Most history textbooks say that in the 13th-15th centuries Rus' suffered from the Mongol-Tatar yoke. However, recently the voices of those who doubt that the invasion even took place have been increasingly heard. Did huge hordes of nomads really surge into peaceful principalities, enslaving their inhabitants? Let's analyze historical facts, many of which may be shocking.
The yoke was invented by the Poles
The term “Mongol-Tatar yoke” itself was coined by Polish authors. The chronicler and diplomat Jan Dlugosz in 1479 called the time of existence of the Golden Horde this way. He was followed in 1517 by the historian Matvey Miechowski, who worked at the University of Krakow. This interpretation of the relationship between Rus' and the Mongol conquerors was quickly picked up in Western Europe, and from there it was borrowed by domestic historians.
Moreover, there were practically no Tatars themselves in the Horde troops. It’s just that in Europe the name of this Asian people was well known, and therefore it spread to the Mongols. Meanwhile, Genghis Khan tried to exterminate the entire Tatar tribe, defeating their army in 1202.
The first census of Rus'
The first population census in the history of Rus' was carried out by representatives of the Horde. They had to collect accurate information about the inhabitants of each principality and their class affiliation. The main reason for such interest in statistics on the part of the Mongols was the need to calculate the amount of taxes imposed on their subjects.
In 1246, a census took place in Kyiv and Chernigov, the Ryazan principality was subjected to statistical analysis in 1257, the Novgorodians were counted two years later, and the population of the Smolensk region - in 1275.
Moreover, the inhabitants of Rus' raised popular uprisings and drove out the so-called “besermen” who were collecting tribute for the khans of Mongolia from their land. But the governors of the rulers of the Golden Horde, called Baskaks, lived and worked for a long time in the Russian principalities, sending collected taxes to Sarai-Batu, and later to Sarai-Berke.
Joint hikes
Princely squads and Horde warriors often carried out joint military campaigns, both against other Russians and against residents of Eastern Europe. Thus, in the period 1258-1287, the troops of the Mongols and Galician princes regularly attacked Poland, Hungary and Lithuania. And in 1277, the Russians took part in the Mongol military campaign in the North Caucasus, helping their allies conquer Alanya.
In 1333, Muscovites stormed Novgorod, and the next year the Bryansk squad marched on Smolensk. Each time, Horde troops also took part in these internecine battles. In addition, they regularly helped the great princes of Tver, considered at that time the main rulers of Rus', to pacify the rebellious neighboring lands.
The basis of the horde were Russians
The Arab traveler Ibn Battuta, who visited the city of Saray-Berke in 1334, wrote in his essay “A Gift to Those Contemplating the Wonders of Cities and the Wonders of Travel” that there are many Russians in the capital of the Golden Horde. Moreover, they make up the bulk of the population: both working and armed.
This fact was also mentioned by the White émigré author Andrei Gordeev in the book “History of the Cossacks,” which was published in France in the late 20s of the 20th century. According to the researcher, most of the Horde troops were the so-called Brodniks - ethnic Slavs who inhabited the Azov region and the Don steppes. These predecessors of the Cossacks did not want to obey the princes, so they moved to the south for the sake of a free life. The name of this ethnosocial group probably comes from the Russian word “wander” (wander).
As is known from chronicle sources, in the Battle of Kalka in 1223, the Brodniks, led by the governor Ploskyna, fought on the side of the Mongol troops. Perhaps his knowledge of the tactics and strategy of the princely squads was of great importance for the victory over the united Russian-Polovtsian forces.
In addition, it was Ploskynya who, by cunning, lured out the ruler of Kyiv, Mstislav Romanovich, along with two Turov-Pinsk princes and handed them over to the Mongols for execution.
However, most historians believe that the Mongols forced Russians to serve in their army, i.e. the invaders forcibly armed representatives of the enslaved people. Although this seems implausible.
And a senior researcher at the Institute of Archeology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Marina Poluboyarinova, in the book “Russian People in the Golden Horde” (Moscow, 1978) suggested: “Probably, the forced participation of Russian soldiers in the Tatar army later ceased. There were mercenaries left who had already voluntarily joined the Tatar troops.”
Caucasian invaders
Yesugei-Baghatur, the father of Genghis Khan, was a representative of the Borjigin clan of the Mongolian Kiyat tribe. According to the descriptions of many eyewitnesses, both he and his legendary son were tall, fair-skinned people with reddish hair.
