Regarding electronic voting in the Moscow City Duma elections:
The process of organizing it will be carried out by the same people as “Active Citizen”. Maybe they should first learn to protect “Active Citizen” from fraud, and then take on real elections?
https://t.co/Do9hClf9Tg
Alexey Navalny Retweeted
Welcome to Mister Turtle.
My trainer set me a task for today: run 8 km without my heart rate going above 160.
From a technical point of view, of course, it was a run. But they overtook me:
- mothers taking their children to school,
- grandmothers with carts going for groceries,
- pigeons wandering on their pink legs along the path in search of food
The latter, it seemed to me, were casting condescending glances at me.
I can’t imagine what those wonderful people who run fast with a heart rate of 140 do. Apparently, they go into nirvana right while running.
Actually, my Super Running Goal is exactly this: to learn to have fun running 10 km in less than an hour. (but be able to run in 50 minutes)
So far I’m still in the “it’s great to run with a heart rate of no higher than 150-155 and it’s great in all respects, but it’s so slow that it’s embarrassing in front of other runners in the park” zone. That is, running keeps me in the friend zone.
But I don't give up!
#run #turtle_power #donatello #🐢🐢🐢
href="https://www.instagram.com/p/BvoIO0ZFb_a/" target="_blank">https://www.instagram.com/p/BvoIO0ZFb_a/
I. Vorobyova- How does this differ from the strategy that was in 1911, against the backdrop of which there were so many protests later? At the elections…
A. Navalny- It differs in that the strategy here is about single-member districts, and it is much more complex. Strategy for gubernatorial elections or party lists: vote for any party except United Russia. Or we vote for anyone except Beglov. It's much simpler. Because some Bortko from the communists is also there. And I heard that Stas Baretsky was nominated. Well, or something like that. Some super exotic people. Choose for anyone except Beglov. The strategy for single-member constituencies is much more complex. Because there are specific names there. There will be some “United Russia” Vasechkin, a communist Ivanov and a “fair Russia” Petrov. And we will have to choose Ivanov or Petrov. Ivanov or Petrov, they said something like that on the Internet, they’ll google everything and say, Lord, who are you suggesting we vote for. And, nevertheless, we need, having stepped on the throat of our own song, forgetting about Ivanov’s hellish quotes from the Internet, to understand that we are not voting for Ivanov or for a communist or for a Liberal Democratic Party member. We vote for maximum political damage to the United Russia party.
https://echo.msk.ru/programs/p...
All this was discussed in yesterday's program. Timecodes here:
30:47 How Abyzov became rich.
35:01 List of those who vouched for Abyzov.
37:25 Abyzov’s lawyer asked to place his client under house arrest at his dacha in Barvikha.
39:15❓ Why did Abyzov call Medvedev during his arrest?
45:46❗️ Proletarian hatred in the Kaliningrad region.
46:52🎥 Supplying gas to a city in the outback with songs and dances.
49:16❗️ “Maxim Galkin is protecting Solovyov from me”: Navalny’s answer.
49:41🎥 Artist Maxim Galkin about Navalny.
54:22🎥 Fakes in the program “Evening with Vladimir Solovyov”.
57:45❗️ Uprising in Ingushetia.
58:41🎥 What is happening in the capital of Ingushetia - the city of Magas.
1:00:45🎥 What people in Ingushetia have been brought to.
1:03:14🎥 Protesters blocked the Caucasus highway.
1:05:05❗️ The wall between Yakutia and Kyrgyzstan.
1:07:46❗️ How Anya became mayor. Victory over United Russia.
1:10:06❗️ Kokorin and Mamaev.
1:10:38🎥 Why Kokorin and Mamaev are in prison.
1:11:06 Six months of pre-trial detention, two episodes of a criminal case and 18 investigators.
1:13:19❗️ And everyone laughed.
1:13:54🎥 Maternity hospital employees laughed at the head doctor’s report on the size of their salaries.
:15:09 The strike works:
Last week, the Anti-Corruption Foundation under the leadership of Alexei Navalny published, in the words of the oppositionist himself, “the strangest and scandalous investigation” in the entire history of its work. We are talking about a video about the vacation of businessman Oleg Deripaska and Deputy Prime Minister Sergei Prikhodko on the oligarch’s yacht in the company of an alleged representative of the escort services industry, Anastasia Vashukevich (Nastya Rybka).
In the four days since its publication, the video has been viewed almost four million times. The court of Ust-Labinsk in the Krasnodar Territory, meanwhile, accepted Deripaska’s claim against Vashukevich for the dissemination of data from his personal life, and as an interim measure demanded that all materials about the events on the oligarch’s yacht be removed from the Internet. Roskomnadzor ordered the removal of relevant information from YouTube and Instagram by the evening of February 14, threatening both social networks in Russia. On the same day, Russian YouTube users reported problems with the service - rumors began to circulate that a blocking had begun. Company representatives called the incident a “technical failure.” At the time of writing, the video about Deripaska and Vashukevich is still available on YouTube.
Currently, at least 8 million visitors visit the navalny.com website every month, more than 1.7 million people subscribe to the “Alexey Navalny” YouTube channel, and the “Navalny LIVE” live broadcast channel has acquired an audience of 435 thousand subscribers within a year of its existence.
More recently, in November 2017, the oppositionist started a Telegram channel, which three months later is already read by more than 83 thousand people. In addition, Navalny's team began producing podcasts as an alternative to radio broadcasting.
How did an oppositionist, who started with a blog on LiveJournal, create his own media empire in just a few years, which Deripaska, the Ust-Labinsk court, Roskomnadzor and everyone else are fighting today?
Stage No. 1. From LiveJournal to the Time list
Alexei Navalny’s blog on RuNet began to gain popularity in 2008, when a young lawyer and former member of Yabloko, having purchased several million rubles worth of shares in the largest Russian state-owned companies, began to identify “gray” money laundering schemes as a minority shareholder.
One of the first entries in Navalny’s Live Journal, which caused a lot of noise, was dedicated to a scheme for the alleged multimillion-dollar theft of funds from OAO Gazprom. Navalny claimed: Gazprom refused to buy gas from Novatek at the proposed price, citing a lack of funds as the reason for the decision, and a few days later the intermediary, who was financed by the same Gazprom, bought the gas from Novatek and sold it to Gazprom itself. - only at twice the original price. The difference from transactions of 1.5 billion rubles, as Navalny argued, ended up in the pockets of “effective managers.” The investigation even opened a criminal case into the theft of funds, but it was soon closed.
Navalny’s next step towards wide fame is a story published in LiveJournal entitled “How they cut at VTB” - about the purchase of drilling rigs by VTB Leasing. Based on his post, in 2009 the oppositionist for the first time released a video shot in imitation of the film “Star Wars”.
