According to sources close to the Presidential Administration, there will be a change of governor in the Southern Urals in the near future. The long-awaited resignation of Boris Dubrovsky will most likely take place immediately after the May holidays or in a few weeks.
Over the past six months, the issue of the resignation of the South Ural governor has been raised more than once. Twice the owner of MMK, Viktor Rashnikov, managed to defend Dubrovsky in the Kremlin, but the limit of trust in the “Magnitogorsk team”, it seems, has already been completely exhausted at the top.
The “gubernatorial purges” that began this year and are associated by political scientists with the pre-election situation have sharpened the issue of Boris Dubrovsky, who has a high anti-rating, being in the governor’s chair. Political failures in Chesma, Techensky and Bobrovsky settlements, “seething” in Kopeisk demonstrated Dubrovsky’s inability to manage the situation. At the meetings, it became clearly visible that the heads of municipalities were simply ignoring the governor. Dubrovsky himself, it seems, has already given up on everything, which has recently been clearly demonstrated by his tired, detached appearance at official events and his absence at the May Day holiday.
The resignation of the governor is being actively discussed among the political and economic elite of the Southern Urals. And now, finally, this widely expected (if not to put it more harshly, long-awaited) resignation of Dubrovsky received confirmation from sources in the Presidential Administration.
In all likelihood, a change of power in the Southern Urals will occur in the coming weeks.
Who will be the new governor?
Naturally, the resignation of Boris Dubrovsky brings to the fore the question of his successor as governor. At the moment, as Russian Press learned from sources from the federal center, there are two main and two possible candidates for the role of acting governor of the Chelyabinsk region (and also, subsequently, a potential governor).
According to our information, a careful selection of candidates in the Presidential Administration has identified the two most likely people capable of taking the chair of the head of the Southern Urals - Irina Gekht and Sergei Nosov. By the way, these candidates were positioned as the most likely successors to Dubrovsky last year, when the first threat of resignation arose (which Dubrovsky managed to avoid thanks to personal negotiations between the owner of MMK Viktor Rashnikov and the President).
State Duma deputy Vladimir Burmatov (creature of State Duma Chairman Vyacheslav Volodin) and “silovik” Mikhail Grishankov are also being named as possible candidates on the political sidelines.
Irina Gekht
Irina Gekht is an experienced politician, supported, according to sources, personally by the Speaker of the Federation Council Valentina Matvienko. Hecht's managerial qualities are rated quite highly: she has a complete understanding of the social sphere of the Chelyabinsk region.
As a politician, Irina Gekht has proven herself well in elections at various levels, quite successfully conducting her own election campaigns. The experience she gained at the federal level in the upper house of parliament will no doubt be useful. Hecht has good connections in the highest circles of the legislative branch and is highly respected among his colleagues in the Federation Council.
Irina Gekht’s position is very strong, the chances of taking the governor’s chair are quite high, especially considering the possible lobbying of this candidacy by the Speaker of the Federation Council. It would not be out of place to add here that Matvienko has recently strengthened her political positions, which is noticeable by the increase in the number of legislative initiatives emanating from the Federation Council approved by the President - against the backdrop of decreased confidence in the Kremlin in the State Duma and Speaker Vyacheslav Volodin. So the help of such a strong lobbyist really seriously increases Irina Gekht’s chances.
Information from Russian Press:Irina Alfredovna Gekht was born in 1969 in the Kurgan region, the city of Shchuchye. She graduated from school in the city of Raduzhny, Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug, with a gold medal, and received the title of city champion in ballroom dancing. In 1992 she graduated from the Faculty of History of Chelyabinsk State University, and in 1998 – graduate school. In 2009 she received the title of Candidate of Pedagogical Sciences. He is an associate professor at the Department of Social Work at ChelSU.
