Original of this material
© IA "Mosmonitor", 08.08.2017, Photos, illustrations: via IA "Mosmonitor"
| Eduard Gasanov
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The beneficiaries of this structure are not the Aminov brothers, not Gennady Timchenko, not Iskander Makhmudov, but a group of businessmen with an extremely dubious past. In particular, the brothers Oleg and Dmitry Polyakov have repeatedly been involved in investigations of fraud, theft, hostile takeovers, hooliganism and shooting, and the latter was even accused.
Their lifelong friends and partners in Peton, brothers Eduard and Marif Gasanov, were in the development of the Bashkir Organized Crime Control Department for a long time, about a dozen cases of fraud were brought against them, and the first of the relatives even served a large sentence for embezzlement. Now these people are “mastering” Gazprom’s 170 billion rubles.
What is the reason for this success? It's simple. Peton, in our opinion, has strong support in law enforcement agencies, and as the “curators” rise through the ranks, so do the amounts of contracts received by the company. In particular, apparently, these curators have leverage over individual top managers of Gazprom. But these security forces cannot directly influence Rosneft, Bashneft, which belongs to it, and their top managers. And Peton is now almost deprived of contracts from its once dear Bashneft.
As a result, the Polyakovs and Hasanovs, together with their long-time partner Ali Uzdenov, seem to be “weaving” a whole “web” around Igor Sechin and the top managers controlled by him. The game, of course, is risky, but if successful, the number of contracts can double.
From the zone to the director of "Peton" "Peton" can be called a family business. The enterprise was created back in 1990 by the scientist Igor Mnushkin and for almost twenty years it was a rather ordinary structure that could only dream of a contract for even 100 million rubles. Everything began to change in 2007, when Mnouchkine appointed the husband of his daughter Olesya, Eduard Gasanov, to the position of commercial director. He brought his old friend Oleg Polyakov into Peton.Gradually, all the key positions at the enterprise and in its “subsidiaries” were occupied by: Olesya Gasanova, Eduard and Marif Gasanov, Oleg and Dmitry Polyakov. Thus, Olesya Gasanova (nee Mnushkina) is a co-founder of Peton Himtek LLC, Peton-invest LLC, Peton LLC. Her husband, Eduard Gasanov, was the general director and chairman of the board of directors of NIPI NG Peton, and is now a member of the board of directors. He is a co-owner of Peton Invest Technology LLC and Peton Construction LLC. His brother, Marif Hasanov, is a co-owner of Uralneftegazprom, Energokomplekt LLC, and has held and continues to hold various positions in Peton LLC and Bashtorgservis LLC.
Together, the Mnushkin-Hasanov family officially controls more than half of Peton and its “subsidiaries” structures. A close friend of Eduard Hasanov, Oleg Polyakov, is a member of the board of directors of NIPI NG Peton, general director of Peton Invest Technology, and co-founder of Peton Construction. His brother, Dmitry Polyakov, is the general director of Peton-invest, the founder of Energo Komplekt M LLC, NPP Intech LLC, NPO Geotekhnologiya LLC, Spetsgeotechproekt LLC. Together, the Polyakov family controls about 40% of Peton's entire business.
Let's turn to the biography of this team of “successful” top managers who manage hundreds of billions from Gazprom.
Let's start with Eduard Hasanov - a man with a biography that may be the envy of some criminal "authorities". Here is the Sterlitamak City Court in 2001 against Gasanov, who found him guilty of several counts of fraud.
As investigators established, during April 2000, Gasanov, in collusion with employees of Soda OJSC, stole soda ash from this enterprise.
To do this, Hasanov agreed with the employees of Soda OJSC that they would help him steal goods from the enterprise, and Eduard would look for buyers. Whole carloads of soda were transported from the enterprise using false invoices, and the proceeds ended up with Hasanov and his accomplices.
As a result, Hasanov was found guilty of fraud and sentenced to seven years in a general regime colony. He did not serve the entire term.
Hasanov was released only in July 2004, at which time he received a new passport to replace the certificate of arrival from prison. And immediately Hasanov was put on the so-called “registration” by the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Bashkiria. Registered citizens are the most “tasty” characters for operas, especially as agents. And if they are still related to business, then they become not only suppliers of necessary information and participants in operational experiments, but also the “hands” and “wallets” of police officers in the field of entrepreneurship. It seems that Hasanov did not escape the same fate. Moreover, this fate cannot be called sad.
Six years after the verdict (in 2007), Hasanov took the position of commercial director of the Peton company. In this position, he used the entire range of skills mastered in the colony.
Less than a year after his appointment, Hasanov almost ended up in prison again. In 2008, Azamat Sultangareev, born in 1984, applied to the internal affairs bodies. He said that Gasanov, “under the threat of force,” took a receipt for the transfer of money in the amount of 1.2 million rubles. But since Eduard was probably already an integral member of the team of Bashkir police officers, these materials were quickly hushed up.
Geographically, the closest giant enterprise to Peton was, of course, Bashneft. She was chosen as a potential “cash cow”. The enterprise, however, initially turned out to be a “tough nut to crack.” The former employee of the local FSB Directorate, head of the department of economic security and information protection of Bashneft, Vladimir Butorin, was especially opposed to concluding contracts with Peton. And in December 2009, a killer fired five bullets at him. The investigation into the murder was supervised by the then head of the Criminal Investigation Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Bashkiria, Vladislav Gorkavtsev. And, not surprisingly, the crime remained unsolved. After that, contracts from Bashneft began flowing to Peton. Ali Uzdenov, who became vice-president of Bashneft in 2009, contributed a lot to this.
Eduard’s brother, Marif Gasanov, a native of the Kazakh city of Aktau and, according to eyewitnesses, an adherent of radical movements of Islam, has an equally interesting biography. On January 15, 2013, in Ufa, at the intersection of Mendeleev and Agisha streets, a Toyota Camry (license number K921UO197), driven by Marif, was stopped. When examining the numbers of components and assemblies of the machine, it was found that they were all broken. Later it turned out that Hasanov was driving a stolen car. However, he was not charged.
On April 5, 2014, Marif again attracted the attention of operatives. On this day, the police received a call from the Ufa JSC Neftikhimremont that armed people had carried out a raider seizure of the enterprise. Several squads arrived at the scene and the leader of the raiders was identified. It turned out to be Marif. But this story also ended with a slight fright for him.
The Polyakovs are not available for investigation. The criminal dossier on Oleg and Dmitry Polyakovs takes up more than one page. In 2005, Marat Zakiev contacted the police with a statement that Dmitry Polyakov, through deception and abuse of trust, had stolen bills worth 2.2 million rubles from him. A case was opened regarding this fact, in which Oleg Polyakov was also involved.A year later, the brothers were already involved in the development of the Organized Crime Control Department of Bashkiria. In April 2006, a case was initiated against Dmitry Polyakov on the fact that he, as the general director of Yuzhuralresurs LLC, signed an agreement for the supply of petroleum products with Omsk Naftey LLC. The latter company transferred a large sum to Dmitry Polyakov’s structure, but they never received the goods. Oleg Polyakov had the status of a witness in that case.