The Persian scientist Rashid ad-Din wrote in his work “Collection of Chronicles” (beginning of the 14th century) that all the descendants of the great conqueror were mostly blond and gray-eyed.
This means that the elite of the Golden Horde belonged to Caucasians. It is likely that representatives of this race predominated among other invaders.
There weren't many of them
We are accustomed to believe that in the 13th century Rus' was invaded by countless hordes of Mongol-Tatars. Some historians talk about 500,000 troops. However, it is not. After all, even the population of modern Mongolia barely exceeds 3 million people, and if we take into account the brutal genocide of fellow tribesmen committed by Genghis Khan on his way to power, the size of his army could not be so impressive.
It is difficult to imagine how to feed an army of half a million, moreover, traveling on horses. The animals simply would not have enough pasture. But each Mongolian horseman brought with him at least three horses. Now imagine a herd of 1.5 million. The horses of the warriors riding at the forefront of the army would eat and trample everything they could. The remaining horses would have starved to death.
According to the most daring estimates, the army of Genghis Khan and Batu could not have exceeded 30 thousand horsemen. While the population of Ancient Rus', according to historian Georgy Vernadsky (1887-1973), before the invasion was about 7.5 million people.
Bloodless executions
The Mongols, like most peoples of that time, executed people who were not noble or disrespected by cutting off their heads. However, if the condemned person enjoyed authority, then his spine was broken and left to slowly die.
The Mongols were sure that blood was the seat of the soul. To shed it means to complicate the afterlife path of the deceased to other worlds. Bloodless execution was applied to rulers, political and military figures, and shamans.
The reason for a death sentence in the Golden Horde could be any crime: from desertion from the battlefield to petty theft.
The bodies of the dead were thrown into the steppe
The method of burial of a Mongol also directly depended on his social status. Rich and influential people found peace in special burials, in which valuables, gold and silver jewelry, and household items were buried along with the bodies of the dead. And the poor and ordinary soldiers killed in battle were often simply left in the steppe, where their life’s journey ended.
In the alarming conditions of nomadic life, consisting of regular skirmishes with enemies, it was difficult to organize funeral rites. The Mongols often had to move on quickly, without delay.
It was believed that the corpse of a worthy person would be quickly eaten by scavengers and vultures. But if birds and animals did not touch the body for a long time, according to popular beliefs, this meant that the soul of the deceased had a grave sin.
The history of Russia has always been a little sad and turbulent due to wars, power struggles and drastic reforms. These reforms were often dumped on Russia at once, forcibly, instead of introducing them gradually, measuredly, as most often happened in history. From the time of the first mentions, the princes of different cities - Vladimir, Pskov, Suzdal and Kyiv - constantly fought and argued for power and control over the small semi-unified state. Under the rule of Saint Vladimir (980-1015) and Yaroslav the Wise (1015-1054)
The Kiev state was at the height of its prosperity and had achieved relative peace, unlike in previous years. However, time passed, the wise rulers died, and the struggle for power began again and wars broke out.
Before his death, in 1054, Yaroslav the Wise decided to divide the principalities between his sons, and this decision determined the future of Kievan Rus for the next two hundred years. Civil wars between brothers devastated most of the Kyiv Commonwealth of Cities, depriving it of the necessary resources that would be very useful to it in the future. As the princes continuously fought with each other, the former Kiev state slowly decayed, diminished and lost its former glory. At the same time, it was weakened by the invasions of the steppe tribes - the Cumans (aka Cumans or Kipchaks), and before that the Pechenegs, and in the end the Kiev state became easy prey for more powerful invaders from distant lands.
Rus' had a chance to change its destiny. Around 1219, the Mongols first entered the areas near Kievan Rus, heading to Russia, and they asked for help from the Russian princes. A council of princes met in Kyiv to consider the request, which greatly worried the Mongols. According to historical sources, the Mongols stated that they were not going to attack Russian cities and lands. Mongol envoys demanded peace with the Russian princes. However, the princes did not trust the Mongols, suspecting that they would not stop and would go to Rus'. The Mongol ambassadors were killed, and thus the chance for peace was destroyed at the hands of the princes of the disunited Kyiv state.
For twenty years, Batu Khan with an army of 200 thousand people carried out raids. One after another, the Russian principalities - Ryazan, Moscow, Vladimir, Suzdal and Rostov - fell into bondage to Batu and his army. The Mongols plundered and destroyed the cities, killing the inhabitants or taking them captive. The Mongols eventually captured, plundered and razed Kyiv, the center and symbol of Kievan Rus. Only the outlying northwestern principalities such as Novgorod, Pskov and Smolensk survived the onslaught, although these cities would endure indirect subjugation and become appendages of the Golden Horde. Perhaps the Russian princes could prevent this by concluding peace. However, this cannot be called a miscalculation, because then Rus' would forever have to change religion, art, language, system of government and geopolitics.