But it turns out to be popular not because of the picture - the video fits well into the style of the then NTV (scandals, intrigues, investigations) and looks quite homemade by today's standards. However, in just a few days, the video in which the blogger accused bank managers of money laundering when purchasing equipment gained more than 70 thousand views. Despite this, the activist again fails to bring the case to court, and VTB avoids the scandal by announcing the dismissal of several employees.
In 2011, a new stage in Alexei Navalny’s anti-corruption activities began - the RosPil project was launched. Its main task is to control the expenditure of budget funds in government procurement. In addition, the public project “RosYama” appears. The idea is simple: users publish photographs of road potholes indicating the location where they were taken, after which the automated system generates and sends a complaint to the traffic police. To implement the idea at the initial stage, Navalny spends, by his own admission, one hundred thousand rubles from his personal funds.
Screenshot of the Rosyama project
The blogger’s new projects and investigations are attracting more and more attention from business publications. During a broadcast on the Finam-FM radio station, Navalny utters the phrase “Party of crooks and thieves” in relation to United Russia, which turns into a meme. At the same time, the number of subscribers on his LiveJournal is growing rapidly. By the end of 2011, the blog was read by 55 thousand people daily, and Alexei Navalny himself appeared on the cover of Esquire magazine, became GQ’s Person of the Year in the “Editor-in-Chief” category, and was included in the top 100 “most influential people in the world” according to Time magazine.
Stage No. 2. From infantry to drones
In the wake of protest activity associated with citizens’ dissatisfaction with large-scale fraud during the 2011 parliamentary elections, Alexei Navalny announces the fight for fair elections and launches another project - RosVybory. Its goal is to organize active monitoring of voting in the 2012 presidential elections, especially in those polling stations where obvious falsifications were previously noticed.
Screenshot of the main page of the Rosvybory project as of 02/15/2018 RosPil and RosYama previously existed through crowdfunding, but in 2012 Navalny abandoned anonymous donations and, with the support of sponsors, united all projects into a single structure - the Anti-Corruption Fund (FBK).
Financial support for the new organization is now publicly provided by 16 sponsors, including the vice-president of Rosgosstrakh Roman Borisovich, ex-rector of the Russian Economic School Sergei Guriev, entrepreneur Boris Zimin and even journalist Leonid Parfenov.
The first FBK investigation appeared thanks to the co-founder of Dissernet and later the author of Novaya Gazeta, Andrei Zayakin, who had previously independently searched for plagiarism in the dissertations of State Duma deputies. “When I made the decision to help FBK, Navalny seemed to be the only one whom the authorities were at all afraid of,” says Zayakin.
Based on the hypothesis that wealthy Russians often purchase real estate in Miami, Zayakin decided to double-check the deputies by name for ownership of any property in the American registry and discovered data on the property of United Russia member Vladimir Pekhtin. It turned out that the parliamentarian is the owner of two apartments and even a house in Miami. The FBK doubted that the purchase of such property could be afforded with the honest income of a civil servant. Thus, in February 2013, the Foundation’s first investigation appeared. “It was the first to test the tools that we now use almost every day,” said Navalny’s ally Georgy Alburov in one of his YouTube broadcasts.
The investigation was a success: within two days after publication, Pekhtin’s name came out on top in mentions on Twitter, and the material itself received 300 thousand views on LiveJournal within a couple of months. Stories about the investigation were even shown on the NTV channel. The main outcome of the story was Pekhtin’s resignation as a deputy, although the connection between the dismissal and the publication was not publicly confirmed.
The Internet called the process of depriving oneself of a position through exposure “pekhting.”
Now even the most common videos of FBK and Navalny are watched by many more people. According to Alburov, if, as before, they were viewed by only 300 thousand Internet users, then the video production could be fired. “Since 2012, no one else has demonstrated the same media and organizational growth as Alexey Navalny,” confirms Andrei Zayakin.
After the publication of the story about Pekhtin, Georgy Alburov had the idea not only to look at the real estate of officials from satellite maps, but also to have a detailed idea of the properties hidden behind high fences. He persuades Alexei Navalny to buy a drone. Without much enthusiasm, the oppositionist allocates 24 thousand rubles for its purchase. With this money, Alburov buys a drone, a GoPro camera and tape to attach it at the Savelovsky market. The first object that the drone examines is the property of Yuri Vorobyov, the father of the current governor of the Moscow region, Andrei Vorobyov. “The first shoot turned out to be very embarrassing, to be honest, the wind, everything was shaking,” Alburov told subscribers a few years later.
Subsequently, FBK employees tried to build a new drone that would have all the necessary functions for flying over official estates. They spent almost two years on the work, but when the next drone, nicknamed “Volodya,” was ready, it turned out that all the additions were already present in the new models, and their own invention was constantly falling apart. And yet, according to Alburov, that drone made one “combat” flight.
The third place was DJI Phantom 4 for 90 thousand rubles. If you believe Georgy Alburov, “this was almost the main breadwinner of FBK,” since Internet users sent many donations to see the drone fly.
And more recently, in January 2018, crypto investors transferred 300 thousand rubles to FBK for the right to name a new drone in honor of the Nebulas cryptocurrency.
Stage No. 3. The road to mayor of Moscow
During the election campaign as a candidate for the post of mayor of the capital in 2013, Navalny ceased to be the sole author of his blog - his first press secretary Anna Veduta participated in writing many posts of that period. It was during this period that Navalny’s blog essentially transformed into a real media outlet.
In a conversation with the magazine “Secret of the Firm,” Veduta said that then they also had an editorial policy: more criticism of the mayor’s office and Sergei Sobyanin personally, at least three posts a day, and the most important one was put first, around noon.”
In July 2013, the first video was published on Alexei Navalny’s YouTube channel, but the politician himself did not appear in it. The video served as instructions for assembling and operating the propaganda cube. The following videos on the channel were released as part of the “Navalny Circles” project, invented as an alternative to election advertising. “Navalny Circles” were supposed to work as a series of meetings with representatives of professional communities. The politician spoke with teachers about education, with doctors about healthcare, and with lawyers about the law enforcement system.
He attracted attention to the videos by addressing subscribers on his blog: “Everyone has a friend or acquaintance associated with medicine. Everyone knows a teacher or school principal. Your children have a teacher and she has an e-mail. Everyone has an acquaintance who is interested in the “national question”—send him this particular “Navalny Circle,” he wrote. However, this tactic turned out to be not very effective - most of the videos were watched by no more than 30 thousand people, and they were hardly discussed online.