Already in February 2007, based on materials from the Organized Crime Control Department, a new criminal case was opened against Dmitry Polyakov - under Part 4 of Article 159 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (fraud on an especially large scale). According to investigators, in 2004, “D.V. Polyakov, having the intent to steal other people’s property on an especially large scale, fraudulently entered into an agreement for the supply of petroleum products” with the capital’s Techno-City LLC. Under the terms of the agreement, companies controlled by the Polyakov family - BashTekhResurs LLC and YuzhUralResurs LLC - were to supply 240 tons of diesel fuel. Muscovites immediately transferred 6.5 million rubles, but they never received the goods even after three years. And Oleg Polyakov also appeared in this investigation.
Oleg’s personal “list” is no less rich in criminal events. So, in 2004, Oleg Polyakov was checked for attempting to commit fraud. Then he, as the commercial director of Investcapital LLC, turned to a number of banks to obtain large loans. During the audit, it was found that Polyakov identified himself as the commercial director of the LLC, which is not in the database, and his office telephone numbers are not valid.
His work as general director of the large enterprise Ufakabel turned out to be “particularly successful.” In 2013, he re-registered the patent for the production of MKPSV brand cable, which brought Ufakabel more than 70% of gross revenue, to the First Cable Company LLC controlled by him.
The owners of Ufakabel have repeatedly submitted applications to law enforcement agencies regarding this fact, but all of them have been rejected.
Polyakov celebrated the successful acquisition of the patent for a long time and noisily. So, in June 2014, he and the girls had fun at the Ufa nightclub “Velvet”. In the morning, the drunken Polyakov had a conflict with other club visitors because of these same girls. As a result, Oleg pulled out a “trauma” and opened fire on his opponents. One of them was seriously injured. Hiding from the establishment's security guards, Polyakov continued firing.
However, none of these criminal stories ended in a conviction. Even shooting in the club. The reason for this, in our opinion, is simple - Polyakov is a relative of one of the high-ranking officials of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Belarus. Probably, back in the late 2000s, the Gasanov and Polyakov families established stable business ties with a group of Bashkir security officials and since then have become untouchable figures for local law enforcement officers.
Are you stopping you from getting a government contract? GUEBiPK and the Federal Tax Service are coming to you. Now let's move on to the most interesting part. How did such a “cheerful” public stand on a par (in terms of the amount of government contracts) with Iskander Makhmudov and Timchenko.It is no secret on the specialized market that a sharp “breakthrough” in the activities of Peton occurred after Ali Uzdenov became vice-president of Bashneft in 2009 (he worked in this position until 2012, and his arrival was just coincided with the murder of security officer Vladimir Butorin).
This native of the Karachay-Cherkess Republic is a well-known figure; he headed Gazprom Mezhregiongaz Rostov-on-Don and is the owner of the Rostov football club. Market participants believe that it was thanks to Uzdenov that Peton had reliable support within Bashneft and in a short period received government contracts worth over 1 billion rubles. It is believed that Uzdenov is an unofficial co-owner of Peton and receives a very good “piece” from the enterprise’s fabulous profits.
Observers associate most of Uzdenov’s successes with a group of security officials who came from Rostov-on-Don, who occupied responsible positions in Moscow. The list of his curators includes the same Dmitry Senin from the FSB (now on the wanted list) and, of course, Colonel Dmitry Zakharchenko. The latter was on friendly terms with Uzdenov, probably involving tens of millions of dollars.
In turn, as already reported above, Gasanov (as a business agent of the operatives) and Oleg Polyakov (through a relative in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Belarus) had powerful support among the security forces of Bashkiria. And then these security officials were promoted and took leadership positions in the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, in the same place where Uzdenov’s friend Dmitry Zakharchenko had long worked.
Thus, in 2014, the former deputy head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Bashkortostan, Andrei Kurnosenko, was appointed deputy head of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, and less than a year later he headed this department.
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| Andrey Kurnosenko
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They were quickly joined by several people from the old team, in particular, the head of one of the Blanks departments. However, Blankov “inherited” a lot even under Sugrobov, so he was exiled “out of harm’s way” on a long business trip to Crimea. His place at the head of the “gas” department of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation was taken by Uvarov, a friend of Kurnosenko. A prominent member of the group was the head of the “T” Department, Alexander Tishchenko, and his deputy, Dmitry Zakharchenko, who oversaw the entire fuel and energy complex.
Thus, “Peton”, it seems, has a mega cover and a lobbyist among the federal security forces. And then large-scale work began to create Peton as a recipient of government contracts worth tens of billions of rubles.
Ali Uzdenov was previously familiar with Gazprom top manager Kirill Seleznev. But Uzdenov and Peton moved to a new level of relations with Seleznev when Dmitry Zakharchenko, who had long known the top manager of Gazprom, asked for assistance to this structure. Moreover, Seleznev was quite likely explained that “Peton” is not only criminal businessmen like the Polyakovs and Gasanovs, but a large group of employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation of the highest level, with whom no one wants problems. Especially Seleznev, who has a huge trail of various dubious stories behind him. Moreover, these were not empty words, but they were confirmed by concrete actions.
Thus, firms that were going to compete with Peton for the right to conclude contracts with Gazprom were told head-on: if you get in the way, you will get problems with the GUEBiPK and the tax office. The last structure was not called by chance. Representatives of the GUEBiPK established partnerships with the Interregional Inspectorate of the Federal Tax Service of Russia for the largest taxpayers No. 2, whose jurisdiction includes Gazprom. Apparently, representatives of the Bashkir vertical have developed a special friendship with the deputy head of the Federal Tax Service No. 2, Sergei Andrianov.
Since the threats came directly from representatives of the GUEBiPK, including the leadership of Directorate “T”, potential competitors preferred to “go away from the race”. Among them were even “subsidiary” structures of Gazprom itself. But there were those who “did not understand” and were stubborn. For example, Gazprom Transgaz Yugorsk and Vostok Morneftegaz, which categorically refused to voluntarily give up potential billions and drop out of competitions for the right to conclude contracts. A large group of unexpected guests immediately came to them, consisting of employees of the GUEBiPK (primarily the “T” Directorate) and the Federal Tax Service of the Russian Federation. They launched large-scale inspections of enterprises, always looking for materials sufficient to initiate criminal cases.
In such a situation, there was no time for competitions and Peton easily got rid of competitors.
As a result, the amounts of government contracts concluded with Peton are constantly growing every year. Everything is on stream. And the arrest of Zakharchenko, as well as the dismissal of Tishchenko, did not affect this process in any way. Kurnosenko and other leaders of GUEBiPK remained in their posts. Hiding behind the name of Dmitry Mironov (former Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs, and now the governor of the Yaroslavl region), they made it so that Gazprom began shipping government contracts to Peton on a completely non-competitive basis.