The Orthodox Church during the Tatar-Mongol yoke
The first Mongol raids sacked and destroyed many churches and monasteries, and countless priests and monks were killed. Those who survived were often captured and sent into slavery. The size and power of the Mongol army was shocking. Not only the economy and political structure of the country suffered, but also social and spiritual institutions. The Mongols claimed that they were God's punishment, and the Russians believed that all this was sent to them by God as punishment for their sins.
The Orthodox Church will become a powerful beacon in the “dark years” of Mongol dominance. The Russian people eventually turned to the Orthodox Church, seeking consolation in their faith and guidance and support in the clergy. The raids of the steppe people caused a shock, throwing seeds on fertile soil for the development of Russian monasticism, which in turn played an important role in the formation of the worldview of the neighboring tribes of the Finno-Ugrians and Zyryans, and also led to the colonization of the northern regions of Russia.
The humiliation suffered by the princes and city authorities undermined their political authority. This allowed the church to embody religious and national identity, filling the lost political identity. Also helping to strengthen the church was the unique legal concept of labeling, or the immunity charter. During the reign of Mengu-Timur in 1267, the label was issued to Metropolitan Kirill of Kyiv for the Orthodox Church.
Although the church had come under de facto Mongol protection ten years earlier (from the 1257 census taken by Khan Berke), this label officially sealed the sanctity of the Orthodox Church. More importantly, it officially exempted the church from any form of taxation by the Mongols or Russians. Priests had the right not to be registered during censuses and were exempt from forced labor and military service.
As expected, the label issued to the Orthodox Church had great significance. For the first time, the church becomes less dependent on the princely will than in any other period of Russian history. The Orthodox Church was able to acquire and secure significant tracts of land, giving it an extremely powerful position that continued for centuries after the Mongol takeover. The charter strictly prohibited both Mongolian and Russian tax agents from seizing church lands or demanding anything from the Orthodox Church. This was guaranteed by a simple punishment - death.
Another important reason for the rise of the church lay in its mission to spread Christianity and convert village pagans. Metropolitans traveled widely throughout the country to strengthen the internal structure of the church and to solve administrative problems and supervise the activities of bishops and priests. Moreover, the relative security of the monasteries (economic, military and spiritual) attracted peasants. Since the rapidly growing cities interfered with the atmosphere of goodness that the church provided, the monks began to go into the desert and rebuild monasteries and monasteries there. Religious settlements continued to be built and thereby strengthened the authority of the Orthodox Church.
The last significant change was the relocation of the center of the Orthodox Church. Before the Mongols invaded Russian lands, the church center was Kyiv. After the destruction of Kyiv in 1299, the Holy See moved to Vladimir, and then, in 1322, to Moscow, which significantly increased the importance of Moscow.
Fine arts during the Tatar-Mongol yoke
While mass deportations of artists began in Rus', a monastic revival and attention to the Orthodox Church led to an artistic revival. What brought Russians together during those difficult times when they found themselves without a state was their faith and ability to express their religious beliefs. During this difficult time, the great artists Theophanes the Greek and Andrei Rublev worked.
It was during the second half of Mongol rule in the mid-fourteenth century that Russian iconography and fresco painting began to flourish again. Theophanes the Greek arrived in Rus' in the late 1300s. He painted churches in many cities, especially in Novgorod and Nizhny Novgorod. In Moscow, he painted the iconostasis for the Church of the Annunciation, and also worked on the Church of the Archangel Michael. Several decades after Feofan's arrival, one of his best students was the novice Andrei Rublev. Icon painting came to Rus' from Byzantium in the 10th century, but the Mongol invasion in the 13th century cut off Rus' from Byzantium.
How the language changed after the yoke
Such an aspect as the influence of one language on another may seem insignificant to us, but this information helps us understand to what extent one nationality influenced another or groups of nationalities - on government, on military affairs, on trade, as well as how geographically this spread influence. Indeed, the linguistic and even sociolinguistic influences were great, as the Russians borrowed thousands of words, phrases, and other significant linguistic structures from the Mongolian and Turkic languages united in the Mongol Empire. Below are some examples of words that are still used today. All borrowings came from different parts of the Horde:
- barn
- bazaar
- money
- horse
- box
- customs
One of the very important colloquial features of the Russian language of Turkic origin is the use of the word “come on”. Listed below are a few common examples that are still found in Russian.