Another not very successful project was the “Good Truth Machine” - dissemination of information about abuses in power and corruption through printed leaflets and reposts on social networks. As planned, volunteers were supposed to register on the Mashina.org website and talk about possible “propaganda” methods. Navalny himself admitted that he does not quite understand how this should work, but if “the propaganda machine is in power,” then he should have a similar weapon. Ultimately, the idea looked more like a system for sending spam on social networks. “I am terribly infuriated by the DMP shares. They’re just so infuriating that with the release of each new one I want to write a post about how disgusting, bad and disgusting it is,” municipal deputy Maxim Kats angrily spoke about the project at that time. After the election, the Good Truth Machine stalled.
Screenshot from the Good Truth Machine website before it was frozen Despite the mistakes, in 2013 Navalny still managed to significantly increase the number of supporters. His election campaigns and mobility looked especially advantageous against the background of the rather closed Sergei Sobyanin. As a result, Navalny took second place with 27.24% of the votes.
Stage No. 4. Movie, movie, movie
In March 2014, the Prosecutor General's Office demanded that access to the oppositionist's page on LiveJournal be restricted, thereby forcing him to move his blog to a separate website.
The new platform turned out to be beneficial for Navalny: firstly, by that time LiveJournal had ceased to be a relevant resource, and secondly, any ban, as a rule, only increases public interest. That's what happened this time too.
“The anti-corruption fight as a political tool for coming to power is not new. This is a good populist tool. Navalny, as a politician, populist and politically outstanding person, captures the most painful part. When a person receives a salary of 20 thousand rubles, and Medvedev has a billion rubles at his disposal, this causes a storm of emotions. In this sense, Navalny, on the one hand, did nothing new, on the other hand, he promoted this topic better than anyone else, closed it on himself and became a symbol of the fight against corruption,” political scientist Dmitry Oreshkin explains this phenomenon.
In 2015, Navalny’s team released film "The Seagull"— about possible violations in the activities of the sons of the Prosecutor General of Russia. Filming “The Seagull” cost 250 thousand rubles, Navalny himself wrote. “When we launched it, we put “support FBK” buttons in the video itself and on the investigations page. Plus, we did a fundraising email campaign, and I wrote a special post,” he said in one of his publications.
The film's box office revenue justified itself - the film brought the foundation 3 million 75 thousand rubles in one-time donations.
Alexei Navalny's Twitter was hacked. Responsibility was claimed by the hacker Hull, who promised to later post a fresh portion of personal correspondence from the blogger’s email.
During the night from Monday to Tuesday, a whole series of pseudo-provocative messages appeared on Alexei Navalny’s Twitter, immediately revealing the fact that his account had been hacked.
Judging by the handwriting and the statement of the hacker himself, this is the work of the hacker Hull, known for hacking Navalny’s email, as well as. It seems that Hull's only goal was to report the upcoming new leak of Navalny's mailbox.
Despite the fact that Navalny has more than 259 thousand readers, the hacker only talked to a few.
Resourceful blogger PolyTrash decided to help his colleague in the shop get at least some benefit from access to his account.
On his Twitter, Hell catches lulz from the reactions of users who are not educated in hacking mechanisms.
At 1:49 a.m. (that is, 11 minutes after the first tweet), Alexey wrote a post on LiveJournal with cross-posting on Twitter, where he said that he had been hacked: “Obviously, through computers/iPads seized during the search. This is the Investigative Committee.” The coordinator of the RosVybory project, Georgy Alburov, reported that the passwords were changed immediately after the search, and Dmitry Ternovsky asked a reasonable question.
After some time, fake accounts were created @real_navalny And @navalny_real, which reported the hack. Some people retweeted the first by mistake, and the second was actively promoted by Konstantin Rykov.
Anna Veduta, Alexei Navalny’s press secretary, was timely concerned about the security of her leader’s accounts.
Alexey Anatolyevich Navalny is a lawyer, popular opposition blogger and public figure, founder of the Anti-Corruption Foundation, chairman of the Progress Party. Formerly a member of the board of directors of Aeroflot. He ran for mayor of Moscow in the 2013 elections and took second place.Navalny's main activities are aimed at combating corruption. Among the most high-profile investigations of FBK Navalny and his team are the case of Igor Chaika (son of Prosecutor General Yuri Chaika), Vladimir Yakunin’s “fur storage facility,” Dmitry Peskov’s watch, Vladimir Pekhtin’s real estate, Sergei Shoigu’s mansion, Igor Shuvalov’s plane and “tsar-apartment,” “secret Empire" by Dmitry Medvedev. Navalny also actively advocated for ratification in Russia of Article 20 of the UN Convention, which provides for punishment for the illegal enrichment of officials.
In 2013, Navalny was found guilty in the “Kirovles case”, but three years later the European Court of Human Rights recognized the case as politically fabricated and sent the verdict for review, but the court again returned a guilty verdict.
In December 2016, Navalny announced his intention to take part in the 2018 presidential elections.
Childhood. Education
Alexey Navalny was born in the military town of Butyn near Moscow. His father, Anatoly Navalny, a native of the Chernobyl region, graduated from the Kiev Military School, after which he was assigned to Moscow. Mom, Lyudmila Ivanovna, grew up in a village near Zelenograd, graduated from the State University of Education, worked as a laboratory assistant at a research institute that produced microelectronics, and later worked at a woodworking factory. 
In 1993, Navalny’s parents opened a wicker weaving workshop in the Odintsovo district of the Moscow region on the basis of a bankrupt factory, where Lyudmila Navalnaya had previously worked.
In 1994, the young man graduated from the Alabino school in the village of Kalininets near Moscow and entered the law faculty of the Peoples' Friendship University of Russia, missing one point for admission to Moscow State University. In 1999, he became a student at the Financial Academy under the Russian Government, studied at the Faculty of Finance and Credit, and in 2001 received a diploma in the specialty “Securities and Exchange Business.”
Much later, in 2010, he became a fellow of Yale University's Yale World Fellows program. Every year, the university selects about 15 gifted people, mostly from third world countries, and invites them to Yale for six months to study the global problems of our society.
Labor and business
While still studying at RUDN University, Navalny got a job as a lawyer at Aeroflot Bank. In 1997, he registered Allekt LLC, and in 1998 he began working for the ST-group of the Chigirinsky brothers (now Snegiri). He worked there for about a year, dealing with currency control and antimonopoly legislation. In 1999, two things happened - Navalny left ST-group and received a law degree.Social and political activities
In 2000, Alexei Navalny joined the Yabloko democratic party and was a member of the party’s Federal Political Council. Two years later, he was elected to the regional council of the capital branch of Yabloko. From 2004 to 2007, Navalny headed the apparatus of the Moscow regional branch of the party. 
In 2007, Navalny was expelled from Yabloko. The reason given was “causing political damage to the party, in particular, through nationalist activities.” As Navalny himself stated, the real reason for his expulsion is the demand for the resignation of Yabloko leader Grigory Yavlinsky.