The “web” around Sechin But relations with Bashneft after Uzdenov’s dismissal from this company did not work out for Peton. In 2013, the Ufa plants of Bashneft were headed by Yakov Polunkin, who began to cut off Peton from the money trough. And when Bashneft began to belong to Rosneft, the remaining financial streams dried up completely.For several years, Peton received almost nothing at all from Bashneft. Which is understandable. It was Seleznev who was easy prey for representatives of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation. And such a “nut to crack” as the head of Rosneft, Igor Sechin, is completely too much for them. The situation began to change in 2016, when Uzdenov took the post of vice president of AFK Sistema, the former owner of Bashneft, from which the company was transferred to Rosneft. As you know, Sechin, to put it mildly, has a difficult relationship with the owner of AFK Sistema, Vladimir Yevtushenkov, and the “war” with him is precisely because of Bashneft.
Perhaps Uzdenov decided to play on this conflict. He looked for a long time for “exits” to Sechin and finally found them. It is known that Uzdenov offered to become Igor Ivanovich’s “hands and ears” in Yevtushenkov’s camp. In exchange, Uzdenov probably wants two conditions to be met. Now he is convincing Yevtushenkov to give him control of the Segezha Group company, which then, it seems, he intends to simply seize and keep for himself. And for this we need the support of a powerful heavyweight such as Sechin. The second condition is to increase cash flows from Bashneft for Peton. And indeed, in the same 2016, Peton returned to the number of Rosneft suppliers. But, of course, these financial streams are not enough for the “Petone” people.
Now, in our opinion, Oleg Polyakov and Eduard Gasanov, with the support of a number of employees of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, have begun to build a “web” into which, according to their plans, the current head of Bashneft, Andrei Shishkin, should fall (by the way, it was he who once handed over the suitcases with money to Minister Ulyukaev, after which the latter was detained). Shishkin also doesn’t have any special sympathy for Peton. We are, of course, not talking about provocations a la Sugrobov. However, they are trying to build a strategy in which either Shishkin will not be at the head of Bashneft, or he will be forced to become much more accommodating.
Time will tell how successful the next “operation” of “Peton” and their “curators” will be.
Karamzin Kantemir Feliksovich Artur Kokoev
kompromat - ural @ protonmail. com
At this point there was an article entitled “The Golden Sum dissuaded, or Why the forecast of the editors of Kompromat-Ural regarding Ziya(v)udin Magomedov is coming true.” The text of the article dated April 4, 2018 consisted of five paragraphs. Only one of them mentioned Mikhail Kiiko. Mikhail Yuryevich is now the former general director of United Grain Company JSC (UGC). Kiiko stayed in this position for barely a year and a half and was fired in November 2018. JSC "OZK" is half owned by businessman Ziyavudin Magomedov.
The mention in the above-mentioned article about the “relationship of financial dependence” between Magomedov and Kiiko caused the latter’s displeasure. Mr. Kiyko’s application demanding the removal of the disputed article (all five paragraphs, and not just about Kiyko) was considered by the judge of the Arbitration Court of the Sverdlovsk Region, Elena Seliverstova. She fully satisfied the claim, which was far-fetched, in our opinion.
On 01/09/2019 the decision came into force. Following the letter of the law, the editors of Kompromat-Ural deleted the text within the established period. Nevertheless, we will continue to appeal the illegal and absurd, in our opinion, judicial act and thank all readers who assist in this.
We remind you of the feedback address: kompromat - ural @ protonmail. com
The May holidays turned out to be hot for the correspondents of the Kompromat-Ural portal. We have new information at our disposal to continue the anti-corruption investigation against Russian State Duma deputy Nikolai Brykin. This is a former general of the tax police and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and now a representative of the lower house of parliament in the Supreme Court (Brykin was delegated to the State Duma in 2016 on the list of United Russia from the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug and the Tyumen Region).
The scandals surrounding Brykin are caused by the fact that the Ugra businessman from the “Titov list” Konstantin Dyulgerov, forced to flee Russia from pressure from the security forces, openly accused the retired general of organizing a custom-made criminal prosecution. Dyulgerov revealed the details of his misadventures in detail in an actual interview with Novaya Gazeta. The victim in Dyulgerov’s dubious case is Brykin’s son-in-law Sergei Kiryanov, and the hero of the scandal himself, as the editors of Kompromat-Ural found out, before being nominated to the State Duma, he re-registered multi-million dollar development assets on the Black Sea coast to his daughter Valentina Kiryanova (in 2016, the LLC was transferred to her Breeze had assets worth almost half a billion rubles on its balance sheet!). Brykin ran for deputy as a modest representative of the “patriotic fund” (legally this was a fiction).
The other day, the editors of Kompromat-Ural received a response from the Assistant Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation Valery Volkov (Valery Georgievich came from the leadership of the Prosecutor General’s Office for supervision of the implementation of anti-corruption legislation). We contacted Yuri Chaika on the issue of verifying the accuracy of the declaration information about Mr. Brykin’s personal wealth. Is the people's servant living within his means, who in the shortest possible time after leaving the Ministry of Internal Affairs turned into a dollar millionaire, and then just as quickly got rid of his “deserved” wealth before the elections to the State Duma?
In a recent publication by our colleagues from the Tyumen publication 72.ru, it was noted that according to formal declarations, Nikolai Brykin hangs out at the bottom of the deputy rating: “for 2017, his income amounted to “only” 4.8 million rubles. Less than others, but don’t rush to conclusions. He owns two huge plots of land, a couple of spacious country houses and a modest apartment of 76 square meters. His wife has a larger apartment: 116 square meters. Also registered on it are four residential country houses and two plots of land. And all their family vehicles are registered to Brykin’s wife - a Toyota Land Cruiser, a Shore Land SRV31B trailer and a Sea Ray 185S boat. How the lady managed to buy all this “herself”, earning 2.9 million a year, one can only guess.”
An assistant to Yuri Chaika reported to the editors of Kompromat-Ural that “the powers to conduct appropriate checks in relation to deputies of the State Duma” are vested in the Duma commission for monitoring the reliability of income information, headed by Natalya Poklonskaya (she is also the deputy chairman of the committee on security and anti-corruption) . Therefore, according to Valery Volkov’s response, the appeal about Brykin was sent to the lower house. The editors of Kompromat-Ural will monitor the responses from the office of State Duma Speaker Vyacheslav Volodin and the relevant commission. In mid-April, Mrs. Poklonskaya confirmed to reporters that Brykin is indeed one of the five persons involved in anti-corruption checks carried out by the commission she heads. By the way, in this list Brykin is adjacent to the “pubic” deputy from the LDPR, the hero of immoral sex scandals Leonid Slutsky.
