
5. Ark A.N. History of the labor movement in England and France (from the beginning of the 19th century to the present day). M., 1924
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Trade union representatives work in the parliaments of EU countries. No law is passed without their consent.
A familiar head of the HR department of a Scandinavian company recently complained: “I was tired, there were difficult negotiations with trade unions - two employees were fired.” And in response to my surprise, he clarified: “in the EU you cannot terminate a contract with an employee without his consent, agreement with the trade union and substantial compensation.” Trade unions in Europe are stronger than political parties. Can Russia benefit from the experience of its partners?
We are talking about this with Marina Viktorovna Kargalova, Doctor of Historical Sciences, chief researcher at the Institute of Europe of the Russian Academy of Sciences, head of the Center for Problems of Social Development of Europe.
- Yes it is. But trade unions in Europe are very different. The entire spectrum of political orientation of society is represented - from the left wing, which unites workers who support socialists and communists, to the so-called “yellow” or “house” trade unions created by entrepreneurs. The problems they have to solve are almost the same. At some enterprises one trade union is stronger. On others - different.
Trade unions are financed partly by the state, local authorities and enterprise owners. Union members pay monthly contributions - about 1-2% of their salary.
To protect the interests of personnel, there are also so-called enterprise committees. They employ representatives of all trade unions represented at the enterprise. Employers negotiate with the enterprise committee. The role of trade unions is quite large. For example, the post of deputy director of an enterprise for personnel is traditionally occupied by a representative of the most authoritative trade union at a given enterprise. This alone speaks volumes about how professional organizations are treated in Europe.
The most effective phase of the trade union movement occurred in the period after the Second World War, when popular activity was on the rise. Since the 70s, with changes in economic and political conditions, this movement has declined; today it covers about 10-15% of working Europeans. Nevertheless, any person working at the enterprise can contact the trade union regarding dismissal, salary increases, etc. All these problems are resolved by the local trade union and the enterprise committee.
— Why are Europeans leaving trade unions today?
— After the end of World War II, under the influence of a nationwide movement, an advanced system of social protection for workers developed in Europe. She remains like this to this day. All social programs were legally enshrined and streamlined. So today Europeans do not need to actively fight for the expansion of their rights. Currently, all the activities of trade unions, as a rule, boil down to preserving everything they had and protecting themselves from the negative consequences of globalization. Under its skating rink, social protection systems that have been formed over the years in one European country or another are collapsing. The conditions for doing business have changed, even the amounts needed to support those in need have changed. And although all member states of the European Union consider themselves social, which is enshrined in their constitutions, they are not able to provide a high standard of living for all Europeans. This is especially true of Southern Europe - Portugal, Greece, Spain and the new eastern members of the Community.
Today it has become clear that without the help of business and the private sector, the state is unable to maintain high social guarantees for workers. It is known that the population of Western Europe was once called the “golden billion”. And apparently, this is no coincidence: after all, two-thirds of Europeans consider themselves to be middle class, which speaks for itself.
— How is the middle class different in Europe and Russia?
— The standard of living of Europeans is quite high. The middle class consists of apartment owners, and there is not one apartment and a car per family, but three or four. The living space is different from ours. An Italian family I know has apartments in Rome and Florence. I stayed with them several times, but I could never figure out how many rooms they have. The apartment is located on two floors in an ancient palazzo.
— Who is considered poor in Europe?
- Any worker with an income of less than two thousand euros. (This is the average salary in the European Union.) He is entitled to benefits and social benefits. Moreover, benefits apply to housing, food, education, and healthcare. I remember a French friend of mine complained: “she got sick, but the money for the medicine was returned only after two months.” We would like their concerns.
- Yes, their income cannot be compared with ours...
— As well as taxes, which reach 40-50% of the income of a European with an average income.
— Many experts believe that the problem that could collapse the social system of Europe is migrants.
- This is a serious challenge. In recent decades, the influx of immigrants into the European Union has become massive and often uncontrollable. This is due both to the increased need for additional labor and to the changing political situation in North Africa and the Middle East. The high standard of living of Europeans is also an attractive force. After all, everyone who legally resides in the territory of 28 EU countries has the right to all the social benefits of the indigenous population. Often, the claims of visitors do not correspond to their contribution to the economic development of host countries. In England, for example, there were demonstrations by migrants demanding benefits for children remaining in the countries from which they came.
— Are Europeans becoming victims of democracy?
— The EU welcomed migrants very hospitably. But some of their categories create big problems. For example, the Roma issue, which is directly called a social danger for Europe. According to unofficial data, more than 10 million Roma live in the European Union. Special laws were adopted for their social and professional adaptation. However, they prefer to lead a nomadic lifestyle, moving in search of the most favorable conditions. But they don’t want to work according to their qualifications, which are usually low. They say that if we work hard, we won’t earn more than 50 euros a day. And if we dance, tell fortunes, steal, it won’t be less than 100 euros. So they roam around Europe. But not in tents, but in trailers with all the amenities. They stop wherever they want. Don't go to this place later. Theft, dirt, fires, conflicts with the local population...
The EU has social housing programs that are designed to promote settledness. In Slovakia, I visited a town for gypsies, which consisted of colorful four-story houses with all amenities, equipped with modern household appliances. There is a modern children's playground in the yard.
After two or three months there was nothing left of it. Even the bathtubs were taken out of the apartments and the door handles were unscrewed. Numerous cars were parked on the playground. A similar picture is observed in other countries. The main income of most Roma families is child benefits. The cause of discontent, even to the point of riots, was the decision of some European countries to pay benefits only up to the fifth child.
— How does the European Union manage to solve social problems and maintain a high standard of living?
— It is hardly legitimate to say that the European Union manages to successfully solve social problems. Proof is the numerous protests of workers in different member states against reforms in the social sphere. The initiators of organized protests are trade unions. In their opinion, the planned reforms of pension systems, social security, and cuts in social budgets will inevitably lead to a decrease in the living standards of the population. Worker demonstrations took place in Italy, France, Spain, and Germany. Of course, each country has its own characteristics. However, not everyone is able to solve their problems at the national level. Many problems move to the supranational level. This requires joining forces. In this situation, the European Federation of Trade Unions, which unites 60 million people, can and should play a significant role.
This trade union association has become an equal partner of business and government agencies. Its representatives are in the legislative and executive structures of the EU. In the European Commission, which can practically be considered as a pan-European government, there are directorates dealing with the sphere of interests of trade unions. The Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of Regions, in which trade unions and business are represented, are active. Without discussion in these committees, not a single law is submitted to parliament for approval.
Trade union representatives work in the parliaments of EU countries. No law is adopted without their consent. Trade union representatives sit on the economic and social councils of each EU country.
Programs for social responsibility of business, the creation of which has become an indispensable condition for the activities of each enterprise, are coordinated with the state and the trade union. The EU strives to develop a person’s professional capabilities through special programs and various courses. Thus, there are two forms of vocational training for young people - colleges and training directly at the enterprise. This, by the way, presupposes the subsequent provision of a workplace. What we called mentoring is when an experienced professional shares his experience with a newcomer. Today these programs are being reduced due to the crisis. But many new courses, projects, and programs have appeared.