She entered politics in the early 2000s, working on social issues. In 2010 she became the first deputy minister of social relations of the Chelyabinsk region, and in 2011 she headed this ministry. In 2013, she became Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Chelyabinsk Region for Social Issues. With the arrival of Boris Dubrovsky, Irina Gekht was appointed a member of the Federation Council from the Chelyabinsk region. Currently he holds the position of Deputy Chairman of the Federation Council Committee on Agricultural and Food Policy and Environmental Management, and is a member of the Federation Council Committee on Social Policy.
Irina Gekht is an active state councilor of the Chelyabinsk region, 3rd class, and a member of the Presidium of the Chelyabinsk Regional Political Council of the United Russia party.
Sergey Nosov
Sergey Nosov is a powerful manager with extensive experience in managing industrial enterprises and industrial assets. Nosov went through an excellent municipal school in one of the key municipalities of the Middle Urals, being the current head of Nizhny Tagil, the city in which one of the key defense enterprises of the Rostec state corporation is located: UralVagonZavod.
As a politician, Sergei Nosov demonstrated his talents by being elected in direct elections in Nizhny Tagil with a trust rating of 92%, which is unprecedented for municipal elections. The level of trust in Nosov among the population and elites is very high. But the President’s trust is even more important for Nosov’s political career.
Nizhny Tagil is unofficially called Putingrad for the special attitude of President Vladimir Putin towards this city. He personally patronizes the development of this municipal entity, and the head of Nizhny Tagil is endowed with a special status: it is impossible to become the head of this city without the consent of the Presidential Administration.
Thus, Sergei Nosov is a “handshake person” both for Vladimir Putin and for one of the President’s closest associates and one of the country’s main lobbyists - the head of the Rostec corporation Sergei Chemezov. Sergei Nosov has established good working contact with Chemezov. The head of Rostec may well act as his lobbyist for the post of governor of the Chelyabinsk region, which makes the assumption of Nosov’s future governorship quite realistic.
Information from Russian Press:Sergei Nosov was born on February 17, 1961 in the city of Magnitogorsk, Chelyabinsk region. He is a hereditary metallurgist, heir to a professional Ural dynasty. His grandfather, Grigory Nosov, headed the Magnitogorsk Iron and Steel Works in the 1940s. It is in honor of Nosov’s grandfather that the main university of Magnitogorsk is named – Magnitogorsk State Technical University. G.I. Nosova.
Sergei Nosov continued his family path, graduating with honors from the Magnitogorsk Mining and Metallurgical Institute. Subsequently received the title of Doctor of Technical Sciences. He began his career at MMK, where he rose to the position of deputy general director of the plant for production and investment. In the late 1990s, he was considered as a contender for the post of MMK general director. The media associate Nosov’s departure from the enterprise in 1998 with a conflict with the team of the current general director of MMK, Viktor Rashnikov.
In 1998, Nosov moved to the Sverdlovsk region, to Nizhny Tagil, where he achieved career heights at Nizhny Tagil Metallurgical Plant OJSC, becoming the general director of the enterprise. In the 2000s, he held a number of major management positions at OJSC Nizhny Tagil Metallurgical Plant, West Siberian Metallurgical Plant (Novokuznetsk), Directorate of the NTMK Industrial Site, EvrazHolding LLC, Tagilbank OJSC, Vysokogorsky Mining and Processing Plant OJSC, OJSC Seversky Pipe Plant", FSUE "ROSOBORONEXPORT" (Moscow), CJSC "RusSpetsStal" (Moscow).
In parallel with his managerial activities, Sergei Nosov developed a political career, being a member of United Russia. From July to October 2012 he served as vice-governor of the Sverdlovsk region. Since October 14, 2012 - head of Nizhny Tagil.
He has a number of awards and orders, including the Order of Honor, the medal of the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, II degree.
Possible candidates
Despite the confident positions of Irina Gekht and Sergei Nosov, the political elite is also discussing the possibility of appointing two more possible candidates to the post of governor of the Chelyabinsk region - Vladimir Burmatov and Mikhail Grishankov. It should be noted that they are discussed with concerns.