In 2004, Navalny founded the “Committee for the Protection of Muscovites,” a citywide movement that opposes corruption in urban planning and the violation of citizens’ rights. A year later, Alexey, together with like-minded people, became the founders of a new youth movement called “YES!” He also began to coordinate the “Police with the People” project.
Since 2006, Navalny has coordinated the “Political Debates” project and acted as chief editor of the “Fight Club” program on TVC.
In 2007, he co-founded the national democratic movement “People” along with the writer Zakhar Prilepin and Sergei Gulyaev. It was planned that “People” would subsequently join the “Other Russia” coalition, but this did not happen.
Political debate between Navalny and Lebedev
In 2008, Navalny founded the Union of Minority Shareholders, an organization that defended the rights of private investors.
Navalny took part in the nationalist “Russian March” marches. In 2008, he witnessed the brutal detention of the leader of the “Slavic Union” Dmitry Demushkin by riot police, and was ready to defend him in court.
In 2008, information appeared about the creation of the “Russian National Movement”, which included the organizations “Great Russia”, “People”, and DPNI. Navalny stated that the movement plans to participate in the State Duma elections. But in 2011 the movement ceased activity.
Navalny's video in support of the People movement
In 2009, Navalny became a freelance adviser to the governor of the Kirov region, Nikita Belykh, who, as the site’s editors want to note, was arrested in the summer of 2016 on charges of taking a bribe.
Anti-corruption activities
In May 2008, Navalny announced on his blog that, together with like-minded people, he intended to find out why oil from large Russian state-owned companies was being sold by trader Gunvor. According to Alexey, he contacted the heads of Rosneft, Surgutneftegaz and Gazprom Neft, but received no clarification. By the way, Navalny is a minority shareholder of the companies “Surgutneftegaz”, “Rosneft”, “Gazpromneft”, “VTB”.At the end of 2010, Navalny announced the creation of the RosPil project, which intended to combat abuses in public procurement. By May 2011, the project reported on the discovery of fraud in state auctions amounting to 1.6 billion rubles, and with the help of RosPil participants, fraud amounting to 337 million rubles was stopped. The project received an award from the international blog competition The BOBs as the most useful resource for society.
In 2011, Navalny registered the Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK). Economist Sergei Guriev and entrepreneurs Vladimir Ashurkov and Boris Zimin invested in the project.
“The Party of Crooks and Thieves” – the author of this famous Internet meme is Alexei Navalny. The phrase was born on February 2, 2011 on the air of Finam FM. Soon information appeared that ordinary party members were offended and were planning to sue. In response to this, Navalny initiated a poll on his blog: “Is United Russia a party of swindlers and thieves?” 96.6% of the respondents, whose total number was 40 thousand, answered “yes”.
Navalny on Fimam FM
In mid-2011, Alexei Navalny launched the Internet project “RosYama” within the framework of FBK, which was supposed to encourage the Russian authorities to improve the condition of roads in the country. On the project pages, users posted pictures of damaged roads, on the basis of which the system generated complaints to the traffic police. If there was no response within the required time frame, RosYama employees sent a letter to the prosecutor’s office.
At the beginning of 2012, Navalny and his team launched the RosVybory project to monitor the presidential elections. About 17 thousand observers took part in the project.
Alexei Navalny's Anti-Corruption Foundation positions itself as the only non-profit organization in Russia that investigates acts of corruption among the highest echelons of power.
The FBK has repeatedly come under the radar of the head of Russian Railways, Vladimir Yakunin, to whom the Foundation attributed the presence of a “modest” dacha near Domodedovo with an area of several tens of hectares. Most of all, Internet users were struck by a separate room given over to a “fur storage room.”
A lot of noise was caused by Igor Shuvalov’s private plane discovered by Navalny, on which his Welsh Corgi dogs flew to exhibitions, as well as by the official’s purchase of apartments on one floor of an elite high-rise building on Kotelnicheskaya Embankment. FBK estimated the total cost of apartments in pre-renovation condition at 600 million rubles.
Navalny in the Moscow mayoral elections
Alexey Navalny nominated his candidacy for the post of mayor of Moscow in the early elections in 2013 from the RPR-Parnas party.And about. Mayor Sergei Sobyanin commented on Navalny’s actions as follows: “To be honest, I don’t know what prospects candidate Navalny has. We did everything possible to register him so that Muscovites would have the opportunity to have a greater choice among candidates for mayor of Moscow.”
Prosecutions. The Kirovles case
On December 5, 2011, that is, the day after the State Duma elections, Alexey Navalny spoke at an authorized rally on Chistoprudny Boulevard. Muscovites who came to the rally expressed disagreement with the election results and made accusations of fraud against the election commission and the United Russia party. 
After this action, Navalny and like-minded people went to an unauthorized march to the Russian Central Election Commission, where he was detained by the police. The next day, Navalny was found guilty of resisting law enforcement officers and sentenced to 15 days of administrative arrest. Navalny was released on December 21.
On May 9, 2012, Navalny was again sentenced to arrest for 15 days. This time – for participation in an illegal public event on Kudrinskaya Square, the so-called People’s festivities,” which became a mass sign of protest against the dispersal of the “March of Millions” that took place earlier, on May 6. The march participants were unhappy with the fact of Vladimir Putin's inauguration. Navalny appealed this detention and arrest to the European Court of Human Rights.
In May 2011, a criminal case was opened against Alexei Navalny under Art. 165 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation – “causing property damage by deception or abuse of trust.” The point was that Navalny and businessman Pyotr Ofitserov, the owner of the Vyatka Forestry Company, allegedly misled the director of the State Unitary Enterprise Kirovles, Vyacheslav Opalev, as a result of which he signed a contract unfavorable for his enterprise and suffered damage of 16 million rubles.
Navalny denied guilt, citing bias in the case, since shortly before this he had presented information on cuttings at Transneft on his blog, and also accused Opalev of “creating completely unthinkable schemes” for the sale of timber. According to Navalny, he achieved the dismissal of Opalev and a full audit of Kirovles, which was the reason for initiating the case.
Navalny: “The truth about Russia, power and Putin”, 2011
After proceedings, the case was dismissed on April 10, 2012. The reason is the lack of evidence of a crime. It was later resumed by order of the leaders of the Investigative Committee. However, on May 29 of the same year, the order to terminate the case was canceled.
The case came back to court in April 2013. The testimony of prosecution witnesses indicated that the cooperation of Kirovles with VLK was unprofitable for the former. However, VLK’s partners testified that the timber was shipped to them at market prices, and they have no complaints against both defendants in the case. The governor of the Kirov region, Belykh, who spoke at the trial, also stated that the activities of VLK did not harm the region.
On July 18, 2013, Navalny was sentenced to five years in prison and a fine (500 thousand rubles), Ofitserov was sentenced to four years in prison and a similar fine. The sentence was carried out during Navalny's election campaign for the mayoral elections.