And not only for young people. For example, the program is “Lifelong Learning”, within which you can acquire a new profession, improve your qualifications, and master new technology throughout your life, regardless of age.
Every European enterprise has a collective agreement between the trade union and the employer. In 2014, the collective agreement received legislative status. It is considered mandatory. Violation of it entails not only administrative liability. This is also a loss of the enterprise’s reputation, which is very important for the largest European companies.
— And if the trade union colludes with the employer, who will protect the interests of the employee?
— If an employee has not received protection from a trade union, he has the right to file a complaint with the state and receive from it, for example, a salary increase. Such cases are not uncommon. Workers often win such cases in court. Although every year in the EU, employee salaries increase from 2 to 4%. But for some this is not enough. Once in Rome I witnessed a demonstration. The main requirement is to increase wages by 15%. I ask: “Do you really think they will raise you?” "Of course not. But they will give at least another 7%.”
In Europe, trilateral dialogue is of great importance. It is led by representatives of civil society, business and government. Any problem has been discussed within this format for more than 100 years! At first, this form was practiced at enterprises, then at the industry level, at the national and supranational levels. During the dialogue, the parties realize that as a result both the reputation and profit of the enterprise grow. It’s not for nothing that one percent of an enterprise’s income is paid to trade unions for critical understanding of business proposals.
— Which EU countries are the most protected socially?
— First place in social protection in Scandinavia (Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland). The role of the state is great there. Social spending accounts for 40% of GDP. The European Union also spends a lot on social programs - 25-30% of GDP. The amount is very decent. But the crisis is cutting the budget. However, today it is important for Europe to preserve all the social gains that it has.
In Germany, everything is clearly spelled out; each state has its own forms of collective agreement. In Greece it comes down to a joke. Demonstrations are taking place - employers do not want to pay the 14th salary. In the recent past, clerks there received 300 euros for coming to work on time. They also paid locomotive drivers because their dirty work required them to wash their hands frequently. Such social protection does not lead to good things.
— Are Russian business and trade unions adopting European experience?
— I am pleased that in Russia they have begun to involve scientists in the development of social programs. Thus, the trade union of our large oil company Lukoil uses the experience of Europeans. I am familiar with their Social Code and collective agreement and I can say that they are not inferior to their European counterparts in terms of the level of protection for workers. Our oil workers provide recreation, education, medical services and even additional payments to workers’ pensions, which is not the case in the European Union. But sometimes it happens that they try to introduce European experience without taking into account the characteristics and traditions of our country. Thus, while borrowing the form of social dialogue, our trade unions did not quite understand the content. The Tripartite Commission was created and a rather long process of formation and development of social dialogue was missed. It turns out that we have started a social dialogue, but there should be a mutual movement towards each other.
(Trade unions ) voluntary professional associations of workers, created to protect the economic interests of workers (primarily, improving working conditions and increasing wages).The emergence of the trade union movement. As capitalist society formed, new main socio-economic classes emerged: entrepreneurs (capitalists) and wage earners. The relationship between workers and employers initially gave rise to conflicts. The fact is that in the era of early capitalism, one of the main methods of increasing the income of entrepreneurs was to tighten requirements for workers: lengthening the working day, reducing wage standards, fines, saving on labor protection, and layoffs. The aggravation of relations between employees and employers often led to spontaneous uprisings: workers left the enterprise and refused to start work again until their demands were at least partially met. But this tactic could only be successful if the protest came not from individual dissatisfied people, but from large groups of workers.It is quite natural that trade unions first emerged in the years industrial revolution in the most industrialized country in the world England. The trade union movement in this country demonstrates general patterns of its development, which later appeared in other countries.
The first workers' associations were strictly local in nature and united only highly skilled workers in the most advanced industries. Thus, one of the very first English trade unions is considered to be the Lancashire Spinners' Union, created in 1792. As for unskilled workers, high unemployment made them easily replaceable, so at first they could not resist the arbitrariness of employers, and therefore remained outside the scope of the trade union movement.
Both entrepreneurs and the state protecting their interests initially showed intolerance towards trade unions. To combat them, special laws were introduced banning labor unions and criminalizing membership in “conspiratorial organizations.” In 1799–1800, legislation was passed in England that declared workers' meetings illegal and prohibited demonstrations. However, these laws failed to pacify the workers, but, on the contrary, stimulated them to unite in the fight for their rights. Therefore, already in 1824, anti-labor legislation in England was repealed, and trade unions were actually legalized.
Trade unionism quickly became a mass movement. Numerous local trade union organizations began to establish connections with each other in order to exchange experiences and organize joint actions. In 1834, on the initiative of Robert Owen, the Grand National Consolidated Trade Union was formed, but this organization turned out to be unstable. However, in 1868 the movement towards the consolidation of English trade unions culminated in the formation of the Trade Union Congress (
Trades Union Congress ), which from then to the present day has been the central coordinating body of the trade union movement in Great Britain.The trade union movement was initially purely male; women were not accepted into trade unions. Entrepreneurs took advantage of this not without success: using the latest developments in technology that simplified the work of an employee, employers sought to replace male workers with women as a cheaper and less organized labor force, attracting them as strikebreakers. Since women's right to work was not recognized even by their male colleagues, women in England had to create their own professional organizations. The most massive of them, the “Society for the Protection and Protection of Women” (later became the Women's Trade Union League), was able to organize about 40 trade union branches for women workers in 1874-1886. Only at the beginning of the 20th century. In England there was a merger of men's and women's trade unions. But even today in England, as in other countries, the proportion of trade union members among female workers is noticeably lower than among male workers.
At the same time, other significant changes were observed in English trade unions: New trade unions emerged
(New Trade Unions). The first large New Trade Unions (Workers' Uniongas industry, Dockers' Union) were founded in 1889. Previously existing trade unions were built on a narrow professional (guild) basis, i.e. united only workers of the same profession. New trade unions began to be built on a production (sectoral) basis - they included workers of different professions, but belonging to the same industry. In addition, for the first time, not only highly skilled workers, but also unskilled workers were accepted as members of these trade unions.. Under the influence of the New Trade Unions, unskilled workers began tobe accepted into the old trade unions. Gradually, new principles of membership became generally accepted, and by the beginning of the 20th century. the difference between the New Trade Unions and the old ones has largely disappeared.At the beginning of the 20th century. Trade unions in England united more than half of all workers in the country (in 1920 about 60%). Such a high level of organization of the trade union movement made it an influential participant in the political and economic life of the country for a long time.The formation and development of the trade union movement in different countries generally followed the English model, but with a delay and at different rates. For example, in the USA, the first national labor union, the Knights of Labor, arose in 1869, but by the end of the 19th century. it fell into disrepair, and the American Federation of Labor (AFL), founded in 1881, became the largest national labor organization. In 1955 it merged with the Congress of Industrial Organization (CIO), since then this leading US labor organization has been called the AFL-CIO. The resistance of entrepreneurs to trade unions in this country was very long. Thus, in the 1920s and 1930s, the National Association of Manufacturers insisted on the introduction of “yellow dog” contracts, under which workers were not required to join unions. To weaken the cohesion of workers united in the trade union movement, American entrepreneurs made additional concessions to them, for example, they used participation in the profits of the enterprise. Intolerance towards trade unions gave way in the United States to their recognition only under F.D. Roosevelt’s “New Deal”: the National Labor Relations Act (Wagner Act) adopted in 1935 required employers to compulsorily conclude collective bargaining agreements with the union representing the majority of workers.