Vladimir Burmatov
Vladimir Burmatov is a young politician who already has quite a scandalous reputation. A native of the Young Guard, State Duma deputy. He himself has no weight as a political figure, but Vyacheslav Volodin acts as his lobbyist.
Recently, several information “stuffing” have been recorded in the Southern Urals, in which Burmatov, despite the lack of information about the discussion of his candidacy in the Presidential Administration, was positioned as a possible governor of the Chelyabinsk region. However, it should be noted that in recent weeks the position of his patron, Vyacheslav Volodin, has seriously weakened. Judging by a number of facts, the President’s confidence in the Speaker of the State Duma has been undermined. Revelations of Volodin's business interests appeared in the media. It has become noticeable that the State Duma as a whole is losing influence, while the Federation Council, headed by Valentina Matvienko, is increasing it. In this situation, Burmatov's chances are very doubtful.
However, if we assume the possibility of Vladimir Burmatov coming to power in the Southern Urals, the prospects are catastrophic. Burmatov has a complete lack of managerial experience, but an extremely scandalous political reputation. If he comes to power, we can confidently predict a sharp increase in conflicts in the regional and municipal elites of the Chelyabinsk region.
It is already clear by what methods Burmatov’s friends “solve problems” - in particular, Chelyabinsk City Duma deputy Alexander Galkin, who staged a “war” over parking lots with ex-Ombudsman of the Chelyabinsk region Alexey Sevastyanov. It can be assumed that such methods of “management” under Burmatov’s governorship will acquire many times greater scope. There are fears, for example, that another friend of Burmatov, the self-proclaimed utility ombudsman, deputy of the Legislative Assembly Anatoly Vershinin, will take an active role in the redistribution of the utility business.
However, the “war” for parking lots, which was organized by Chelyabinsk City Duma deputy Alexander Galkin, significantly undermined Burmatov’s position, lowering his rating. For Chelyabinsk business, Burmatov is an absolutely unshakable figure. And among the political elite she is openly despised.
Mikhail Grishankov
Mikhail Grishankov is a deputy of the State Duma, a native of the regional department of the FSB in the Chelyabinsk region. He is respected in law enforcement agencies and is familiar with regional elites. Although Grishankov has lived in Moscow since 2011, he has maintained connections in the Southern Urals and an understanding of the local situation. And as one of the TOP managers of Gazprombank, Grishankov also has solid federal connections.
Although Grishankov’s chances are not as high as those of Sergei Nosov or Irina Gekht, his positioning as a possible governor of the Southern Urals has a certain basis. According to our sources, he was repeatedly included in the short list of the Presidential Administration for possible consideration as governor of the Chelyabinsk region. Grishankov’s lobbyist can be security forces and federal structures.
If Mikhail Grishankov’s political bet plays out, the consequences for the political and business elite of the Southern Urals will be ambiguous. There is a high probability of increasing influence in the field of security forces and, quite possibly, “werewolves in uniform” - which will make one remember the bygone “era” of the ex-chief of the FSB Directorate for the Chelyabinsk Region, General Igor Akhrimeev. Who, by the way, also planned to run for the post of governor.
"A dark horse"
A personnel surprise in the style of Vladimir Putin is also possible - the arrival of a candidate who has absolutely no connections in the Chelyabinsk region to the governor’s seat. There are such examples: for example, among the recent directions of “dark horses” one can name the appointments of Andrei Nikitin to the post of governor of the Novgorod region, Alexander Brechalov to the post of head of Udmurtia, Anton Alikhanov to the Kaliningrad region, Nikolai Lyubimov to the Ryazan region. The option of a “surprise” on the part of the President should also not be discounted.
The legacy of Boris Dubrovsky
Whoever comes to power in the Southern Urals after Boris Dubrovsky will inherit a very neglected economy. Dubrovsky's governorship was marked by a strong decline in the economy and the cultivation of a number of municipal problems, which is associated with illiterate, unreasonable, and sometimes downright inadequate managerial and political decisions of the “Magnitogorsk protege.”