- Let's have some tea.
- Let's have a drink!
- Let's go!
In addition, in southern Russia there are dozens of local names of Tatar/Turkic origin for lands along the Volga, which are highlighted on maps of these areas. Examples of such names: Penza, Alatyr, Kazan, names of regions: Chuvashia and Bashkortostan.
Kievan Rus was a democratic state. The main governing body was the veche - a meeting of all free male citizens who gathered to discuss issues such as war and peace, law, invitation or expulsion of princes to the corresponding city; all cities in Kievan Rus had a veche. It was essentially a forum for civil affairs, for discussion and problem solving. However, this democratic institution suffered severe curtailment under Mongol rule.
Of course, the most influential meetings were in Novgorod and Kyiv. In Novgorod, a special veche bell (in other cities church bells were usually used for this) served to convene the townspeople, and, theoretically, anyone could ring it. When the Mongols conquered most of Kievan Rus, the veche ceased to exist in all cities except Novgorod, Pskov and several other cities in the northwest. The veche in these cities continued to work and develop until Moscow subjugated them at the end of the 15th century. However, today the spirit of the veche as a public forum has been revived in several Russian cities, including Novgorod.
Population censuses, which made it possible to collect tribute, were of great importance to the Mongol rulers. To support censuses, the Mongols introduced a special dual system of regional administration, headed by military governors, the Baskaks, and/or civilian governors, the Darugachs. Essentially, the Baskaks were responsible for directing the activities of rulers in areas that resisted or did not accept Mongol rule. The Darugachs were civilian governors who controlled those areas of the empire that had surrendered without a fight or that were considered to have already submitted to the Mongol forces and were calm. However, the Baskaks and Darugachs sometimes performed the duties of the authorities, but did not duplicate it.
As we know from history, the ruling princes of Kievan Rus did not trust the Mongol ambassadors who came to make peace with them in the early 1200s; The princes, regrettably, put Genghis Khan's ambassadors to the sword and soon paid dearly. Thus, in the 13th century, Baskaks were installed in the conquered lands to subjugate the people and control even the daily activities of the princes. In addition, in addition to conducting the census, the Baskaks provided recruitment for the local population.
Existing sources and research indicate that the Baskaks largely disappeared from Russian lands by the mid-14th century, as Rus' more or less accepted the authority of the Mongol khans. When the Baskaks left, power passed to the Darugachi. However, unlike the Baskaks, the Darugachis did not live on the territory of Rus'. In fact, they were located in Sarai, the old capital of the Golden Horde, located near modern Volgograd. Darugachi served on the lands of Rus' mainly as advisers and advised the khan. Although the responsibility for collecting and delivering tribute and conscripts belonged to the Baskaks, with the transition from the Baskaks to the Darugachs, these responsibilities were actually transferred to the princes themselves, when the Khan saw that the princes could handle it quite well.
The first census conducted by the Mongols took place in 1257, just 17 years after the conquest of Russian lands. The population was divided into dozens - the Chinese had such a system, the Mongols adopted it, using it throughout their entire empire. The main purpose of the census was conscription as well as taxation. Moscow continued this practice even after it stopped recognizing the Horde in 1480. The practice attracted the interest of foreign visitors to Russia, for whom large-scale censuses were still unknown. One such visitor, Sigismund von Herberstein of Habsburg, noted that every two or three years the prince conducted a census of the entire land. The population census did not become widespread in Europe until the early 19th century. One significant remark that we must make: the thoroughness with which the Russians carried out the census could not be achieved in other parts of Europe during the era of absolutism for about 120 years. The influence of the Mongol Empire, at least in this area, was apparently deep and effective and helped create a strong centralized government for the Rus.
One of the important innovations that the Baskaks oversaw and supported was the pits (post system), which were built to provide travelers with food, lodging, horses, and carts or sleighs, depending on the time of year. Originally built by the Mongols, the yam allowed for the relatively rapid movement of important dispatches between the khans and their governors, as well as the rapid dispatch of envoys, local or foreign, between the various principalities throughout the vast empire. At each post there were horses to carry authorized persons, as well as to replace tired horses on particularly long trips. Each post was usually about a day's drive from the nearest post. Local residents were required to support caretakers, feed horses, and meet the needs of officials traveling on official business.