If in England and the USA trade unions, as a rule, put forward purely economic demands and pointedly distanced themselves from radical (revolutionary) political parties, then in other developed countries the trade union movement of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. turned out to be more politicized and revolutionary. In some countries (France, Italy, Spain) trade unions came under the strong influence of anarcho-syndicalists, in others (Germany, Austria, Sweden) under the influence of social democrats. The commitment of the “continental” trade unions to leftist ideas delayed the process of their legalization. In France, the right to organize workers' unions was only officially recognized in the 1930s. In Germany, the Hitler regime destroyed trade unions; they were restored only after the Second World War.
In the second half of the 20th century. The revolutionary period of development of trade unions finally ended, the ideology of social partnership won. Trade unions renounced violations of social peace in exchange for recognition of trade union rights and state social guarantees.
The “pacification” of relations between trade unions and employers found its most striking expression in the Japanese trade union movement. Since in Japan, for a worker, belonging to a company, and not his occupation, is of great importance, trade unions in this country are built not by profession, but by company. This means that workers of different specialties united in a “company” trade union are more likely to be in solidarity with the managers of their company than with their professional colleagues from other companies. The trade union activists themselves receive payment from the company management. As a result, in Japanese enterprises the relationship between trade unions and managers is much more friendly than in European-type firms. However, along with the “company” ones in Japan there are also sectoral trade unions of the European type, but they are smaller in number.In the 2nd half of the 20th century, as industrialization unfolded in the developing countries of Asia and Africa, the trade union movement began to actively develop on the periphery of the world economy. However, even today, trade unions in Third World countries remain, as a rule, small in number and have little influence. The rise of trade unions is observed mainly in newly industrialized countries (South Korea, Brazil).
Functions of trade unions. The origins of the development of trade unions are associated with the asymmetry of the real rights of individual hired workers and entrepreneurs. If a worker refuses the conditions offered by the entrepreneur, he risks being fired and becoming unemployed. If the entrepreneur refuses the employee’s demands, then he can fire him and hire a new one, losing almost nothing. In order to achieve some equalization of real rights, a worker must be able to enlist the support of fellow workers in a conflict situation. The entrepreneur does not need to respond to individual speeches and protests of workers. But when workers unite and production is threatened with massive downtime, the employer is forced not only to listen to the workers’ demands, but also to somehow react to them. Thus, the union put into the hands of the workers the power that they were deprived of when acting individually. Therefore, one of the main demands of trade unions was the transition from individual labor agreements to collective agreements an entrepreneur with a trade union acting on behalf of all its members.Over time, the functions of trade unions have changed somewhat. Today, unions influence not only employers, but also government financial and legislative policies.
Modern scientists dealing with the problems of trade unions identify two of their main functions protective(relationships “trade union entrepreneurs”) and representative(relationship “trade union state”). Some economists add a third function to these two, economic concern for increasing production efficiency.
The protective function is the most traditional; it is directly related to the social and labor rights of workers. This is not only about preventing violations of workers’ labor rights by entrepreneurs, but also about restoring already violated rights. By equalizing the positions of workers and employers, the trade union protects the employee from the arbitrariness of the employer.
Strikes have long been the most powerful weapon of trade union struggle. The presence of trade unions at first had little to do with the frequency and organization of strikes, which remained a spontaneous phenomenon. The situation changed radically after the First World War, when strikes by unionized workers became the main instrument of their struggle for their rights. A demonstration of this was, for example, the nationwide general strike led by the Trades Union Congress in May 1926, which covered all leading sectors of the UK economy.
It should be noted that in the struggle for the interests of their members, trade unions often show indifference to the interests of other workers who are not members of trade unions. Thus, in the United States, trade unions are actively fighting to limit migration, since foreign workers are “taking over” jobs from native Americans. Another method used by trade unions to restrict labor supply is to require strict licensing of many activities. As a result, unions provide their members with higher wages than non-union members (20-30% in the United States), but this gain, according to some economists, is largely achieved at the expense of deteriorating wages for non-union members.
In recent decades, the understanding of the protective function of trade unions has changed somewhat. If previously the main task of trade unions was to increase wages and working conditions, today their main practical task is to prevent an increase in the unemployment rate and increase employment. This means a shift in priorities from protecting those already employed to protecting the interests of all employees.
As scientific and technological progress develops, trade unions seek to influence not only wages and employment, as was the case initially, but also the working conditions associated with the operation of new equipment. Thus, on the initiative of the Swedish Confederation of Trade Unions in the 1990s, computer technology standards based on ergonomic requirements began to be introduced throughout the world, which strictly regulate the level of electromagnetic radiation and noise, and the quality of the image on the monitor.
The function of representation is associated with defending the interests of employees not at the company level, but in state and public bodies. The purpose of the representative office is to create additional
(compared to existing ones) benefits and services (social services, social security, additional health insurance, etc.). Trade unions can represent the interests of workers by participating in elections of state authorities and local governments, making proposals for the adoption of laws relating to the social and labor sphere, participating in the development of state policies and state programs in the field of promoting employment, taking part in the development of state programs labor protection, etc.By getting involved in the political struggle, trade unions are actively engaged in lobbying they defend, first of all, those decisions that increase the demand for goods produced by workers and, thereby, the demand for labor. Thus, American trade unions have always actively advocated for protectionist measures - restricting the import of foreign goods into the United States.To implement representative functions, trade unions maintain close ties with political parties. The furthest went were the English trade unions, which back in 1900 created their own political party - the Workers' Representation Committee, and from 1906 - the Labor Party (translated as the Party of Labor). Trade unions directly finance this party. A similar situation is observed in Sweden, where the Swedish Trade Union Confederation, which unites the vast majority of employees, ensures the political supremacy of the Swedish Social Democratic Party. In most countries, however, the trade union movement is divided into associations with different political orientations. For example, in Germany, along with the Association of German Trade Unions (9 million people), which is oriented towards cooperation with the Social Democrats, there is a smaller Association of Christian Trade Unions (0.3 million people), close to the Christian Democrats.
In conditions of intensified competition, trade unions began to realize that the well-being of workers depends not only on confrontation with entrepreneurs, but also on the growth of labor efficiency. Therefore, modern trade union organizations almost do not resort to strikes and actively participate in improving the professional training of their members and in improving production itself. Research by American economists proves that in most industries, union members demonstrate higher productivity (by about 20-30%).