Current publications11 thousand defrauded shareholders of the bankrupt investment fund "Yamal" can join the company of depositors of the bank "Ugra", whose claims are directed to the recently arrested banker Alexei Khotin. As follows from published documents studied by the editors of Kompromat-Ural, more than a billion rubles from Yamal’s assets were used to purchase obviously illiquid bills of the Krasny Bogatyr company, controlled by Khotin. It is obvious that the banker could have pulled off such a large-scale scam only in collusion with the former managers of Yamal and the fund’s property management company.
Last November, the arbitration court’s ruling on the liquidation of the enterprise ended the inglorious history of the Yamal Fund OJSC, which was dubbed the “Yamal MMM” in the press. Almost 11 thousand residents of the Autonomous Okrug were defrauded by the fund's investors, including representatives of the small peoples of the North, whose small incomes were skillfully taken advantage of by swindlers.
In a letter to the governor of the Yamal-Nenets Autonomous Okrug, Dmitry Kobylkin, in 2010, minority shareholders described how in the early 90s, the former general director of the Fund, Evgeny Sklyarov, actively traveled around the cities and towns of the district, not bypassing even the temporary camps of reindeer herders, met with people and persistently offered them to exchange recently received privatization checks for shares of the Fund.
At first, investors who responded to this offer felt confident: the fund converted the collected vouchers into shares of OAO Gazprom, which until 2008 made up 90% of its investment portfolio. And then events began that can only be explained by the selfish interests of the people authorized to make decisions...
Perm security forces hope to sooner or later detain the former chairman of the board of Ekoprombank JSCB Andrey Tuev (TIN 590301312244), who has been in Cyprus for several years, dodging in every possible way from extradition to Russia. According to investigators, Tuev’s machinations to withdraw assets brought the bank to financial collapse, sources of the Kompromat-Ural editorial office note. Today this is perceived satirically, but the accused New Cypriot himself was a member of the organization “Public Commission to Combat Corruption in the Perm Region” several years ago.
By August 1, 2012, Ecoprombank’s obligations to creditors exceeded the financial capabilities of the institution by 847 million rubles! And by the time the license was revoked on August 18, 2014, this amount had increased to 3.1 billion rubles. Ecoprombank was created in 1992 and took 252nd place in the TOP 300 banks ranking. It is believed that 53% of the bank’s shares belonged to the structures of ex-general director of Silvinit Pyotr Kondrashev, the rest to deputy Vladimir Nelyubin (also in the dock, his criminal case is being considered in the Leninsky District Court of Perm) and his companions.
Former chairman of the board of OJSC JSCB Ekoprombank Andrei Tuev fled Russia shortly after the bankruptcy of the bank - on December 8, 2015. According to Interpol, Tuev, his wife Tatyana Mazuka, and their son have been registered in Germany since 2011. The German identification cards issued to them, which were valid until the end of 2016, gave the defendants the right to permanent residence in Germany and to free movement in 26 member countries of the Schengen agreement, as well as in the Republic of Cyprus and more than ten other states not included in this agreement.
On June 2, 2016, Tuev’s wife flew from Moscow Sheremetyevo to Munich airport and never returned to Russia. In the bankrupt Ecoprombank, she worked as a member of the board, head of the treasury, and deputy chief accountant - and became suspected of complicity in committing fraud imputed to Tuev.
Are you aware of financial abuse? Write to the editors of Kompromat-Ural: kompromat - ural @ protonmail. com
After sending numerous appeals to the Presidential Administration, the Prosecutor General's Office, the FSB, the Investigative Committee and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the editorial office of Kompromat-Ural became aware of the arrest of a scandalous lawyer involved in numerous frauds with large property assets. The prisoner is 48-year-old Karamzin Kantemir Feliksovich (TIN 773373042820, before changing his passport he was Artur Kokoev). In the registers of the Federal Tax Service he is listed as the director of Nobel Technologies LLC, co-owner of Lie Detector CJSC and Kamchatsky Bear LLC (a legal entity of one employee) and the former co-founder of International Lottery Company LLC (liquidated by tax authorities as inactive). Judging by the abundance of the same type of sugary and laudatory links given by Internet search engines in the first positions, Karamzin tried to hide from the public unpleasant, with a criminal odor, facts of his biography.
Readers and correspondents of the Kompromat-Ural publication are interested in Mr. Karamzin (Kokaev) due to information about his corrupt relationships with government officials and involvement in raider attacks. Now Karamzin is in a pre-trial detention center on suspicion of particularly large-scale fraud. He was detained upon returning to Moscow from the United States, where he ignored requests from Russian law enforcement officers for a long time. As Pravo.Ru reports, the arrest took place at the entrance to the Moscow Arbitration Court. At the same time, Karamzin “became ill,” but the emergency doctors who arrived found no reason for his hospitalization. Did your artistic abilities not help this time?
The circumstances of the arrest indirectly confirm the rumored version about the suspect’s close acquaintances with “werewolves in robes.” According to media reports, Karamzin’s preventive measure was specifically chosen not in the capital, but in the Moscow region - in the Balashikha city court, “due to his connections in the Moscow judicial system.”
In the comments of readers of the Rosbalt news agency it is reported (literally): “the corrupt judges with whom he dealt have long since been reassigned and promoted...” Sources from the Kompromat-Ural editorial team believe that FSB operatives will be interested in the arrestee’s revelations about his connections in the justice system and the actions of the “judicial mafia” (if, of course, there is one in our impeccable rule of law state). In the future, the recorded testimony may be useful for the Investigative Committee of Russia and the High Qualification Board of Judges. Our correspondents, in turn, are also ready to accept interesting information and make it available to the competent authorities. Write: kompromat - ural @ protonmail. com
The editors of Kompromat-Ural keep under control information about schemes and scandals surrounding the Naftagaz company. Fresh reports from corporate and law enforcement sources contain a version that Tokay Kerimov, the beneficiary of Naftagaz, which includes Naftagaz-Burenie, plans to introduce enterprises into the so-called “controlled bankruptcy.” “The scheme may be as follows,” says an employee of the law enforcement agencies, “not without the knowledge of Tokay Kerimov and the general director of Naftagaz-Burenia Islam Nazaraliev, LLCs are registered on behalf of third parties, where machinery and equipment are purchased with creditors’ money. Then all this is leased to NG-Burenie at prices with all the signs that they are obviously higher than market prices. Thus, Kerimov has two birds with one stone killed at once. Firstly, cash flows in, and secondly, the creditor’s debt to these same friendly companies is increasing.”
The editors of Kompromat-Ural are collecting new information from knowledgeable specialists to evaluate the presented version. According to economist Andrei Weber, “such a scheme is used, as a rule, when deliberate bankruptcy is planned. In the situation with Naftagaz-Burenie, the owner Tokay Kerimov and the company’s management are acting according to a well-known scenario - they are doing everything to ensure that debts to friendly companies are higher than to other creditors. Then friendly firms will file for bankruptcy at NG-Burenia, Kerimov will appoint his own person as bankruptcy manager and bankrupt the company as he pleases, most likely transferring all the property to newly created legal entities with dummy owners. In this way, Tokai Kerimov will be able to introduce NG-Burenie into controlled bankruptcy,” the expert sums up his opinion.