During the appeal hearing that took place the next day, Navalny and Ofitserov were released on their own recognizance. During further consideration, violations were discovered when making a guilty decision, and the real terms were replaced with suspended sentences while maintaining the fine. Alexey Navalny appealed to the ECHR, which in February 2016 confirmed the violation of the rights of the accused in the Kirovles case, but did not recognize the case as politically motivated, as Navalny and Ofitserov’s lawyers insisted.
The Kirovles case: Navalny’s last word
At the end of 2016, the court again began considering the Kirovles case. The new sentence, according to Navalny, repeated the previous one verbatim. The defendants were again sentenced to 4 and 5 years probation. On the same day, the ECHR condemned the verdict, calling the goal of the entire process to exclude Navalny from the country’s political process.
Alexey Navalny 2018
In December 2016, Navalny announced that he intended to take part in the 2018 presidential elections, thereby launching his election campaign, during which he, together with like-minded people, opened a number of election headquarters in the largest cities of Russia.Alexei Navalny aims to run for president
In March 2017, the Foundation posted on YouTube a 50-minute film “He’s Not Dimon to You,” which was an investigation into a “multi-level corruption scheme” with the participation of Dmitry Medvedev. Three weeks later, rallies of thousands took place across Russia, with participants demanding answers from Medvedev about the information contained in the video.
“He’s not your Dimon”
On March 26, during an unauthorized rally on Tverskaya Street, Alexei Navalny was detained by law enforcement agencies. He was given a fine (20 thousand rubles) for organizing an unauthorized rally, and was also given 15 days of administrative arrest for “resisting the lawful demands of a police officer.”
On June 12, Russia was swept by a second wave of opposition rallies. This time, Alexey did not have time to leave the entrance when he was detained by the police. The Simonovsky District Court of Moscow arrested him for 30 days, accusing him of multiple violations of the rules for holding rallies: on the evening of June 11, he called on supporters to go to an unauthorized procession on Tverskaya Street, where a festival of re-enactors was taking place at that time, instead of the agreed rally on Sakharov Avenue. In total, more than 800 people were detained during the opposition rally in Moscow.
As part of the election campaign, the politician held a number of large-scale rallies in Russian cities.
The Central Electoral Commission refused to register Navalny for the presidential election due to his criminal record in the Kirovles case, despite the decision of the ECHR recognizing him as politically engaged. After this, Alexey called for a boycott of the elections and named the date of the all-Russian voter strike - January 28.
How Mikhail Prokhorov bought a villa from Alexander Khloponin
For the rally against the inauguration of Vladimir Putin “He is not your king” (held on May 5, 2018), ten days later, Navalny was arrested for 30 days. The election campaign ended, and FBK returned to its main activities: it caught Mikhail Prokhorov in bribing Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Khloponin, found a Parisian apartment for 2 million euros from propagandist Aram Gabrelyanov, etc.
Personal life of Alexei Navalny
Alexei Navalny is married. The oppositionist's wife's name is Yulia, her maiden name is Abrosimova. They met in 1999 at a resort in Turkey. The couple has two children: daughter Daria (born in 2001) and son Zakhar (born in 2008). 
For a long time, the couple lived in a small apartment in one of the panel houses on Lyublinskaya Street, Maryino. However, at the end of 2016, the oppositionist announced that he was looking for housing to rent, as his grown-up children began to feel cramped living in one room.
Alexey Navalny now
In August 2018, FBK published a video investigation involving State Duma Speaker Vyacheslav Volodin and his 82-year-old mother Lidiya Barabanova, a former school teacher. The oppositionist cited evidence that the woman owned an apartment worth more than 200 million rubles, as well as several businesses, one of which was registered quite recently. Navalny’s team argued that Barabanova was a front person for registering companies, and that their true owner was her son. The video caused a wide resonance, given that a few days earlier Volodin publicly predicted the complete abolition of pensions in the absence of pension reforms and advised the people gathered in the hall to play more sports in order to live up to retirement age.FBK: Apartment and business of Vyacheslav Volodin’s mother
If you find an error in the text, select it and press Ctrl+Enter
Philip bought a raincoat and a black T-shirt with the inscription “Navalny” in the store, stylized as a riot police uniform. Philip is also a big fan of the Lokomotiv-Kuban basketball club and has been supporting them for many years.“The police pay attention, but do not take any action. There are significantly more people who come up and shake hands, express respect, and so on. I have been going to Loko matches in these clothes for about 5 months, there have been no problems. They started when, at the last game, one employee noticed the inscription “Navalny” on his clothes,” says Philip.
...
The arena staff and security did not like Philip’s clothes, namely a T-shirt with the inscription “Navalny”. I didn’t like it so much that they agreed to let him in only if he took off his T-shirt or put it on inside out. Arena employees noted that this is a “political issue” and “Navalny” could be caught on camera.
https://shtab.navalny.com/hq/k…Well, be sure to take a look:
Oh, this “United Russia” and its impudent deputies. They constantly give us work to do.
After their Volgograd deputy Gasan Nabiev informed the whole country that only “drunks and parasites” receive a pension of 8,000 rubles, I, like everyone else, at first became very angry, and then decided that it was worth finding some good pensioner. Hardworking. So that he would be loving and sweet to “United Russia”. Find out how he lives and tell you all.
For such an experiment - I thought - I need to find a pensioner who would work in the same place as the scandalous Hasan Nabiyev (and he works at Gazprom), and also close to the authorities.
This one was found.
A few weeks ago, I read the news that 66-year-old Gazprom deputy chairman Valery Golubev was retiring after 16 years at Gazprom. And unlike many other "decommissioned" civil servants, he does not become a senator, or a councilor, or an assistant. In reality, it seems like he is retiring from business.
https://www.fontanka.ru/2019/02/26/007/And I became terribly curious. What is the pension of a top manager at Gazprom?
Well, literally, what does she look like? What is a teacher's pension - I can imagine. This is 12 thousand rubles a month after 40 years of work. If in Moscow, then it is much more luxurious - 19 thousand rubles, this with extra charges. I can also imagine what the pension of a factory worker from the Urals is like. 11 thousand rubles per month. You, too, can literally look around and see how and how long your parents and grandparents live. You and I all know this very well.
But what does the pension of a “successful” Putin manager look like? A man who spent his entire life in public service and, according to the rules of the Putin system, deserved a dignified old age.
We started searching and found a lot of interesting things.
But before we look at all this and study it, we need to get to know this top manager better. Valery Aleksandrovich Golubev is a rather non-public person, so let's quickly go over his biography.
Valery Aleksandrovich Golubev doesn’t understand a damn thing about gas, oil, energy, production, or drilling.But he served in the Leningrad KGB. And then at the secretariat of the St. Petersburg City Hall. Sounds like a familiar story, right?