Government reform and expulsion of competent leaders
In an attempt to improve work, Boris Dubrovsky changed the management team and government structure three times since January 15, 2014. The first change occurred immediately after his arrival to the post of acting governor of the Chelyabinsk region. From the top leadership of the regional government, Deputy Governor Sergei Buinovsky, three vice-premiers of the government of the Chelyabinsk region (Igor Murog, Vladimir Pavlenkov, Maxim Osipenko) and a number of ministers were dismissed. Dubrovsky got rid of people who worked with his predecessor, Mikhail Yurevich.
The second change in the leadership of the region occurred after the inauguration of Boris Dubrovsky. Having become the full-fledged governor of the Southern Urals on September 14, 2014, Dubrovsky radically changed the structure of the regional leadership, carrying out a fairly large-scale management reform. It consisted of combining the functions of the head of the regional government and the governor himself.
This reform was a serious mistake by Boris Dubrovsky. The essence of the reform boiled down to the elimination of the post of head of the government of the Chelyabinsk region Sergei Komyakov and his removal from serious work. A strong, experienced manager, Komyakov became the formal first vice-governor, left with virtually no powers - only Sergei Shal and the Minister of Agriculture Sergei Sushkov were subordinate to him. The regional government was headed personally by Governor Boris Dubrovsky.
Apparently, Dubrovsky saw a rival in the person of regional prime minister Sergei Komyakov. The newly-minted governor decided to strengthen his authority by personally taking control of the work of the regional government. Alas, this decision reflected the “factory” scale of Boris Dubrovsky’s management strategy. He approached the management of an entire region from the position of a director of an enterprise, and not a politician with a global vision of problems.
The separation of functions of the governor and the government has worked well both at the level of various regions of Russia and at the federal level. It’s no secret that the prime minister takes on the role of a “lightning rod” in this scheme. If a negative attitude arises in society towards specific management decisions, the main negative is concentrated on executive officials, personified by the prime minister, and the head of the country (or region) maintains his rating positions. But Boris Dubrovsky did not take this into account, and as a result, all management failures in the Southern Urals are now directly associated with the person of the governor.
Dubrovsky’s obvious mistake was also tightening all the controls over the region. The governor clearly did not take into account that he was faced with tasks that were by no means of a workshop or even a factory scale. Lacking the necessary management experience even at the municipal level, Dubrovsky tried to take control not only of the global management of the region, but also the solution of private executive tasks. This turned out to be beyond his power. The inappropriateness of such an approach was combined with Dubrovsky’s managerial weakness and was complemented by the dispersal of the old team.
Having organized a “cleansing” of the regional administration from “Yurevich’s people” after the inauguration, Dubrovsky, in particular, “removed” Deputy Prime Minister Ivan Fyoklin and Alexei Loshkin, who at that time was in charge of the Ministry of Economy, Industry, Agriculture and the Main Control Directorate.
In fact, Dubrovsky expelled Deputy Prime Minister Irina Gekht, who successfully oversaw the social sphere, from the government. Hecht, being a strong and competent manager, confidently solved the problems of the regional ministries of health, social relations, education and science. But Vice-Governor Evgeny Redin, who supervised two social vice-premiers - Vadim Evdokimov and Irina Gekht, often entered into disputes with Gekht on various issues, without proper competence. In this confrontation, Dubrovsky decided to bet on Evgeniy Redin. Dubrovsky made this decision, quite likely, intending to use the budget funds of the ministries under her control without interference, together with the faithful Redin.
Irina Gekht was formally removed and promoted to the Federation Council. The region has lost another competent leader. Evgeniy Redin’s competencies, alas, cannot be criticized.
The results of Boris Dubrovsky’s personnel decisions are obvious: he never managed to create an adequately functioning team, and attempts to take over the functions of executive officials and personally control the work of the government failed.