It is worth noting that today Naftagaz-Burenie owes over 3 billion rubles to real creditors, and the debt to “front” creditors is likely to be approximately the same size.
The largest operator of garbage reform, the Municipal Unitary Enterprise of Yekaterinburg “Spetsavtobaza”, for whose work Mayor Alexander Vysokinsky is responsible, under the pressure of public protest and the actions of inspection bodies, was forced to admit the exorbitance of its financial appetites. The day before, correspondents of the Kompromat-Ural project learned that Spetsavtobaza had changed its mind about seeking an increase in its tariffs through the courts. Let us recall that the consideration of the claim in the Sverdlovsk Regional Court ended in failure for the scandalous enterprise: Themis sided with the prosecutor’s office.
The resonance from the antics of the new leadership of “Special Base”, which appeared in the municipal unitary enterprise after Vysokinsky’s “reign” at the mayor’s office, has already reached Moscow. For now, it’s up to the federal government, but soon Vysokinsky may “arrive” from the Presidential Administration, which, as any official knows, is not to be trifled with. The head of the Federal Antimonopoly Service, Igor Artemyev, took personal control over the financial “wants” of the EMUP “Spetsavtobaza”. The head of the Regional Energy Commission (REC) of the Sverdlovsk region, Andrey Grishanov, may get it from Artemyev. This appointee of Governor Evgeny Kuyvashev, together with his subordinates, agreed on tariffs for the garbage operator.
The chief Russian antimonopoly official officially confirmed the fact of an inspection in relation to the regional regional energy commission “in order to determine the reliability and economic justification of tariffs” EMUP “Spetsavtobaza”. According to the editorial office of Kompromat-Ural, the FAS Russia inspection has already pointed out signs of violations of the law committed by the REK members. Now Andrei Grishanov’s department has the right to submit objections to the central office of the FAS, but has not yet done so, Artemyev clarified. In any case, he promises to hold a special meeting of the commission in Moscow on the problem of inflated tariffs of the Yekaterinburg “Spetsavtobaza”. Our correspondents will monitor developments.
Meanwhile, the forecast made by analysts of the Kompromat-Ural portal in one of the previous publications is confirmed. We reported that a real Klondike for law enforcement (not only the prosecutor’s office, but, for example, the FSB and the Investigative Committee) and control and supervisory authorities (primarily the regional OFAS under the leadership of Dmitry Shalabodov) could be the procurement activities of the EMUP “Spetsavtobaza”. In other words, where are the billions collected from citizens and businesses under the enslaving “garbage reform” flowing from the municipal enterprise? Particularly interesting are the facts of ignoring transparency requirements and manipulating procurement procedures...
Observers of the Kompromat-Ural publication are working to develop a public investigation into the activities of the EMUP Spetsavtobaza. We are grateful to readers for interesting messages on a topical topic: kompromat - ural @ protonmail. com
The small Ufa company Peton became the second largest builder of the monopoly.
Andrey Grankin acquired a 20% stake in LLC Scientific Research Design Institute of Oil and Gas Peton (NIPI NG Peton), as follows from SPARK-Interfax data. Since the fall of 2016, Grankin held the position of head of the main department of the Russian Guard in Moscow. Grankin retired from the Russian Guard this fall with the rank of police major general, Interfax reports, citing its sources. Vedomosti was unable to contact Grankin. Same with the Peton representative.
Grankin currently holds the position of Advisor to the General Director on corporate security issues at Peton. From open sources it is known about Grankin that before moving to the Russian Guard, he was an assistant to the Minister of Internal Affairs Vladimir Kolokoltsev. Previously, when the Ministry of Internal Affairs was headed by Rashid Nurgaliev, Grankin headed the 17th department of the Main Directorate for Security of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (the minister’s security service).
The Peton engineering holding was founded in 1990 by Igor Mnushkin, who by that time had completed his graduate studies at the Ufa Petroleum University, Forbes wrote. The company got its name from the abbreviation “cross-flow regular nozzle,” which refers to a new type of contact device, according to its website. In 2015, when Peton was already one of Bashneft’s permanent contractors, Oleg Polyakov, who had previously headed Ufimkabel, became Mnushkin’s partner. And in 2016, they were joined by Vladimir Zaitsev, a graduate of the Military Space Academy named after. A.F. Mozhaisky in St. Petersburg, former co-founder of the Rosshina group.
Grankin became a co-owner of Peton on December 25, as follows from the Unified State Register of Legal Entities. This package is pledged to Mnushkin until December 31, 2019. Until this time, 20% of Peton's shares belonged to Zaitsev. In the latest extract he is not among the co-owners.
Peton transformed from a small contractor into one of the largest players in the market during 2015-2016. In 2016, the company's revenue increased almost 8 times to 14.7 billion rubles, and net profit - 6.6 times to 917.4 million rubles. (according to SPARK-Interfax, the company does not pay dividends). At the same time, the Bashkir engineering company made its debut in the Forbes “Kings of Government Contracts” rating. The jump occurred due to large orders from Gazprom. The largest of them - the general contract for the turnkey construction of a gas liquefaction plant next to the Portovaya compressor station - was awarded to NIPI without a competition. The project will cost Gazprom 126.7 billion rubles. The second most expensive is the construction of a condensate stabilization unit for the Achimov deposits in the Nadym-Pur-Taz region (RUB 48.8 billion, SPARK-Interfax data). In addition, NIPI is preparing an investment feasibility study for Gazprom for a medium-scale LNG production project in the Black Sea and is participating in the design of the Amur Gas Processing Plant. The total amount of Peton's contracts in 2016 with companies of the Gazprom group, according to SPARK-Interfax, was 178.8 billion rubles. And Peton received the first two large contracts, worth 27.7 billion rubles, from Gazprom Pererabotki back in 2015, according to the website goszakupki.ru. “For some, the amount of contracts is a number, but for us it is a responsibility,” a representative of Peton commented on receiving large orders from Gazprom (his words were reported by Forbes). According to him, over the past seven to eight years, the Ufa institute has developed unique competencies that no one else has on the market.
In terms of the amount of contracts concluded in 2016, Peton was second only to Stroytransneftegaz, controlled by Gennady Timchenko. Traditionally included in the top three, Stroygazmontazh of Arkady Rotenberg and Stroygazconsulting (since 2016 owned by Gazprombank and United Capital Partners of Ilya Shcherbovich) took third and fourth place, respectively. In 2017, Peton did not enter into any new contracts with Gazprom, according to SPARK-Interfax.
Sources of the Kompromat-Ural editorial staff close to the management of Gazprom Dobycha Urengoy LLC (in particular, to the deputy general director Sergei Maklakov and Andrey Chubukin) invited our correspondents to join the investigation of corruption schemes in the gas monopoly system.