4 former employees of the St. Petersburg mayor's office are walking around Sochi. Golubev (secretary of the mayor's office) - deputy chairman of Gazprom. Kozak (head of the legal department of the mayor's office) - Deputy Prime Minister. Mutko (deputy mayor for social issues) - Deputy Prime Minister. Putin (Head of the Foreign Relations Committee) - President
The coincidence is not accidental. Putin and Golubev actually knew each other from their service in the KGB, and then they worked together in Sobchak’s mayor’s office. Their story is not limited to common places of work.
When Putin was responsible for external relations at the mayor’s office, Golubev was the head of the Vasileostrovsky district. And according to numerous media reports, it was Golubev who was involved in providing the petty official Putin with free living space in his area.
Incredibly luxurious living space by the standards of that time (and by today’s standards, of course) - we were talking about an apartment with an area of 140 m2 in a house on the second line of Vasilievsky Island. Golubev himself settled in the same house and entrance. One floor below. That is, they served, worked and lived together.
Semenova Taisiya is Golubev's former mother-in-law. Golubeva Elena is Golubev's ex-wife.
Then their paths diverged for a short time, Putin left for Moscow, and Golubev stayed and held not very significant positions in St. Petersburg - he was a deputy of the legislative assembly, the head of the city’s tourism committee. In 2002, he was sent to the Federation Council and moved to Moscow.
And here's my favorite part.
How can a former KGB officer and some kind of head of the tourism committee end up as deputy chairman of the largest and most important state-owned company in the country, our national treasure, Gazprom? And like this .
Golubev found himself at some meeting with Putin. Putin, leaving, noticed him in the last rows, recognized him and asked “Valera, what are you doing here? What are you doing?".
ForbesWithin a month after this meeting, at the beginning of 2003, Golubev left the Federation Council (to which he had JUST been elected), was appointed general director of a Gazprom subsidiary, joined the board of Gazprom itself, and then became deputy chairman. And he remained so until 2019.
http://council.gov.ru/services…For any pensioner, a dacha is terribly important, so we’ll start with it. And we simply search in an Internet search engine. Fortunately, the main news agency of the country (in the “economy” section!) informs us that due to the Yamal-Europe gas pipeline, boletus mushrooms have disappeared from Golubev’s dacha.
The topic is covered in sufficient detail. There is an extended quote from Prishvin Golubev:
“The pipe went through and crossed all the migration routes of cows! A cow cannot go into the forest to eat grass. Previously, cows walked through the forest and broke out ferns. But now they don’t go to the forest, they don’t eat grass in the forest, the forest is overgrown - porcini mushrooms have stopped growing. There were excellent boletus mushrooms - like champagne corks. This is the impact on nature. There is a lot of gas, but very high pressure,” Golubev said.In addition to boletus and corks, the article quite accurately describes where this dacha is located - near Torzhok, the village of Bibikovo. We, of course, sent our special correspondent there in the hope of filming another palace.
This is what we got.
That's all, actually. Fiasco. A rickety house in the village of Bibikovo. Waist-deep snow, not a single person, destroyed houses and fences. There is no gas, and probably no electricity either.
Just for a second, a seditious thought comes to us: “Have we finally found an honest Putin colleague who didn’t steal billions?”
And I’m ready to back down and apologize, but I thought: what if this isn’t our pensioner’s only dacha? After all, besides the wonderful village of Bibikovo, there are other good places in Russia.
Yes, my friends. It turned out that pensioner Golubev did not mention one modest small dacha in his interview. Apparently boletus mushrooms don’t grow there. But we will show it to you anyway.
We are moving to places that are more familiar to readers of my blog. To Rublyovka.
This is Golubev's real dacha.
Good, huh? The house is two floors with an attic above ground and another entire underground floor. The photo above shows a cool curved gallery through which you can walk into the bathhouse complex. And in the background you can see the gates, like in a fortress. With turrets. Through them, state manager Golubev solemnly drives in from the Rublevo-Uspenskoye Highway.
Balustrades on a non-flat roof? Very controversial architecture, very much.
The area of the house is 3800 m2. The plot is 5 hectares. It is so big that it is difficult to capture it in one shot, but we tried.
In the photo above we highlighted Golubev’s personal automobile tunnel with a yellow circle. Entrance to his dungeon. So that you can go straight into the house from your car and not accidentally step on a boletus.
There is still a lot of interesting things on the site. The photo below shows a 420m2 garage (obviously for the servants, the master's parking is under the house). On the left is the greenhouse. You can see the tennis court. In front of it, a pit covered with snow is an open-air swimming pool. In the foreground is a guest house.
On the right side of the frame you can see a river on the territory of the Golubevsky site, completely cut off from public access. It is illegal. He stole it. As well as, by the way, my dissertation.
Dissernet
DissernetAll this - both land and houses with a total cost more than 3 billion rubles belongs to Vyacheslav Valerievich Golubev, the 23-year-old son of the deputy chairman of Gazprom. He bought and built it when he was 19 years old.
Extract for part of the main house. A folder with statements for all areas and buildings around.
We began to study the life of our pensioner when we doubted that a wooden house near Torzhok was all he had. And they did the right thing. But I want to tell you that the matter is not limited to a house worth 3 billion on Rublyovka.
We also found in the Golubev family:
First place is not always good. Sometimes, first place is very sad.
For example, when it is the first place in requests to the “Navalny Trade Union” - a service where a public sector employee can check his salary for compliance with the “May Decrees”.
Education workers are leading there, even ahead of doctors. But we must remember that doctors are not only doctors, but also nurses, paramedics and orderlies, whom our state literally keeps in a state of poverty.
So teachers get even less.
This is a truly monstrous situation, given the role that teachers perform for society in general and for each person in particular. Everyone goes to school, everyone goes to higher or secondary education.
The problem is not only that teachers are paid very little, but also that many believe: that's how it should be . Teachers should be paid little. Well, like “they don’t work in the summer.”
And let’s be honest, among the education workers themselves there are many completely downtrodden, submissive people who also go through life with the slogan: we are entitled to small salaries, we are teachers .
Now we are not even talking about normal salaries, we are talking about the minimum guaranteed by the “May Decrees”. That is, about a salary at the level of the regional average (for a school teacher working full time). Frankly speaking, no one will get very rich from such amounts.
Look, even in Tatarstan, one of the most hellish regions in terms of lawlessness, a teacher spoke out for an increase in salaries and no one ate him. On the contrary, they invite you to the city administration and politely ask you to get into the situation.
If you live in St. Petersburg and you know a teacher, send him this video clip, let him join the trade union.
If not in St. Petersburg, but you also know an education worker, send it anyway video clip, maybe someone will finally wake up and take an example.
Saving teachers from tiny salaries is primarily the work of the teachers themselves. Well, we will support.
And an even more important survey: why did he conduct it?