The third change in management strategy finally deprived the region of hopes for adequate leadership. During the next upheavals, the governor's administration was liquidated as an authority and legal structure. The fallacy of this decision is evidenced by the fact that out of 85 constituent entities in the Russian Federation, less than ten supported this scheme. The closest neighbor, which also implemented this scheme, is the Kurgan region. It is significant that both the Kurgan and Chelyabinsk regions eventually fell sharply in federal rankings and found themselves among the regions with reduced social stability.
Evgeny Teftelev and the degradation of the regional center
One of the most high-profile personnel changes – the change of head of Chelyabinsk – requires special mention. This personnel decision was a real disaster, which lies entirely on the conscience of Boris Dubrovsky. The arrival of Magnitogorsk resident Evgeniy Teftelev in place of Sergei Davydov is a huge failure of the governor’s personnel policy. Nobody argues, and under Davydov there were problems in Chelyabinsk. But no one could have imagined how much degradation the capital of the Southern Urals would undergo under Evgeniy Teftelev!
Memes such as “meatball heaps” and “meatball porridge” have entered the everyday life of Chelyabinsk residents. Environmental and traffic problems have worsened, and the lobbying by the mayor and governor of the interests of the new monopolist, Yuzhuralmost, has reached a level of prohibitive impudence.
We can talk for a long time about the collapse that overtook Chelyabinsk under the new mayor, but this is unnecessary - the results of Evgeny Teftelev’s “work” are already visible to the naked eye. Suffice it to recall that Sergey Davydov was daily engaged in touring the districts of Chelyabinsk and solving current problems. Teftelev doesn’t travel around the city. The new mayor of Chelyabinsk became the head of the parquet office - by the way, just like his deputies. Looking at Teftelev, they relaxed and stopped touring their territories and district heads.
Boris Dubrovsky himself also felt the results of the activities (or rather, inactivity) of his protege. The “Magnitogorsk comrade,” who, theoretically, should have become the governor’s support in the regional center, in fact sharply dropped Dubrovsky’s rating.
Economic collapse
The reform efforts of Boris Dubrovsky had a serious impact on the economic condition of the Southern Urals. Dubrovsky was the first of four governors of the Chelyabinsk region to abolish the Ministry of Industry as an independent unit - and this in an industrially developed region! As a result, today industrialists in the regional government have no one to talk to and nothing to talk about, which, of course, has become one of the key reasons for the sharp decline in the economy and industry in the Southern Urals.
During the governorship of Boris Dubrovsky, the Chelyabinsk region became one of the leaders in Russia in the number of defrauded shareholders and construction companies liquidated as a result of bankruptcy. This anti-leadership was the result of the degradation of the construction cluster, which in previous years developed thanks to the constant support of governors Pyotr Sumin and Mikhail Yurevich. Under Dubrovsky, who is only interested in construction projects from which businesses affiliated with him can make money, the construction sector has found itself among the economic outsiders.
Things are going well only for companies controlled by Boris Dubrovsky. This is, in particular, YU KZhSI, headed by Dubrovsky’s long-term business partner Natalya Saleeva. The governor recently vested this company with super powers, making it the operator of all construction programs in the region. Magnitostroy-Greenflight, headed by a friend of the governor Oleg Laknitsky, is not complaining either. And, of course, the Sinai Group, managed by deputy of the Legislative Assembly of the Chelyabinsk Region Vladimir Ushakov and personally owned by the governor, is doing well.
Political failures
The destabilization of the political situation in the Southern Urals is another clear failure of Boris Dubrovsky. Trying to bring municipalities under control, he eliminated the institution of direct elections of heads of cities and districts throughout the Chelyabinsk region (with the exception of two rural settlements). The consequence of this policy was the rise to local leadership of ineffective heads who were uncontrollable by the population and not recognized by the same population.
The reform of local self-government was also unsuccessful. This project was proposed at the federal level, and Boris Dubrovsky hastened to intercept it, making the Chelyabinsk region a pilot region. It would have been wiser to wait for the results of the reform in other regions, but Dubrovsky decided to earn political points by intercepting the current agenda. But the tactical victory turned into a strategic failure. The reform was a complete failure.