At the center of the scandal was the Scientific Research Design Institute of Oil and Gas (NIPI NG) Peton LLC registered in Ufa (TIN 0277046541), headed by Igor Mnushkin (TIN 027720038814).
He is also the co-founder of Peton (40%), along with Oleg Polyakov (also 40%, TIN 026901662290) and Vladimir Zaitsev (20%, TIN 770500048195). According to insider information, from the top management of PJSC Gazprom, the Bashkir company is “supervised” by board member Kirill Seleznev (TIN 781660270069), who simultaneously heads department 614 and Gazprom Mezhregiongaz LLC. The second high-ranking interested party subordinate to Alexey Miller is the head of department 839, Alexander Dushko (TIN 770500048195).
The essence of the anti-corruption claims against Peton is that this legal entity, which does not have the proper experience and necessary assets, in a short period of time intercepted Gazprom’s largest orders, ousting more serious and long-established contractors from the monopoly budget. According to the editors of Kompromat-Ural, large enterprises of the Ural Federal District were among those financially strangled by Peton, for example, Yugorskremstroygaz and Gazprom Transgaz Yugorsk from the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, as well as Gazprom Dobycha Noyabrsk from the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug. Local authorities are concerned about the negative social consequences for labor collectives; Yugorsk Mayor Rais Salakhov is sounding the alarm, rightly fearing the wrath of Yugra Governor Natalya Komarova.
The Federal Tax Service, headed by Mikhail Mishustin, is involved in the scandal surrounding abuses at Gazprom. If you believe the published materials, in squeezing out competitors, Peton uses the “services” of the “Interregional Inspectorate of the Federal Tax Service of Russia for the largest taxpayers No. 2, including its head Sergei Andrianov.” At the same time, a re-check of this information by the editorial staff of Kompromat-Ural showed that the official head of this department of the Federal Tax Service is not Mr. Andrianov, but Tatyana Deeva, and the acting head is Timur Shinaliev.
The situation is particularly scandalous due to its connection to the terrorist organization ISIS (Daesh), banned in the Russian Federation, through the Petona production facility in Kazakhstan and to the family of the Chairman of the Board of Rosneft PJSC Igor Sechin. Observers of the Kompromat-Ural project will closely monitor further developments; informed readers can report interesting details to the editorial office: [email protected], [email protected]
Nikolay Zenkov, Olga Smolina
"Kompromat-Ural"
GAZPROM’S MONEY IS “SAWED” BY A FRIEND OF “THIEV IN LAW” EMIN AKHUNDOV AND “PARTY ANIMAL” ANDREY GONCHARENKO
Rosprirodnadzor fined Gazprom's contractor, NIPI NG Peton LLC, for violations during the construction of an LNG plant in the Vyborg district of the Leningrad region. There is nothing surprising about this. “Peton” does not know how to do anything at all, does not have any production or construction base, etc. By and large, this is a giant “dummy”, promoted only so that hundreds of billions of rubles could be pumped into it, coming from large companies with state participation, primarily from Gazprom. All these huge funds are then “sawed” by a large organized group that controls Peton. This group brought together individuals capable of providing “Peton” with complete cover on all fronts. In terms of criminality, the “cover” is provided by authoritative businessmen (and also the official co-owners of Peton) - Eduard Gasanov, Oleg Polyakov, Emin Akhundov. According to Gazprom, this is top manager Kirill Seleznev. Through the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation - the head of the GUEBiPK Andrei Kurnosenko and a large group of his subordinates. In terms of government and big business, this is the vice president of AFK Sistema and the head of the New Stream group of companies, Dmitry Mazurov. All these individuals have long been hooked on the Gazprom feeder and are constantly in search of new sources of income.
How Peton swallowed Leonid Lee and Gazprom’s subsidiary
Let us turn a little to the origins of the stormy cooperation between Peton and Gazprom. When a modest research and design enterprise from Bashkiria suddenly began to bid for large contracts with Gazprom, the list of contractors of the gas monopoly had long been occupied. Peton, despite its “super roof,” was “too tough” to compete with such “monsters” as the structures of Gennady Timchenko, but there was a group of mediocre contractors. Most often, these were companies that had flawlessly fulfilled all contracts with Gazprom for many years. Often they were “daughters” and “granddaughters” of the gas monopoly. It was extremely striking that Gazprom and its structures suddenly gave preference in the competition not to a company that has an impeccable reputation and whose activities have never caused any criticism, but to the unknown “upstart” Peton, which had never previously carried out such types of work. It’s another matter when a “trusted” Gazprom contractor himself refuses to participate in the competition, giving way to “Peton” and a couple of front companies that put forward the tender “for extras.” The solution to these problems was undertaken by the GUEBiPK under the leadership of Andrei Kurnosenko, as well as their faithful business partners - senior employees of the Interregional Inspectorate of the Federal Tax Service of Russia for the largest taxpayers No. 2, including its head Sergei Andrianov.
To begin with, Peton's competitors were offered to "bounce back" in an amicable way. If this did not help, then Gazprom’s “contractors” fell under the “tank” in the form of the GUEBiPK and the Federal Tax Service of the Russian Federation. This is how, for example, events developed with the company MIDGLEN Logistics Sakhalin LLC (MLS), which was later renamed Vostok Morneftegaz (VMNG). Until 2015, MLS had large contracts with Gazprom PJSC and its subsidiaries, including Gazprom Dobycha Shelf Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk LLC and Gazprom Dobycha Noyabrsk LLC. For example, in the summer of 2015, VMNG received contracts for organizing the production of sand and gravel mixture within the boundaries of the Chayandinskoye field (Yakutia) for the needs of Gazprom Dobycha Noyabrsk LLC for 4.9 billion, 1.18 billion and 0.55 billion rubles. Under contracts with Gazprom Flot LLC, MLS, using special technology, was engaged in the disposal of drilling waste, mixing it with peat and resulting in safe soil.
And then, quite unexpectedly, it turned out that all these types of work, including such unique ones as waste disposal, could be performed by the little-known research and design institute “Peton”. And MLS was offered to “move up.” Co-owner and general director of the company Leonid Li refused. Then it was decided to carry out a demonstrative not even a “flogging”, but an “execution”. A group of inspectors from the Federal Tax Service of Russia inspection for the largest taxpayers No. 2 came to the MLS, together with employees of the Main Directorate for Economic Security and Combating of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation. Based on the results of their work, MLS calculated non-payment of taxes for a record amount of 1.8 billion rubles. A criminal case was opened against Lee (he is currently on trial), and all of the company's accounts were frozen.
Meanwhile, the vacated “place” of MLS among Gazprom’s contractors was taken by Peton.