As part of a February survey of citizens about trade unions, VTsIOM found out the opinion of Russians about the Navalny Trade Union project, but did not publish this data in a report on its website. One of the survey participants told the Vedomosti newspaper that sociologists asked respondents about Alexei Navalny and was confirmed by a source in the organization.According to the publication, the survey consisted of three groups of questions: the first concerned the salaries of public sector employees and presidential decrees to increase them, the second concerned trade unions in general. Its results were published on March 1.
The third part of the survey was dedicated to Navalny: respondents were asked about their attitude towards the oppositionist and the protests he organized. Separately, sociologists were interested in the Navalny Trade Union project.
https://meduza.io/news/2019/03...And if you know a teacher, then send him Valiullin's video: I’m sure any teacher will be interested in this.
Yes, I confirm: in relation to the former director of FBK Romana Rubanova a criminal case has been initiated. He is wanted.
Do I admit that there will be a case against him too? I don’t just admit it, I’m even sure. I’m telling you: Medvedev stomps his feet, and Usmanov shakes his cheeks. How can one not initiate a case here?
Hello. There are a few things I hear from our supporters all the time. It even looks more like some kind of reproach. Millions of people watch us in the regions and are indignant - why, why are we always talking about Moscow and St. Petersburg.
They often write to me, they say, “our regional corruption is much steeper and more extensive than yours.” I'm inclined to agree with this. At a minimum, regional corruption is worse and more destructive. Local officials do not steal from some kind of “abstract” federal budget, but literally from the pockets of residents of cities and republics. They steal not on all sorts of innovations and Skolkovo, but on tariffs for gas, electricity and water. They steal directly from the salaries of state employees, who already receive very meager pennies.
Do you know where they write the most? From the North Caucasus.
And of course, of course, we should have dealt with this poorest region a long time ago, which undeservedly has some kind of special “inviolable” status in our country. They have their own customs, everything is complicated there, there is a different culture and mentality - you have heard all this many times, and maybe you have thought about it.
And recently, literally at the end of last week, we began to be inundated with letters with a link to the same video on YouTube. The video is unusual, and at first I even thought that maybe it was some kind of prank or flash mob. It's called “Do-it-yourself suspended plasterboard ceiling”.
The video is really about repairs, no catch. About how to properly install complex plasterboard structures. In the frame there are exclusively workers, foremen and foremen. Install a suspended ceiling.
We looked closely and urgently made an investigation. About one of the poorest Russian regions. About how an entire republic was plundered by literally 2-3 clans, a couple of dozen relatives and friends. The vast majority of whom are officials. They stole everything completely and quite a long time ago. And now they enjoy what they have stolen and live a life that is shocking even by Moscow standards.
And hello again to everyone who likes to read rather than watch. Make yourself comfortable, take out your notebooks, now you and I will be making our way through the family-clan structure of modern Russia. It is Russia, please keep this in mind, because it may seem that I am describing the events of some Middle Eastern monarchy or, in general, some medieval khanate. It will be difficult, but interesting.
The video I talked about in the introduction is here. It is dedicated to the installation of a suspended ceiling, stucco molding and other plaster decorations.
It was recorded by a master builder from Rostov, Reuben Boyko. He has his own very popular channel with 130 thousand subscribers and millions of views. The content and idea are really cool. Such DIY in an entertaining format.
But why did dozens of people suddenly start writing to us and inviting us to watch this video?
In the comments under the video there is an even more surprising situation. They are all filled with my last name. And in this vein: now Navalny will come here.
I came. I watched this video. It was awesome, to be honest. The house in which we are taught to install suspended ceilings looks like this:
The drone footage is excellent, check it out for yourself. At some point, I began to suspect that we ourselves had once filmed this, posted it and forgotten. This object is at the same time similar to every one that we have ever filmed on the so-called Rublyovka. And architecture, and scope, and landscape design, and fences.
But we look and we don’t know. We don’t understand where it is, despite the fact that we know all these Rublevkas, Istras, Pestovo and other areas near the rivers inside and out.
And if you listen to the video, Reuben is very interested in where he is filming it. He says that he is far from Moscow, far from St. Petersburg, and from Rostov-on-Don he flew by plane. This, of course, only provoked us. Well, where could you get something like that?
Without waiting for the end of the video, we began to find out where it was. Moreover, there are so many “tips” there.
First, filming. It’s fresh, the video came out a week ago, but there’s no snow in the footage and the sun is shining, which means it’s south. Secondly, one of the workers says that he lives in Pyatigorsk. This means it must be nearby, there’s no need to transport painters halfway across the country. Thirdly, foreman Lekha’s Instagram appears in the frame.
A there- dozens of photographs of this house, stories about the construction, and hashtags everywhere - #Cherkessk.
In general, we established the exact location of the object in the 5th minute of the video and were terribly proud of our own ingenuity and mini-investigation. But at the very end of the video we felt a little stupid, since all this could not have been done. At the 31st minute, Reuben took it and said directly: “We are in Cherkessk.” Which, it seems to me, somewhat embarrassed the foreman Lekha.
Well, in any case, now we know 100% where this house is, even if the people in the video deny everything and claim that they filmed it on the Moon.
Now, of course, we are very interested in how much this could cost. If it were on Rublevka, then a 2000-meter house and 8.5 hectares of land would cost 6 billion rubles. But we are not in Rublevka, we are in Cherkessk, so let’s subtract the cost of land altogether, consider it free. But the house still needs to be built. And not only are there 2000 square meters plus buildings and landscaping, but the inside is not lined with clapboards.
You can glean some details from the video - for example, that the ceilings there are 12 meters high. This is so that you can hang a chandelier - it is 7 meters high. Or that in just one room the stucco molding that they are taught to install weighs almost 2 tons.
The same stucco molding on the ceiling
And this is a coffered ceiling. So difficult to install that the foreman Lekha calls it his “ninth symphony”
We figured it out, looked at these caissons and valued this object at a billion rubles. And the question arises. Who in the poorest Russian region with an average salary of 24,600 rubles, where the GOVERNOR officially receives 74 thousand rubles a month, can afford to spend a billion on a house?
Let's try to find out the name of this rich man. We look at the statement of the building and don’t understand what’s happening. In reality, there is a 2000-meter house, but on paper it is a “recreation room/health complex” with an area of 310 m2. That is, this is not just a rich person, but a person who knows how to make the state do what he wants.
And here is the owner:
If you do not live in Karachay-Cherkessia, then this surname will not tell you anything.
Just like I did last week. But if you are still reading from Karachevo-Cherkessia, then you may now be very nervous and worried. After all, we are talking about very famous, very influential and even dangerous people. Who can afford absolutely everything.The owner of the luxurious house is Kaitov Ansar Alievich. Ansar is very young (he is not even 18), but is already famous. Here he is at his school graduation, driving a Mercedes with flashing lights and shooting from a Kalashnikov assault rifle.