During this reform, the governor deprived Chelyabinsk residents of the right to elect deputies to the city duma. Instead of directly electing city deputies, the population began to elect district deputies. A two-stage election system emerged, as a result of which City Duma deputies began to be elected not by the people, but by district deputies, who, in agreement with the governor, his political deputy and the regional chairman of the United Russia party, delegate the “worthy” and extremely loyal to the Chelyabinsk City Duma. In this situation, the business elite also became more active, conducting their representatives through district deputies.
As a result, the quality of the city deputies became the worst in the entire history of the Chelyabinsk City Duma. The City Duma is now almost entirely “staffed” by businessmen, and this, in turn, has given rise to a series of business scandals - just remember the “war” for parking lots initiated by City Duma deputy Alexander Galkin. Due to business scandals, either with parking lots or with kiosks, the city is constantly on the negative information agenda.
The commercial interests of deputies also led to the rapid degradation of city government and infrastructure:
— Such municipal unitary enterprises (MUPs) as ChKTS (Chelyabinsk Communal Heating Networks), CHAT (Chelyabinsk Bus Transport), GET (City Electric Transport) were liquidated.
— Due to the liquidation of the MUP DRSU (Road Repair and Construction Department), as well as the bankruptcy of local DRSU in the region, the maintenance and cleaning of Chelyabinsk, as well as the repair of roadways in the region, were outsourced to the Magnitogorsk company Yuzhuralavtoban-Yuzhuralmost, about “quality ” whose works regularly post observations of indignant residents on social networks and YouTube.
— One of the key and so far insoluble problems is waste removal in the regional center - there are neither prospects for building a solid waste (solid waste) landfill, nor an understanding of what to do with the existing landfill.
— Scandalous preparations are underway for the concession agreement of MUP POVV (Production Association of Water Supply and Sanitation), which should go to Rossetti, a structure controlled by the owner of Alfa-Bank Mikhail Fridman, which will inevitably lead to an increase in tariffs for the population, as has already happened in Tyumen.
The very idea of electing district deputies in order for the people’s representatives to become “closer to the people” did not justify itself at all. Firstly, as opinion polls show, the majority of Chelyabinsk residents do not know who their deputies are. Secondly, district deputies do not have the financial resources to perform at least some useful functions. Deputies are in no hurry to invest their money in solving local problems - be it replacing a lamppost or installing benches. But the city budget does not give them money for this.
On the one hand, this is logical: there is no point in creating another bureaucratic structure that will “leech” onto the budget. On the other hand, without financial resources, district parliament turns into a mere formality.
Dubrovsky should first analyze the experience of the pilot regions, and then think about how to implement this project. In fact, other, wiser regional heads analyzed the failed experience of the Chelyabinsk region.
The list of Boris Dubrovsky’s “achievements” can be continued indefinitely. We have touched upon only the visible part of this iceberg, but the above facts clearly demonstrate the level of degradation of the Chelyabinsk region, which was a direct result of the managerial incompetence and political shortsightedness of Governor Dubrovsky.
Everything that Boris Dubrovsky did in three years led to a complete loss of respect and trust in him among the population of the Chelyabinsk region. An indicator of the disappointment of the South Urals residents was collapse of the governor's rating from the original 86% to the current 20 - 25%. This, in turn, led to a significant decline in the rating of the United Russia party as the party in power, which could not be ignored by the federal center. The most important thing is that such regional cataclysms lead to a decrease in the rating of head of state Vladimir Putin, and in a pre-election year this is completely unacceptable.
As shown by the elections to the State Duma of the 7th convocation, held in September 2016, the indicators of United Russia in the Southern Urals were 16% lower than the Russian average. There was a danger of a similar “subsidence” in the presidential elections, because it was Vladimir Putin who delegated Dubrovsky to the Chelyabinsk region, and therefore the governor is associated as a protege of the President.