Events followed a similar scenario with Gazprom’s subsidiary, Gazprom Transgaz Yugorsk LLC. He has a whole group of his own “subsidiaries”, primarily Yugorskremstroygaz LLC, which annually carried out contracts worth billions of rubles for Gazprom, giving work to hundreds of local residents. And then the offer came to “move.” There was a refusal. They didn’t immediately attack Gazprom’s daughter; they gave her a strong hint. One of the company’s employees, Zaurbek Kelekhsaev, offended by his dismissal, wrote a statement about corruption to Gazprom Transgaz Yugorsk. Allegedly, using falsified documentation, money was transferred to the accounts of shell companies for fictitious contract work. Unexpectedly, the security forces, as they say, gave traction to this statement, and its contents began to spread en masse across the media. They say that the subsidiaries of Gazprom Transgaz Yugorsk are stealing money received under contracts with Gazprom. But it did not help.
Then the Ministry of Internal Affairs seized all the documentation of Gazprom Transgaz Yugorsk and sent it for forensic accounting examination. The reason was the detention of the head of motorcade No. 7 of the Nadym Department of Technological Transport and Special Equipment of Gazprom Transgaz Yugorsk, who was suspected of commercial bribery for the ridiculous amount of 150 thousand rubles.
This also did not completely break the “daughter” of Gazprom.
And then Inspectorate No. 2 of the Federal Tax Service of the Russian Federation got involved in the work, which, based on the very documentation seized in the case for a ridiculous amount, calculated that Gazprom Transgaz Yugorsk LLC underestimated the tax base for the mineral extraction tax by 600 million rubles. Then everyone had before their eyes the story of Leonid Lee, the criminal case came to light. Therefore, the “daughter” of Gazprom gave way to the billions of gas monopoly to Peton.
And many companies followed her example. Nobody wanted to fall under the “tank” of Kurnosenko and Andrianov. And when Peton, having “survived” the middle peasants, had already established itself among Gazprom’s contractors, they began to give it contracts (worth 170 billion rubles) without competitions.
All this sometimes leads to catastrophic situations in regions with problematic employment. For example, Yugorskremstroygaz LLC, having immediately lost almost all contracts with Gazprom, is forced to fire 400 employees who are already holding pickets. And because of the actions of Kurnosenko’s team and tax officials who want to clear the way for Peton, dozens of proven contractors were pushed back from receiving Gazprom’s money. All of them are now conducting massive layoffs of employees.
Peton first, parties later
The most interesting thing is that even the FAS classifies Peton as small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). For medium-sized enterprises, the maximum revenue is 2 billion rubles, and Peton has contracts worth hundreds of billions of rubles with Gazprom alone. "Peton" is just a research and design institute that has practically no production base of its own. What is the reason for his “success”?
“Peton” is a structure that is simply a clear example of the merging of crime, security forces and managers of large corporations. "Peton" is not a design institute, but a trust that unites the most diverse public. Co-owner of "Peton" Eduard Gasanov was previously convicted and is closely connected with the criminal world. It was he who “pulled” his friend, Azerbaijani citizen Emin Akhundov, into the enterprise. Akhundov in his homeland is listed as a “criminal authority”, closely associated with a number of thieves in law, including Rovshan Dzhaniev (Rovshan Lyankoransky, shot in Istanbul in 2016); he was suspected of organizing a contract murder. Emin Akhundov is a relative of another thief in law, Chingiz Akhundov (Chingiz Sedoy, killed in 2007). Now Emin maintains relations with a whole group of other “criminal generals” who come from Azerbaijan. Officially, Akhundov holds the position of First Deputy General Director of NIPI NG Peton, a member of the board of directors of the enterprise, and he is also a co-owner of Peton-Construction LLC. Another co-owner of Peton, Oleg Polyakov, also repeatedly had troubles with law enforcement agencies. The former deputy head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Bashkiria, and now the head of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, Andrei Kurnosenko and his subordinate Dmitry Zakharchenko organized cover for “Peton” through the Ministry of Internal Affairs and partly the FSB of the Russian Federation. After her dismissal from this oil company and her transfer to Rosneft, relations with Peton were almost curtailed.
At Gazprom, Peton has double cover. Firstly, this is the former first deputy head of Gazprom Invest Yug (once one of Gazprom’s largest contractors) Andrey Goncharenko. He is a well-known character in social life, one of the organizers and a frequent guest of the “Russian Seasons” parties in Monaco and the Cote d'Azur, as well as other similar parties, for which he even received the reputation of a “party animal” (can be roughly translated as “party regular”) .
Despite such a wild lifestyle, he is considered a very large “fixer” inside Gazprom and a person who has a trusted relationship with the head of the gas monopoly, Alexei Miller.
Having never appeared on Forbes lists, Goncharenko mysteriously turned out to be the owner of four houses in the British capital with a total value of about $400 million. The most expensive acquisition of the “shadow oligarch with offshore assets,” as the British press calls Goncharenko, was the Hanover Lodge residence in Regent’s Park. It cost £120 million or $205.5 million. The remaining three residences, purchased for £50 million, £70 million and £15 million respectively, are largely empty.
Goncharenko’s official career at Gazprom was constantly accompanied by scandals. In 2010, his assistant (at that time Goncharenko was a top manager at Gazprom Invest Yug) gave the police $1.5 million so that they would stop checking the Gazpromstroyengineering company. She was suspected of tax evasion of 800 million rubles.
And in 2013, a case was opened against Goncharenko in Moscow. He was suspected of extorting 3 billion rubles from the heads of construction companies that carried out large contracts for Gazprom.
After this scandal, Goncharenko officially left Gazprom Invest Yug, but he continues to be one of the main “fixers” for Gazprom.
Goncharenko is friends with one of the “main” contracts at Gazprom, top manager Kirill Seleznev. First of all, with his light hand, the first billion-dollar streams from Gazprom began to flow to Peton, which later turned into bottomless rivers of money. Seleznev, Goncharenko and a number of other top managers of Gazprom are swimming in these “rivers” with might and main. After all, “Peton” itself, by and large, is a “dummy” that does not have sufficient production forces to carry out huge volumes of work in such different areas as, for example, waste disposal and commissioning of petrochemical industry facilities. The funds received from Gazprom are “shared” in different proportions among the participants of this community, including by transferring them to subcontractors associated with Seleznev, Goncharenko and other top managers of Gazprom. All this, of course, affects the work itself. Peton never built anything at all. Let us remember that until the end of the 2000s, this design organization had a staff of only a few people. Therefore, it is not surprising that Peton cannot complete all of its Gazprom projects. All work exists mainly on paper, and the deadlines for their delivery are constantly postponed. And the top managers of Gazprom, who have their own financial interests in Peton, turn a blind eye to this.
Community against Nord Stream
All this was possible before Peton received the contract for the construction of the Portovaya LNG. Let us remind you that according to the draft agreement, Peton is the general contractor of the project. According to the documents, the cost of design and survey work is 3.399 billion rubles, construction work - 103.195 billion rubles, commissioning work - 820.518 million rubles, excluding VAT. The start date of work is October 1, 2016, the completion date is December 31, 2018.