The crisis of the trade union movement in the modern era. If the first half of the 20th century. became the apogee of the trade union movement, then in its second half it entered a period of crisis.A striking manifestation of the modern crisis of the trade union movement is the reduction in the share of workers belonging to trade unions in most developed countries. In the United States, the unionization rate (the extent to which the labor force is unionized) fell from 34% in 1954 to 13% in 2002 ( cm. Table 1), in Japan from 35% in 1970 to 22% in 2000. Rarely in any country (one of the exceptions is Sweden) trade unions unite more than half of employees. The global indicator of workers' coverage by the trade union movement in 1970 was 29% for the private sector, and by the beginning of the 21st century. fell below 13% (approximately 160 million union members for 13 billion employees).
| Table 1. DYNAMICS OF MEMBERSHIP IN US TRADE UNIONS AND EMPLOYEE ASSOCIATIONS, % OF THE LABOR FORCE | ||
| Year | Percentage of labor force | |
| Membership only in trade unions | Membership in trade unions and employee associations | |
| 1930 | 7 | |
| 1950 | 22 | |
| 1970 | 23 | 25 |
| 1980 | 21 | |
| 1992 | 13 | |
| 2002 | 13 | |
Scientists have identified three main external factors that counteract the development of trade unions in the modern era.
1. Increased international competition due to economic globalization
. As the international labor market develops, the competitors of workers from developed countries are not only their unemployed compatriots, but also the mass of workers from less developed countries of the world. This group of people, possessing approximately the same set of knowledge, is ready to do the same amount of work for a noticeably lower salary. Therefore, many firms in the countries of the “golden billion” make extensive use of the labor of non-union migrant workers (often illegal), or even transfer their activities to “third world” countries where trade unions are very weak.2. Decline in the era of scientific and technological revolution of old industries.
The trade union movement has long been based on labor solidarity among workers in traditional industries (metallurgists, miners, dockers, etc.). However, as scientific and technological progress unfolds, structural changes occur: the share of industrial employment is decreasing, but employment in the service sector is growing.
| Table 2. UNIONIZATION COEFFICIENT IN DIFFERENT INDUSTRIES OF THE US ECONOMY, % | |||||||
| Manufacturing industries | 1880 | 1910 | 1930 | 1953 | 1974 | 1983 | 2000 |
| Agriculture, forestry, fishing | 0,0 | 0,1 | 0,4 | 0,6 | 4,0 | 4,8 | 2,1 |
| Mining industry | 11,2 | 37,7 | 19,8 | 4,7 | 4,7 | 21,1 | 0,9 |
| Construction | 2,8 | 25,2 | 29,8 | 3,8 | 38,0 | 28,0 | 18,3 |
| Manufacturing industry | 3,4 | 10,3 | 7,3 | 42,4 | 7,2 | 27,9 | 4,8 |
| Transport and communications | 3,7 | 20,0 | 18,3 | 82,5 | 49,8 | 46,4 | 4,0 |
| Commercial services | 0,1 | 3,3 | 1,8 | 9,5 | 8,6 | 8,7 | 4,8 |
| In the economy as a whole | 1,7 | 8,5 | 7,1 | 29,6 | 4,8 | 20,4 | 14,1 |
3. Strengthening the influence of liberal ideology on the activities of governments of developed countries.
In the second half of the 20th century, as the popularity of ideas grew neoclassical economic theory, relations between the government and the labor movement began to deteriorate. This trend is especially noticeable in the UK and the USA. The governments of these countries in the last decades of the 20th century. pursued a targeted policy of promoting competition aimed at reducing the influence of trade unions and limiting the scope of their activities.
In Great Britain, Margaret Thatcher's government spoke out sharply negatively against the activities of trade unions aimed at increasing wages, as this increased the cost of British goods and made them less competitive in the international market. In addition, labor agreements, according to conservatives, reduced competition in the labor market by not allowing workers to be fired depending on market conditions. Laws adopted in the early 1980s prohibited political strikes, solidarity strikes, picketing of an entrepreneur's supplier, and complicated the procedure for active actions (mandatory preliminary secret voting of all trade union members on issues of holding protests was introduced). In addition, some categories of government employees were generally prohibited from being members of trade unions. As a result of these sanctions, the proportion of union members among UK workers fell to 37.5% in 1991 and 28.8% in 2001.
The situation with trade unions in the United States is even worse. Workers in a number of industries with traditionally strong trade union movements (steel, automobile, transport) were forced to accept lower wages. Several strikes have failed miserably (the most striking example being the crackdown on the air traffic controllers union in the 1980s under Ronald Reagan). The result of these events was a sharp decline in the number of workers wishing to be members of trade unions, who were unable to fulfill their functions.
In addition to those listed external reasons for the crisis of the trade union movement are influenced by internal factors modern workers do not strive to join trade unions due to some characteristics of the trade unions themselves.
Over the last half century of their existence, legal trade unions have “grown” into the existing system, become bureaucratic, and in many cases have taken a position separate from the workers. A permanent staff and bureaucratic procedures are increasingly alienating the trade union “bosses” from ordinary workers. Not being, as before, fused with the workers, trade unions cease to navigate the problems that really concern their members. Moreover, as E. Giddens notes: “The activities and views of trade union leaders can be quite far from the views of those whom they represent. Often the union's grassroots groups come into conflict with their own organization's strategy."
Most importantly, modern trade unions have lost the prospect of their development. In the early revolutionary period, their activities were inspired by the struggle for equality and social change. In the 1960s and 1970s, some national trade union organizations (in Great Britain and Sweden) even demanded the nationalization of the main sectors of the economy, since private business was not able to ensure social justice. In the 1980s and 1990s, however, the viewpoint defended by neoclassical economists, according to which the state is engaged in economic activities much worse than private business, began to dominate. As a result, the confrontation between trade unions and employers loses its ideological intensity.
However, if in some developed countries the trade union movement is in obvious decline, then in some others trade unions have retained their importance. This was largely facilitated by the corporate model of relations between the labor movement and the authorities. This applies, first of all, to such continental European countries as France, Germany, and Sweden.
Thus, at the same time that anti-union laws were being introduced in the UK, labor acts were passed in France that provided for the organization of health and safety committees in the workplace, and also legally enshrined the mandatory procedure for collective bargaining on wages (1982). Legislation in the 1980s placed union representatives on company boards with voting rights. In the 1990s, the state assumed the costs of organizing labor arbitrations and workforce development programs. Thanks to the activity of the French state, the rights enjoyed by workers' committees and trade union deputies were significantly expanded and strengthened.
However, crisis phenomena are also noticeable in the activities of “continental” trade unions. French trade unions, in particular, are relatively smaller than even American ones: in the French private sector, only 8% of workers are members of trade unions (in the US 9%), in the public sector about 26% (in the US 37%). The fact is that when the welfare state pursues an active social policy, it actually takes over the functions of trade unions, which leads to a weakening of the influx of new members into them.
Another factor in the crisis of “continental” trade unions is the formation of a global (European, in particular) labor market, which increases competition between workers from all EU countries with differences in wage levels of 50 times or more. Such competition has led to a trend of lower wages, deterioration of working conditions, increased unemployment and temporary employment, destruction of social gains and the growth of the shadow sector. According to Dan Gallin, director of the International Labor Institute (Geneva): “The source of our strength is the organization of the labor movement on a global scale. The reason why we rarely and poorly succeed in this is that in our minds we remain captives of closed spaces defined by state borders, while the centers of power and decision-making have long ago overcome these borders.”