Finally, a key event showing the level of discontent, distrust and protest towards the current government was the arrival of oppositionist Alexei Navalny in Chelyabinsk on April 15, 2017, who opened a headquarters in the Southern Urals. Support for the oppositionist in the region turned out to be dangerously wide - at the time of the opening of his office, over 2,000 volunteers were already registered. Navalny himself called Chelyabinsk the fourth city in the country in terms of the number of his supporters.
All this could not go unnoticed by the federal center, so it does not cause any surprise and the idea of the need for an early change of governor on the eve of the country’s main elections, which will determine the vector of its development for the next six years, seems quite logical.
Photo: gubernator74.ru, URA.Ru, gosRF.ru, Ystav.com, pravdaurfo.ru, hwww.chelduma.ru, chelduma.ru, telefakt.ru
23.05.2017 10:08According to experts, rumors about the imminent resignation of the governor of the Chelyabinsk region Boris Dubrovsky are a planned information campaign. It was ordered by unscrupulous media representatives of business groups, dissatisfied with the decisions of the head of the region, which were not made in their favor.
Why did the population of the region en masse believe these rumors this time, and is there any real basis for them? These and other issues were discussed by political scientists, journalists, economists, and deputies - participants in the discussion political club, the next meeting of which took place yesterday, May 22, at the Aroma de Cuba club.
As the governor's press secretary noted: Dmitry Fedechkin, the technology of the latest information spread on the topic of Dubrovsky’s resignation is not particularly novel. For this purpose, they used not the media, but an incomprehensible website that anyone can create on the Internet and publish any information they want on it. The governor's office treats the incident ironically, understanding that the initiators of this action have certain economic interests. The expert specifically focused on the problem of the population’s uncritical attitude towards information sources and a serious reduction in demands on them.
This is a problem that we will have to coexist with. We need to teach people media literacy so that they can work with information. Any leader is constantly being removed, even at the district level. Only earlier grandmothers talked about this on benches, but now the same thing is happening on social networks, - says Fedechkin.
Director of the Chelyabinsk branch of the Russian Academy of National Economy and Public Administration, sociologist Sergey Zyryanov emphasized that the reason for another rumor about Dubrovsky’s departure was a series of resignations of leaders of other regions of the country. Some became acting, some left on their own, and some were “left.” According to the sociologist, the decision to resign regional heads could only be made before April - the new head needs time to prepare for the presidential election campaign.
There must be serious reasons for the resignation of a governor. There are no prerequisites for the removal of Boris Dubrovsky. 84.6 percent of the population voted for him - this is a very high figure, - the expert emphasized.
Deputy of the Legislative Assembly of the region Konstantin Zakharov recalled that last week an Italian journalist launched fake news through social networks about the death of the famous publicist Svetlana Alexievich. His goal was to demonstrate to the world that in the modern media sphere even serious news agencies buy into such pseudo-news. In the case of Dubrovsky, as Zakharov put it, “home-grown political strategists with reduced social responsibility” worked. The governor is a famous, recognizable person, about whom everyone will talk. And sites duplicate fake information to attract attention.
I see articles like this every week - noted political scientist Andrey Lavrov. – It is known that this is a resource of the former governor Mikhail Yurevich. He strives to show: “Without me everything falls apart, everything is bad!” And behind him there are a bunch of people pursuing their own interests. But there must be compelling reasons for changing the governor before the presidential election. Putin instructed Dubrovsky to stop the conflicts of local elites - they are gone now! There are no social explosions either. Why change the governor?! A consensus has formed in the region, albeit fragile, since there are many groups of elites and it is difficult to reconcile them. But if you put in another leader, then a social explosion can occur.
According to the deputy of the Chelyabinsk City Duma, adviser to the mayor Dmitry Dovzhenko, this time the reaction of area residents to another rumor was too violent.
Everyone knows that this site is a waste tank, this information is not used anywhere, and is usually not paid attention to as not being credible. I would like to understand why this happened now? - asks the expert.