Photo of Ansar Kaitov from that very graduation.
This is definitely a great start. A successful young man drives around with flashing lights and shoots from a Kalash, distracted only by the construction of a house with two tons of stucco in each room. “What have you achieved?”
But we understand that even if Ansar Kaitov graduated from school with straight A’s, he would hardly be able to buy such a house for himself. Naturally, he got it from his father. My father's name is Kaitov Aliy Zaurovich.
And this is exactly the moment when this post stops being entertaining. Using the example of this one estate, registered to a seventeen-year-old student, we will now open the door to how the world of the North Caucasus and Karachay-Cherkessia specifically works today.
Karachay-Cherkessia is a poor republic. Humiliatingly poor, and now you will see why. There, everything, absolutely everything, was divided among several families, uniting into cunningly interwoven clans and distributing among themselves ALL the money that comes to the region from the budget. Every penny - be it gas, electricity or landscaping. Parliament, government, courts, large enterprises and resorts - absolutely everything is controlled by a small group of people, blood relatives, who have been robbing those who live on this land for decades.
You already know very well about one of these families, they are in the news every day - these are the same Arashukovs, led by Rauf Arashukov, a senator from Karachay-Cherkessia, and part-time murderer, corrupt official and leader of the group that, according to the Investigative Committee, stole 36 billion rubles from Gazprom.
But the Arashukovs are no exception. The person whose name you see in the extract above (Aliy Kaitov) is a representative of another, no less influential clan. These two clans (and a couple of side clans) divided the republic among themselves.
The owner of the house, I’ll say his name again, is Kaitov Aliy Zaurovich.
Aliy Kaitov and his son Ansar Kaitov
He is the son-in-law of the former president of Karachay-Cherkessia - Mustafa Batdyev. That is, he is married to the daughter of the past president. Their child, Ansar, to whom the house is registered, is, accordingly, the presidential grandson. across all media in 2004. It's clear why. The president's son-in-law, after all. Not only did all this happen at his home, and, as the investigation established, on his instructions, but the bodies of the victims could not be found for a long time. Aliy and his accomplices took the corpses to the mountains, covered them with tires and burned them in a mine. Even for the North Caucasus, such a crime is something out of the ordinary.
Relatives of those killed organized mass rallies and stormed the administration building. There was a real political crisis in the republic. They left the government building only when Dmitry Kozak, who had flown in from Moscow, assured them that there would be a trial.
There was a trial. I’m asking you: how much should a person who organized such a massacre receive? When will he be released?
You shrug your shoulders and say: well, of course, life imprisonment. He will never be released.Sure? Aliya Kaitov was sentenced to 17 years.
Locals begin to write notes about the murderer’s detention: a special cell was made for him in prison, consisting of two, guests were calmly brought to him, and he himself could leave and return to prison at will.
As a result, less than 10 years later, Kaitov was already free.
Here is a photograph of him from 2014 with the well-known Rauf Arashukov. Rauf signs Kaitov “My Brother.”
That is, for the murder of 7 people, Kaitov served less than 10 years instead of 17. I'll quote famous human rights activist Babushkin, who spoke about Kaitov: “I have never seen such a generous reduction in sentence. This is the first such case in our country!»
While Kaitov was in prison, his father-in-law, President Mustafa Batdyev, resigned. Not because of the massacre, of course - what a trifle, but many years later. Authorization has expired. It would seem that Kaitov, who had served time, should have come out to nothing. I can’t get a job, my father-in-law is no longer the president, he’s officially divorced from his wife. But here we will now perfectly illustrate how family clans work.
Here we quickly made a diagram. These relationships are just one family.
In the top row is Kaitov's father, Zaur Kaitov. He was also an official and headed the Forestry Agency for the Karachay-Cherkess Republic. To the left is his uncle, a much more serious man. Magomed Kaitov. He was called the “energy king” of the North Caucasus.
Do you recognize the wording? Arashukov was also called the “gas king.” I suppose that one might get the impression that this uncle built some kind of successful energy business that made him an oligarch. This is, of course, not true. In 2002, our effective manager and liberal Chubais appointed him to the post of head of the Caucasian Energy Management Company. Chubais awarded him the Order “for services to the Russian electric power industry.”
As a result of this powerful appointment, Magomed Kaitov completely plundered the republican electric power industry. He stole from tariffs, that is, from literally EVERY resident of Karachay-Cherkessia directly from his pocket. I would tell you how he did it, but it’s better to let... Putin do it instead of me. He definitely won't deceive.
“The energy complexes of entire regions of the Russian Federation are simply controlled by family clans. Thus, the energy system of the North Caucasus region is largely controlled by one family - the family of Mr. Kaitov. Consumers pay for supplied energy to the accounts of affiliated companies, which act as agents of energy sales companies. Next, part of the funds received is cashed out through shell companies or appropriated by family members.”
Thank you, Vladimir Vladimirovich. Exhaustive.
Magomed Kaitov was arrested and charged with theft of 4 billion rubles. This was in 2013. Then a miracle happens (the same miracle as with serving time for mass murder), and we see Magomed Kaitov on his children’s Instagram. Of course, he's free. That is, if he sat, it was purely symbolically.
If you think that a severe reprimand, arrest and exposure by Putin personally had any impact on the life or well-being of the Kaitov clan, you are greatly mistaken.
The eldest daughter of the energy worker who stole 4 billion is Jamilya Kaitova.
The founder of her own “intellectual women’s salon” (why only women’s?!).
She drives on a Bentley with red upholstery.
Bentley, red interior, rhinestone shoulder straps, rosary. On the way to the “smart salon”.
Hanging out with the singer Valery at the Rotenbegs' dacha. Sailing with them on a yacht.
Left: New Year at the Rotenbergs (in the photo you can see Magomed Kaitov, Boris Roteberg with his wife, Roman Roteberg with his wife, producer Prigozhin and Valeria, Jamila and Karina Kaitov). Right: Joseph Prigozhin, Jamilya Kaitova, Karina Rotenberg on a yacht
In the photo below, on the left, she is with her brother, who was recently imprisoned for mass murder in Paris. And on the right - with him already in the south of France.
Holidays on a yacht in Ibiza. Emirates. Monte Carlo. The child is also well prepared for school - an ABC book in his Gucci briefcase, fashionable moccasins. Ready for school.
We cover up the boy, since it’s not his fault that his stealing parents-officials dress him like that
I’m actually scared to look at her watch - it blinds me.
For all the golden interiors, Dubai, Bentleys and diamonds, I have to say thanks to my dad, a 33-year-old official from the regional, damn it, roads department. From Sharashka's office, some unfortunate small federal state unitary enterprise.
Are you going to laugh or cry now, I don’t know. Do you know who it is
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