Although economic globalization requires the international consolidation of trade unions, the modern trade union movement is really a network of loosely connected national organizations that continue to act in accordance with their national issues. Existing international trade union organizations International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (the largest in the world 125 million members), International Trade Union Secretariats, European Trade Union Confederation and some others do not yet enjoy wide authority. Therefore, the long-standing dream of radical trade union activists, the creation of a worldwide “One Big Trade Union,” remains only a dream for now.
However, even if trade union organizations in different countries manage to establish cooperation among themselves, in the long term, trade unions are doomed to gradually die out. The trade union is a product of the industrial era with its typical confrontation between the owners of capital and employees. Since, as we approach post-industrial society, this conflict loses its severity and disappears, trade union organizations of the classical type will also inevitably lose their importance. It is likely that in the near future the center of the trade union movement will shift from developed countries to developing countries, where the technology and production relations of industrial society still dominate.
Development of trade unions in Russia. The predecessors of trade unions in Russia are considered to be the strike committees that arose in the 1890s. Trade unions in the proper sense of the word appeared in our country only during the revolution of 1905-1907. It was during this period that trade union committees were formed at large St. Petersburg factories: Putilovsky and Obukhovsky. On April 30, 1906, the first citywide meeting of metalworkers and electricians took place in the Russian capital. This date is considered to be the starting point of the history of trade unions in our country.After 1917, the characteristics of Soviet trade unions began to differ sharply from similar institutions abroad. It is not for nothing that in Lenin’s concept trade unions were called the “school of communism.”
Significant differences begin with the membership of Soviet trade unions. Despite their different status and opposing interests, Soviet trade unions united everyone, both ordinary workers and enterprise managers. This situation was observed not only in the USSR, but also in all other socialist countries. It is in many ways similar to the development of trade unions in Japan, but with the significant difference that in the USSR the trade unions were not “company”, but nationalized, and therefore openly refused any confrontation with the leaders.
An important distinguishing feature of Soviet trade unions was their focus on promoting the ideology of the ruling party to the masses of workers. Trade unions were part of the state apparatus, a unified system with a clear vertical hierarchy. State trade unions found themselves completely dependent on party bodies, which occupied a dominant position in this hierarchy. As a result, trade unions, free and amateur in their essence, turned into bureaucratic organizations in the USSR with a branched structure, an order system and reporting. The separation from the masses of workers was so complete that trade union members themselves began to perceive membership fees as a form of tax.
Although trade unions were an integral part of any Soviet enterprise, they paid little attention to their classic functions of protecting and representing workers. The protective function boiled down to the fact that without the official (and, as a rule, formal) consent of the trade union, the enterprise administration could not fire an employee or change working conditions. The representative function of trade unions was essentially denied, since the Communist Party supposedly represented the interests of all workers.
Trade unions were involved in holding subbotniks, demonstrations, organizing socialist competition, distributing scarce material goods (vouchers, apartments, coupons for the purchase of goods, etc.), maintaining discipline, conducting agitation, promoting and introducing the achievements of leading labor leaders, club and circle work, development of amateur performances in work collectives, etc. As a result, Soviet trade unions essentially turned into welfare departments of enterprises.
The paradox also lay in the fact that, being controlled by the party and the state, trade unions were deprived of the opportunity to solve and defend issues of improving working conditions and increasing wages. In 1934, collective agreements in the USSR were generally abolished, and when in 1947 a resolution was adopted on their resumption at industrial enterprises, the collective agreement practically did not stipulate working conditions. When hired by an enterprise, an employee signed a contract that obligated him to observe labor discipline and fulfill and exceed labor plans. Any organized confrontation with the leadership was strictly prohibited. The ban extended, of course, to the typical form of struggle for workers' rights - strikes: organizing them threatened with prison and even mass execution (which happened, for example, in Novocherkassk in 1962).
The collapse of the Soviet economy caused a severe crisis in domestic trade unions. If earlier membership of workers in trade unions was strictly mandatory, now there has been a massive outflow of workers who did not see any benefit in being members of this bureaucratic organization. A manifestation of the lack of relationship between trade unions and workers was the strikes of the late 1980s, when traditional trade unions found themselves not on the side of workers, but on the side of state representatives. Already in the last years of the existence of the USSR, the lack of real influence of trade unions in both the political and economic spheres became obvious. Innovations in legislation limiting the range of activities of trade unions also contributed to the intensification of the crisis. At many enterprises they were simply dissolved; newly emerged firms often deliberately prevented the creation of trade union cells.
Only by the mid-1990s did the degradation of Russian trade unions slow down. Gradually, the trade union movement began to return to the arena of political and economic events. However, until the early 2000s, Russian trade unions had not solved two pressing problems: what functions should they consider priority and what should their autonomy be?
The development of Russian trade unions followed two paths. New type of trade unions(alternative trade unions that emerged in the last years of the USSR) are focused on performing classical functions, as in the industrial era in the West. Traditional trade unions(heirs of the Soviet ones) continue, as before, to help employers maintain contacts with employees, thereby moving closer to Japanese-style trade unions.
The main difference between alternative trade unions and previous Soviet-type trade unions is their non-state nature and independence from enterprise managers. The composition of these unions is unique in that they typically do not include managers. Freed from the Soviet legacy, alternative trade unions faced new challenges.
Excessive politicization.
Alternative trade unions focus on participation in political events, mainly in the form of a protest movement. Naturally, this distracts them from caring about the “small” daily needs of the working people.
Setting up for confrontation.
Alternative trade unions have not adopted the positive experience of Soviet-style trade unions. As a result, new trade unions organize strikes well, but “slip” in everyday life. This leads to the interest of trade union leaders in ongoing strikes, which increases their importance. This attitude towards confrontation with the authorities, on the one hand, creates an aura of “fighters for justice” for new trade union leaders, but, on the other hand, repels those who are not inclined to radicalism.
Organizational amorphousness.
As a rule, membership in alternative trade unions is unstable, interpersonal conflicts often occur between their leaders, and there are frequent cases of careless and selfish use of financial funds.
The largest independent trade unions of the perestroika era were Sotsprof (Association of Trade Unions of Russia, founded in 1989), the Independent Trade Union of Miners (NPG, 1990), and the Union of Labor Collectives (STK). Despite their active protest activities (for example, the all-Russian miners' strikes in 1989, 1991 and 1993-1998 were organized by the NPG), the population was not informed about these trade unions. Thus, in 2000, almost 80% of respondents knew nothing about the activities of Sotsprof, the largest of the “independent” trade unions. Due to their small numbers and constant lack of financial resources, new trade unions in the 1990s were unable to seriously compete with traditional ones.
Alternative trade unions also exist in the 2000s, although, as before, they account for a smaller part of the working population. The most well-known trade union associations now are “Protection of Labor”, the Siberian Confederation of Labor, “Sotsprof”, the All-Russian Confederation of Labor, the Russian Trade Union of Dockers, the Russian Trade Union of Railway Crews of Locomotive Depots, the Federation of Air Traffic Controllers Trade Unions and others. The main form of their activity remains strikes (including all-Russian ones), blocking roads, seizing enterprises, etc.
As for traditional trade unions, in the 1990s they began to “come to life” and change somewhat in accordance with new requirements. We are talking about trade unions formed on the basis of the former state trade unions of the USSR, which were previously part of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions (All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions), and are now part of the FNPR (Federation of Independent Trade Unions of Russia). They comprise about 80% of workers employed at enterprises.