As of today, the delay in the delivery of this facility is more than 200 days and it is already clear that it will not be launched within the agreed time frame. The plant for small-scale production of liquefied natural gas is being built on the basis of the Portovaya compressor station (CS), the head station of the Nord Stream gas pipeline. Nord Stream is not a private Gazprom project, but a strategic project of Russia, which is of the utmost importance not only economically, but also politically.
And so, the community of “criminal” representatives, GUEBiPK employees and Gazprom top managers put this project at risk. And this will inevitably force people to pay attention to the situation of the top officials of the state, including President Vladimir Putin.
And a lot of interesting things will open up.
The construction of the Portovaya LNG is being carried out by Peton's subsidiary Peton Construction LLC. That is, it is this company that is responsible for the timely and high-quality implementation of the contract for the construction and launch of the most important strategic facility of Nord Stream.
Peton Construction LLC, INN 0274920024, was registered in October 2016 with an authorized capital of 100,000 rubles, and its founders are three people. The first is Eduard Gasanov, previously sentenced to seven years for major fraud, a man who does not have not only higher, but even secondary education. The second is Oleg Polyakov, a defendant in a whole series of fraud cases. The third is Azerbaijani citizen Emin Akhundov, suspected of murder and associated with Azerbaijani thieves in law. Akhundov flies from Ufa to Baku (sometimes in transit through Moscow) with suitcases stuffed with money. They include, among other things, the share of “criminal generals”.
Community against the FSB
Peton Construction is headed not by an honored builder, as one might think, but by lawyer Murad Asadullin, a man with an interesting biography. He worked in the prosecutor's office of Ufa, was expelled from there due to discreditable circumstances, and then became a lawyer. His clients were mainly employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Bashkortostan, detained by the local FSB Directorate for corruption. Moreover, Asadullin at one time was actually the coordinator of the struggle that unfolded in the region with the head of the local FSB Directorate, Viktor Palagin. And he was sent by the central office of the FSB to Ufa to solve two problems. Firstly, the eradication of corruption in the local Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation. And secondly, to suppress in Bashkiria the activities of the extremist organization Hizb-ut-Tahrir, banned in Russia. Before his appointment, she created four cells in Bashkiria and carried out enormous propaganda work, including recruiting militants to fight on the side of ISIS (a terrorist organization banned in the Russian Federation) in Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan. In 2014, Palagin headed the FSB Directorate in Crimea, where the Hizb-ut-Tahrir organization was active and had official branches there and regularly held “educational” events. After such “successful” prosecutorial and advocacy work, Asadullin became a lawyer for Peton, and now heads the company that is building the most important facility for Nord Stream.
It is easy to guess that “behind” Asadullin in his fight with the head of the FSB were not only representatives of the Bashkir Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, now working in the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, but also the brothers Eduard and Marif Gasanov. The latter, according to eyewitnesses, adhere to radical movements of Islam and were suspected by counterintelligence agents of sponsoring the same Hizb-ut-Tahrir. The Hasanovs also attracted the attention of FSB representatives in connection with their activities in Central Asia and Kazakhstan. More precisely, in connection with the activity of “Peton” there.
Peton is implementing a large project in the city of Aktobe (Kazakhstan). With the arrival of this company in this city, it has become a real center of extremists, terrorist attacks are constantly taking place there. And last summer there was a real massacre - a large group of armed militants tried to capture the city. In September 2016, in the province of Aleppo, one of the leaders of ISIS, Maaratat-Umm-Haush, whom the Kazakh authorities called one of the organizers of the events in Aktobe, was killed.
Peton is also implementing a project in the Uzbek city of Karshi. There is a military airfield there, which was a US military base until 2005. It is now used by Russian troops for the rapid build-up and deployment of armed forces in Central Asia, as well as during military operations.
It is obvious that work in Aktobe and Karshi is not economically profitable for Peton; moreover, the research and design institute is actually, as they say, “serving its number”, spending a lot of money on maintaining a large number of employees from the local population. Counterintelligence officers are trying to find out why Gazprom’s largest contractor needs this.
"Web" for Sechin
There is another notable participant in the Peton community - the head of the New Stream group of companies, Dmitry Mazurov. He owns 80% of the Antipinsky Oil Refinery, which has Orenburg fields on its balance sheet. Another 20% of the refinery is owned by Nikolai Egorov, co-owner of the law firm “Egorov, Puginsky, Afanasyev and Partners.” When Bashneft belonged to AFK Sistema, Mazurov worked closely with this oil company. AFK Sistema even wanted to buy 50% of New Stream. After the loss of Bashneft, it was New Stream that began to buy all the assets claimed by AFK Sistema, including oil terminals at Cape Mokhnatkina Pakhta in the Murmansk region. After the transfer of Bashneft to Rosneft, top managers of Bashneft, including vice-president Mikhail Stavsky, moved to New Stream. The Antipinsky Refinery applied to purchase the state stake in Bashneft (clearly acting in someone else's interests). Together, they at one time organized cash flows for Peton from Bashneft and became the unofficial beneficiaries of the research and design enterprise.
Another friend of Mazurov and at the same time a business partner is the current benefactor of Peton, Kirill Seleznev. In January 2017, a new oil company, 1Oil Management, was created in Russia with a production of about 600,000 tons per year. In particular, it received ownership of the Tarkhovskoye field, which is associated with Nikolai Egorov and Dmitry Mazurov.
It is believed that 1Oil Management is a joint project of New Stream and Kirill Seleznev. Seleznev participates in it through the Finservice bank, which nominally belongs to Seleznev’s half-brother Ivan Mironov and Seleznev’s former deputy at Gazprom Mezhregiongaz Natalya Konovalenko. In reality, this is an asset of Seleznev himself.
In the conflict (over Bashneft) between the head of Rosneft Igor Sechin and the head of AFK Sistema Vladimir Yevtushenkov, Mazurov, Gasanov and Polyakov were initially on the side of the latter. All of them are well acquainted with the management of Sistema. But recently the vector of their claims has changed dramatically. The reason for this is simple - the desire to obtain large contracts for Peton from Bashneft (now owned by Rosneft). And the weaving of a “web” around Sechin began. Mazurov is negotiating the possibility of selling New Stream assets to Rosneft. Hasanov and Polyakov are now showing a photograph on “every corner” where the latter is depicted next to Sechin’s daughter Inga.
At the same time, they declare that with “Igor Ivanovich” they now have “everything covered,” and Bashneft has agreed to make Peton happy with billions of budget rubles. Thus, the head of Rosneft, Igor Sechin, was given a “huge pig”. Bashneft's new partners are an extremely unique crowd. These are those who have long been trying to “dig a hole” for Sechin, people associated not only with crime, but also suspected of involvement in movements professing radical movements of Islam. Now these characters are beginning to list Sechin and his family members as their friends and even show off corresponding photographs.
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