A political scientist tried to give an answer Alexey Slepyshev. He noted that Russia traditionally lacks a culture of political interaction between the governed and the managers. And until it works out, similar situations will be repeated.
We historically lack this culture. All appointments to positions occur behind the scenes. In addition, in Russia there is a serious problem with the legal change of power. This gives rise to such sentiments in society. People subconsciously want a change, because key positions have been occupied by the same individuals for many years. But the situation is objectively changing and requires new people, - The expert explains his point of view.
Director of the newspaper "Evening Chelyabinsk" Sergey Filichkin I was indignant at the very formulation of the question, that the governor could be so easily removed by a decision of a higher authority.
We have an elected governor. He could be voted out of office by voters or lose office if convicted of a crime. We now have no political competition when an opponent publicly declares that the governor is wrong and proposes his own program of action. We have oligarchic competition - who will bring in the most. The oligarchs are behind these rumors! For example, we found out that last week one large energy company ordered a series of negative publications about Dubrovsky. I miss those times when there was healthy political competition. Are you criticizing? Offer something of your own. Don't like Dubrovsky? He can't please everyone. When Dubrovsky became governor, everyone got a break, but then he did not live up to anyone's expectations. Instead of openly expressing their position, they order publications on the sly. Always read the last paragraph - it makes it clear who needs it - explained the media expert.
Political scientist Alexander Melnikov I noticed that there is a certain basis for mass belief in such falsehoods. The country has had economic problems for a long time, and social protest is brewing. People complain, they see that there is a reaction from above - other governors are being removed, so why doesn’t the president change Dubrovsky too?
I have insider information that the question of replacing the governor of the Chelyabinsk region is not raised in the Kremlin. Definitely before the elections, and then in any case they will monitor the situation in the regions. Then it will become important whether the governor will serve a new term or just serve a term. But the decision will be made after spring 2018. There are no real facts yet about who benefited from the rumor about Dubrovsky’s resignation. There are a lot of potential customers. During an economic crisis, the resource base narrows and there is a struggle for resources. With the arrival of Dubrovsky, the main groups of influence in the region did not experience much joy - he pushed some away from the trough, and did not move others enough, - said Alexander Melnikov.
12/22/2017 13:00
Photo from the site gubernator74.ru
The Minchenko Consulting agency has compiled a rating of governors “State Council 2.0”. In it, the head of the Chelyabinsk region ended up in the “red zone”. This means that there is a high probability of resignation, the report to the rating says.
Governors received places on the list based on nine criteria. Among them is support within Politburo 2.0. Boris Dubrovsky has seven points out of 10 here. Having a large project under management - three points out of five. The economic attractiveness of the region is one point out of three. Also among the criteria was the presence of a unique positioning. And here Boris Dubrovsky has one point. The authors of the rating called him a functionary governor.
Source: minchenko.ru
The head of the Chelyabinsk region fell into the “red zone” primarily due to conflicts at the regional level, says agency president Evgeny Minchenko.
“The key point is regional conflicts that do not subside even after the president visited and personally spoke with the leaders of protest groups. However, we see that, nevertheless, this conflict is not decreasing, but on the contrary, it is increasing. And, of course, before the presidential elections, this does not create a very good background. And plus there is a rather serious imbalance in the elites, which is especially painfully perceived in Chelyabinsk, for example: the Magnitogorsk team did not enter the capital of the Southern Urals gently enough.", - Evgeny Minchenko commented to the Chelyabinsk Echo.
Evgeniy Minchenko. Photo from civilfund.ru
The rating provides for not only the awarding of points for merit, but also their deduction. Thus, Boris Dubrovsky was deprived of two points for federal conflicts. Three more were removed for a “major elite conflict” at the regional level. And the same number - according to the criterion "Arrest/criminal prosecution of vice-governors."
Boris Dubrovsky and the head of RMK Igor Altushkin. Photo from the site gubernator74.ru
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