Despite this impressive figure, it does not at all indicate the success of the post-Soviet trade union movement. The question of joining a trade union at a particular enterprise is still purely rhetorical and is decided automatically when a person is hired.
Surveys in recent years indicate that only 1/3 of the members of primary trade union organizations at enterprises contacted them with any of their problems. Those who applied, in the overwhelming majority of cases (80%), are concerned, as in Soviet times, with social and everyday issues at the level of a given enterprise. Thus, it can be stated that although the old, traditional trade unions have generally strengthened their positions, they have not parted with their former functions. The protective function, classic for Western trade unions, appears only in the background.
Another negative relic of Soviet times that has remained in traditional trade unions is the single membership of workers and managers in one trade union organization. In many enterprises, trade union leaders are selected with the participation of managers, and in many cases there is a combination of administrative and trade union leadership.
A problem common to both traditional and alternative trade unions is their fragmentation and inability to find a common language and consolidate. This phenomenon is observed in both vertical and horizontal planes.
If in the USSR there was complete dependence of grassroots (primary) organizations on higher-level trade union bodies, then in post-Soviet Russia the situation is diametrically opposite. Having received official permission to control financial and mobilization resources, primary organizations became so autonomous that they stopped focusing on higher authorities.
There is also no cohesion between different trade union organizations. Although there are individual examples of coordinated actions (strikes by the Russian Dockers' Union in all ports of Russia and the Federation of Air Traffic Controllers' Trade Union during the Days of United Action for the Preservation of the Labor Code in 2000 and 2001), in general, interaction between different trade unions (even at the same enterprise) is minimal. One of the reasons for this fragmentation is the ambitions of trade union leaders and incessant mutual recriminations for failure to fulfill certain functions.
Thus, although modern Russian trade unions unite a very large share of wage workers, their influence on economic life remains rather weak. This situation reflects both the global crisis of the trade union movement and the specific features of post-Soviet Russia as a country with
transition economy. Materials on the Internet: http://www.attac.ru/articles.htm; www.ecsoc.msses.ru.Latova Natalia, Latov Yuri
LITERATUREEhrenberg R.J., Smith R.S. Modern labor economics. Theory and public policy, ch. 13. M., Moscow State University Publishing House, 1996
History of trade unions in Russia: stages, events, people. M., 1999
Gallin D. Rethink trade union politics. Labor democracy. Vol. 30. M., Institute of Prospects and Problems of the Country, 2000
Trade union space of modern Russia. M., ISITO, 2001
Kozina I.M. Russian trade unions: transformation of relations within the traditional structure. Economic sociology. Electronic journal, vol. 3, 2002, no. 5
Today, the trade union is the only organization designed to fully represent and protect the rights and interests of enterprise employees. And also capable of helping the company itself monitor labor safety, decide and instill in employees loyalty to the enterprise, having the opportunity to teach them production discipline. Therefore, both owners of organizations and ordinary ordinary employees need to know and understand the essence and features of the trade union.
The concept of trade unions
A trade union is an organization that brings together employees of an enterprise for the opportunity to resolve issues that arise related to their working conditions, their interests in the field
Every employee of an enterprise that has this organization has the right to join it on a voluntary basis. In the Russian Federation, according to the law, foreigners and stateless persons can also obtain membership in a trade union, if this does not contradict international treaties.
Meanwhile, every citizen of the Russian Federation who has reached the age of 14 and is engaged in labor activity can create a trade union.
In the Russian Federation, the legislation enshrines the primary organization of trade unions. It means a voluntary association of all its members who work in one enterprise. Within its structure, trade union groups or separate groups or departments can be formed.
Primary trade union organizations can unite into associations based on sectors of labor activity, on a territorial aspect, or on any other basis that has work specificity.
The association of trade unions has every right to interact with trade unions of other states, conclude contracts and agreements with them, and create international associations.
Types and examples
Trade unions, depending on their territorial characteristics, are divided into:
- An all-Russian trade union organization that unites more than half of the employees of one or more professional industries, or operates on the territory of more than half of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation.
- Interregional trade union organizations connecting members of trade unions of one or several industries on the territory of several constituent entities of the Russian Federation, but less than half of their total number.
- Territorial trade union organizations that unite trade union members of one or more constituent entities of the Russian Federation, cities or other populated areas. For example, the Arkhangelsk Regional Trade Union of Aviation Workers or the Novosibirsk Regional Public Organization of the Trade Union of Workers in the Field of Public Education and Science.
All organizations can unite, respectively, into interregional associations or territorial associations of trade union organizations. And also form councils or committees. For example, the Volgograd Regional Trade Union Council is a territorial association of regional organizations of all-Russian trade unions.
Another striking example is the capital's associations. Moscow trade unions have been united by the Moscow Federation of Trade Unions since 1990.
Depending on the professional sphere, trade union organizations of different specialties and types of activities of workers can be distinguished. For example, a union of educators, a union of medical workers, a union of artists, actors or musicians, etc.
Trade Union Charter
Trade union organizations and their associations create and establish charters, their structure and governing bodies. They also independently organize their own work, hold conferences, meetings and other similar events.
The charters of trade unions of enterprises that are part of the structure of all-Russian or interregional associations should not contradict the organizations. For example, the regional committee of trade unions of any region should not approve a charter that contains provisions that contradict the provisions of the interregional trade union, within the structure of which the first-mentioned organization is located.
In this case, the charter must include:
- name, goals and functions of the trade union;
- categories and groups of employees being merged;
- procedure for changing the charter, making contributions;
- the rights and obligations of its members, conditions for admission to membership of the organization;
- trade union structure;
- sources of income and property management procedures;
- conditions and features of the reorganization and liquidation of the workers' union;
- all other issues related to the work of the trade union.
Registration of a trade union as a legal entity
A trade union of workers or their associations, according to the legislation of the Russian Federation, can be registered with the state as a legal entity. But this is not a prerequisite.
State registration takes place in the relevant executive authorities at the location of the trade union organization. For this procedure, the association representative must provide originals or notarized copies of the charter, decisions of congresses on the creation of a trade union, decisions on approval of the charter and lists of participants. After which a decision is made to assign legal status. persons, and the data of the organization itself is entered into the unified State Register.
The trade union of educators, industrial workers, creative workers or a similar association of any other persons may be reorganized or liquidated. At the same time, its reorganization must be carried out in accordance with the approved charter, and liquidation - in accordance with federal law.
A trade union can be liquidated if its activities contradict the Constitution of the Russian Federation or federal laws. Also in these cases, forced suspension of activities for up to 12 months is possible.
Legal regulation of trade unions
The activities of trade unions today are regulated by legislation No. 10 of January 12, 1996 “On trade unions, their rights and guarantees of activity.” The last changes were made on December 22, 2014.
This bill enshrines the concept of a trade union and the basic terms associated with it. The rights and guarantees of the association and its members are also defined.
According to Art. 4 of this Federal Law, its effect extends to all enterprises located on the territory of the Russian Federation, as well as to all Russian companies that exist abroad.
For legislative regulation of the norms of trade union movements in the military industry, in the internal affairs bodies, in judges and prosecutors, in the federal security service, in customs authorities, drug control authorities, as well as in the work of the Ministries of Fire Service and Emergency Situations, there are separate relevant Federal laws.
Functions
The main goal of the trade union, as a public organization for the protection of workers' rights, is, accordingly, the representation and protection of social and labor interests and the rights of citizens.
A trade union is an organization designed to defend the interests and rights of employees in their workplaces, improve working conditions for workers, and achieve decent wages by interacting with the employer.
The interests that such organizations are called upon to defend may include decisions on issues of labor protection, wages, dismissals, non-compliance with the Labor Code of the Russian Federation and certain labor laws.
All of the above refers to the “protective” function of this association. Another role of trade unions is that of representation. Which lies in the relationship between trade unions and the state.
This function is protection not at the enterprise level, but nationwide. Thus, trade unions have the right to participate in elections of local governments on behalf of workers. They can take part in the development of state programs on labor protection, employment, etc.
To lobby the interests of employees, trade unions work closely with various political parties, and sometimes even create their own.
Organization rights
Trade unions are organizations independent from the executive power and local governments and enterprise management. Along with this, all such associations, without exception, have equal rights.
The rights of trade unions are enshrined in the Federal Law of the Russian Federation “On trade unions, their rights and guarantees of activity.”
According to this Federal Law, organizations have the right to:
- protecting the interests of workers;
- introducing initiatives to authorities to adopt relevant laws;
- participation in the adoption and discussion of bills proposed by them;
- unhindered visits to workers’ workplaces and receipt of all social and labor information from the employer;
- conducting collective negotiations, concluding collective agreements;
- an indication to the employer of his violations, which he is obliged to eliminate within a week;
- holding rallies, meetings, strikes, putting forward demands in the interests of workers;
- equal participation in the management of state funds, which are formed through membership fees;
- creation of own inspections to monitor working conditions, compliance with collective agreements and environmental safety of employees.
Trade union organizations have the right to own property such as land plots, buildings, buildings, sanatorium-resort or sports complexes, and printing houses. They can also be owners of securities and have the right to create and manage monetary funds.
If there is a danger to the health or life of workers at work, the chairman of the trade union has the right to demand that the employer correct the problems. And if this is impossible, then termination of work of employees until the violations are eliminated.
If the enterprise is reorganized or liquidated, as a result of which the working conditions of employees worsen, or workers are laid off, the company's management is obliged to inform the trade union about this no later than three months before this event.
At the expense of the social insurance fund, professional associations can conduct health activities for their members, send them to sanatoriums and boarding houses.
Rights of workers joining a trade union
Of course, first of all, trade unions are necessary for enterprise workers. With the help of these organizations, by joining them, an employee receives the right:
- for all benefits provided for by the collective agreement;
- for the assistance of the trade union in resolving controversial issues regarding wages, vacations, and advanced training;
- to receive free legal assistance, if necessary in court;
- to assist the trade union organization on issues of advanced training;
- for protection in case of unfair dismissal, non-payment during layoffs, compensation for harm caused at work;
- for assistance in obtaining vouchers to boarding houses and sanatoriums for yourself and your family members.
Russian law prohibits discrimination based on trade union membership. That is, it does not matter whether an employee of an enterprise is a member of a trade union or not, his rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution should not be limited. The employer does not have the right to fire him for failure to join a trade union or hire him under the condition of mandatory membership.
History of the creation and development of professional associations in Russia
In 1905-1907, during the revolution, the first trade unions appeared in Russia. It is worth noting that at this time in the countries of Europe and America they had already existed for quite a long time and at the same time were functioning thoroughly.
Before the revolution in Russia there were strike committees. Which gradually grew and were reorganized into an association of trade unions.
The founding date of the first professional associations is considered to be 04/30/1906. On this day, the first meeting of Moscow workers (metallists and electricians) took place. Although already before this date (October 6, 1905), at the first All-Russian Conference of Trade Unions, the Moscow Bureau of Commissioners (Central Bureau of Trade Unions) was formed.
All actions during the revolution took place illegally, including the second All-Russian Conference of Trade Unions, which took place in St. Petersburg at the end of February 1906. Until 1917, all trade union associations were oppressed and destroyed by the autocratic government. But after her overthrow, a new favorable period began for them. At the same time, the first regional committee of trade unions appeared.
The Third All-Russian Conference of Trade Unions took place in June 1917. The All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions was elected there. This day began the flourishing of the associations in question.
After 1917, trade unions in Russia began to perform a number of new functions, which included concern for increasing labor productivity and improving the level of the economy. It was believed that such attention to production was primarily a concern for the workers themselves. For these purposes, trade unions began to hold various kinds of competitions among workers, involving them in the labor process and instilling in them production discipline.
In 1918-1918, the first and second All-Russian Congresses of Trade Unions were held, at which the course of development of the organization was changed by the Bolsheviks towards nationalization. From then on, right up to the 50-70s, Russian trade unions differed sharply from those that existed in the West. Now they did not protect the rights and interests of workers. Even joining these public organizations was no longer voluntary (they were forced).
Unlike their Western counterparts, the structure of the organizations was such that all ordinary workers and managers were united. This led to a complete absence of struggle between the former and the latter.
In 1950-1970, several legal acts were adopted that gave trade unions new rights and functions and gave them greater freedom. And by the mid-80s, the organization had a stable, branched structure that was organically integrated into the country’s political system. But at the same time there was a very high level of bureaucracy. And due to the great authority of trade unions, many of its problems were kept silent, hindering the development and improvement of this organization.
Meanwhile, politicians took advantage of the situation to introduce their ideologies to the masses thanks to powerful trade union movements.
During the Soviet years, professional associations were involved in organizing cleanup days, demonstrations, competitions and circle work. They distributed vouchers, apartments and other material benefits given by the state among workers. They were a kind of social and welfare departments of enterprises.
After perestroika in 1990-1992, trade unions acquired organizational independence. By 1995, they were already establishing new operating principles, which were changed with the advent of democracy and a market economy in the country.
Trade unions in modern Russia
From the above-mentioned history of the creation and development of professional associations, it can be understood that after the USSR collapsed and the country switched to a democratic regime of governance, people began to leave these public organizations en masse. They did not want to be part of a bureaucratic system, considering it useless for their own interests. The influence of trade unions has faded. Many of them were completely disbanded.
But by the end of the 90s, trade unions began to form again. Already according to a new type. Trade unions in Russia today are organizations independent of the state. And trying to perform classical functions, close to their Western counterparts.
There are also trade unions in Russia that are close in their activities to the Japanese model, according to which organizations help improve relations between employees and management, while not exclusively protecting the interests of employees, but trying to find a compromise. Such relationships can be called traditional.
At the same time, both the first and second types of trade unions in the Russian Federation make mistakes that hinder their development and distort the positive results of their work. These are:
- strong politicization;
- disposition towards hostility and confrontation;
- amorphous in its organization.
The modern trade union is an organization that devotes too much time and attention to political events. They love to be in opposition to the current government, while forgetting about the small everyday difficulties of the working people. Often, in order to raise their authority, trade union leaders deliberately organize strikes and rallies of workers, without any particular reason. Which, undoubtedly, has a bad effect both on production in general and on employees in particular. And finally, the internal organization of modern professional associations is far from ideal. There is no unity in many of them; management, leaders, and chairman often change. There are inappropriate uses of trade union funds.
There is another significant disadvantage in traditional organizations: people join them automatically when they are hired. As a result, enterprise employees are completely uninterested in anything, do not know and do not defend their own rights and interests. Trade unions themselves do not solve the problems that arise, but exist only formally. In such organizations, their leaders and the chairman of the trade union are, as a rule, chosen by management, which interferes with the objectivity of the former.
Conclusion
Having examined the history of the creation and changes of the trade union movement in the Russian Federation, as well as the rights, responsibilities and features of these organizations today, we can conclude that they play a significant role in the socio-political development of society and the state as a whole.
Despite the existing problems in the functioning of trade unions in the Russian Federation, these associations are undoubtedly important for a country striving for democracy, freedom and equality of its citizens.
Along with positive ones, globalization also reveals more and more negative features over time. The influence of globalization processes on the sphere of spiritual culture is sharply criticized. One can often hear warnings about the danger of “McDonaldization,” the depersonalizing unification of national cultures.
The fruits of globalization in the cultural sphere are indeed quite diverse. For example, thanks to the development of communications and television networks, today hundreds of millions of people in different parts of the world can listen to or watch a fashionable theater production, the premiere of an opera or ballet performance, or take part in a virtual tour of the Hermitage or the Louvre. At the same time, the same technical means deliver completely different examples of culture to a large audience: unpretentious video clips, action films tailored according to the same patterns, annoying advertising, etc. The point is not even that such products do not demonstrate high quality. Its main danger is that it has a unifying influence, imposing certain behavior patterns and lifestyles that often do not correspond to or even contradict the values existing in a particular society.
However, the greatest concern, as a rule, is the question of the unevenness of the globalization process. The paradox of the global economy is that it does not cover all economic processes on the planet, does not include all territories and all humanity in the economic and financial spheres. The influence of the global economy extends to the entire planet, at the same time, its actual functioning and the corresponding global structures relate only to segments of economic industries, to individual countries and regions of the world, depending on the position of the country, region (or industry) in the international division of labor. As a result, within the global economy, the differentiation of countries by level of development is maintained and even deepened, and the fundamental asymmetry between countries is reproduced in terms of the degree of their integration into the world economy and competitive potential.
The fruits of globalization can be fully benefited mainly by developed Western countries. Thus, against the background of the active expansion of international trade, the share of developing countries in the value of world exports fell from 31.1%
in 1950 to 21.2% in 1990 and continues to decline. As the famous American specialist M. Castells noted in this regard, “the global economy is characterized by the presence of a fundamental asymmetry between countries in terms of their level of integration, competitive potential and the share of benefits from economic growth. This differentiation extends to regions within each country. The consequence of this concentration of resources, dynamism and wealth in certain territories is the segmentation of the world population... ultimately leading to a global increase in inequality." The emerging global economic system is simultaneously highly dynamic, selective, and highly unstable.
On a global scale, new fault lines and separation of countries and peoples are emerging. There is a globalization of inequality. Most countries of the Afro-Asian world from Myanmar to Tropical Africa remain in the grip of economic backwardness and are a zone of economic, political, ideological, ethnic and social conflicts and upheavals. Throughout the 20th century, the standard of living and average annual income per capita in third world countries lagged by an order of magnitude behind the corresponding indicators in developed countries. In the 80-90s. XX century this gap tended to grow. For the 80s the number of countries classified by the UN as least developed countries increased from 31 to 47. In 1990, nearly 3 billion people in sub-Saharan Africa, South Asia, Latin America and China had an average annual per capita income of less than $500, while 850 million inhabitants of the most developed countries (“golden billion”) - 20 thousand dollars. Moreover, there are no signs that this situation may change in the foreseeable future.
The most alarming trend in this sense is the emergence of the “Deep South”, or the countries of the “Fourth World”, which indicates a real danger of the complete degradation of a number of states that can generally lose the ability to maintain basic functions as a result of consistent reductions in budget expenditures for basic reproduction of social infrastructure and population. The paradox is that, given its planetary nature, the global economy (at least at the present stage of its development) stimulates an increase in the number of states and regions excluded from the processes of globalization.
Thus, the consequences of globalization are very contradictory. On the one hand, the growing interdependence of various countries and regions of the world is obvious. On the other hand, global problems, geo-economic
rivalry is a permanent competition, the purpose of which is to improve the “tournament position” of one’s country in the world market, creating conditions for continuous and fairly dynamic economic growth. The struggle to maximize resources and opportunities in the context of globalization gives rise to only one real alternative facing each country - dynamic advanced development or decline and marginalization.
Non-basic concepts: globalization.
XW Terms: marginalization, geoeconomics, GDP, WTO, IMF. How would you define the process of globalization? 2) What are the manifestations of globalization in the economic sphere? What is globalization in the field of culture? What are the main contradictions of the globalization process? 5) Describe the role of scientific and technological revolution and information and communication technologies in the process of globalization. How would you characterize the current situation of the poorest countries of the South? 7) What signs of globalization can you observe in your hometown (region, republic)?
Think, discuss, do Two essentially opposing points of view on globalization are widespread. One assumes that globalization is a fundamentally beneficial and progressive phenomenon that will help solve the major problems facing humanity. The other, on the contrary, emphasizes the negative consequences of globalization. Which point of view seems to you to more adequately reflect reality and why? Foreign fast-food eateries McDonald's have appeared on the streets of Russian cities. Consider whether this phenomenon has anything to do with globalization. The famous Chinese researcher He Fan noted in one of his works: “Competition and the struggle for a leading role in the economy, sanctions and counter-sanctions, protection and counter-protection have become the main forms of struggle between states.” Do you think this trend is a consequence of the development of globalization processes or, on the contrary, a manifestation of the inertia of the past? Representatives of trade unions in one of the European countries are trying to put pressure on employers in order to achieve the most acceptable wage conditions for employees of the relevant company (enterprise). However, business" ~~~ “
The exchanges do not give in to pressure and redirect investments to other regions of the world, closing the enterprise and generally leaving workers without work. How is the intransigence of representatives of the business community related to the processes of globalization?
Work with the source
Read an excerpt from an American researcher's work on the global economy.
The information age economy is global. The global economy is a completely new historical reality, different from the world economy, in which processes of capital accumulation took place throughout the world and which... existed at least since the sixteenth century. A global economy is an economy in which national economies depend on the activities of a globalized core. The latter includes financial markets, international trade, transnational production, and to a certain extent science and technology and related types of work. In general, we can define the global economy as an economy whose main components have the institutional, organizational and technological ability to act as a community (integrity) in real time.
Castelier M. Global capitalism and the new economy: significance for Russia // Post-industrial world and Russia. - M.: Editorial URSS, 2001, - P. 64.
®Ш$amp;. Questions and assignments to the source. 1) What is the difference between the modern global economy and the world economy of previous eras? 2) What exactly are the components that make up the globalized core of the modern world economy?
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