The system was quite effective. Another report by Sigismund von Herberstein of the Habsburg stated that the pit system allowed him to travel 500 kilometers (from Novgorod to Moscow) in 72 hours - much faster than anywhere else in Europe. The yam system helped the Mongols maintain tight control over their empire. During the dark years of the Mongols' presence in Rus' at the end of the 15th century, Prince Ivan III decided to continue using the idea of the yam system in order to preserve the established communications and intelligence system. However, the idea of a postal system as we know it today would not emerge until the death of Peter the Great in the early 1700s.
Some of the innovations brought to Rus' by the Mongols satisfied the needs of the state for a long time and continued for many centuries after the Golden Horde. This greatly enhanced the development and expansion of the complex bureaucracy of later, imperial Russia.
Founded in 1147, Moscow remained an insignificant city for more than a hundred years. At that time, this place lay at the crossroads of three main roads, one of which connected Moscow with Kiev. The geographical location of Moscow deserves attention, since it is located on the bend of the Moscow River, which merges with the Oka and Volga. Through the Volga, which allows access to the Dnieper and Don rivers, as well as the Black and Caspian seas, there have always been enormous opportunities for trade with neighbors and distant lands. With the advance of the Mongols, crowds of refugees began to arrive from the devastated southern part of Rus', mainly from Kyiv. Moreover, the actions of the Moscow princes in favor of the Mongols contributed to the rise of Moscow as a center of power.
Even before the Mongols granted Moscow the label, Tver and Moscow were constantly fighting for power. The main turning point occurred in 1327, when the population of Tver began to rebel. Seeing this as an opportunity to please the khan of his Mongol overlords, Prince Ivan I of Moscow with a huge Tatar army suppressed the uprising in Tver, restoring order in that city and winning the favor of the khan. To demonstrate loyalty, Ivan I was also given a label, and thus Moscow moved one step closer to fame and power. Soon the princes of Moscow took on the responsibility of collecting taxes throughout the land (including themselves), and eventually the Mongols assigned this task solely to Moscow and stopped the practice of sending their own tax collectors. However, Ivan I was more than a shrewd politician and a model of common sense: he was perhaps the first prince to replace the traditional horizontal succession scheme with a vertical one (although this was only fully achieved by the second reign of Prince Vasily in the middle of 1400). This change led to greater stability in Moscow and thus strengthened its position. As Moscow grew thanks to the collection of tribute, its power over other principalities became more and more established. Moscow received land, which meant it collected more tribute and gained greater access to resources, and therefore more power.
At a time when Moscow was becoming more and more powerful, the Golden Horde was in a state of general disintegration caused by riots and coups. Prince Dmitry decided to attack in 1376 and succeeded. Soon after, one of the Mongol generals, Mamai, attempted to create his own horde in the steppes west of the Volga, and he decided to challenge the authority of Prince Dmitry on the banks of the Vozha River. Dmitry defeated Mamai, which delighted the Muscovites and of course angered the Mongols. However, he gathered an army of 150 thousand people. Dmitry assembled an army of comparable size, and the two armies met near the Don River on the Kulikovo Field in early September 1380. Dmitry's Russians, although they lost about 100,000 people, won. Tokhtamysh, one of Tamerlane's generals, soon captured and executed General Mamai. Prince Dmitry became known as Dmitry Donskoy. However, Moscow was soon sacked by Tokhtamysh and again had to pay tribute to the Mongols.
But the great Battle of Kulikovo in 1380 was a symbolic turning point. Even though the Mongols took brutal revenge on Moscow for its insubordination, the power that Moscow showed grew and its influence over other Russian principalities expanded. In 1478, Novgorod finally submitted to the future capital, and Moscow soon abandoned its submission to the Mongol and Tatar khans, thus ending more than 250 years of Mongol rule.
Results of the period of the Tatar-Mongol yoke
Evidence suggests that the many consequences of the Mongol invasion extended to the political, social and religious aspects of Rus'. Some of them, such as the growth of the Orthodox Church, had a relatively positive impact on the Russian lands, while others, such as the loss of the veche and the centralization of power, contributed to the end of the spread of traditional democracy and self-government for the various principalities. Because of its influence on language and government, the impact of the Mongol invasion is still evident today. Perhaps with the chance to experience the Renaissance, as in other Western European cultures, Russia's political, religious and social thought will be very different from the political reality of today. Under the control of the Mongols, who adopted many of the ideas of government and economics from the Chinese, the Russians became perhaps a more Asian country in terms of administration, and the deep Christian roots of the Russians established and helped maintain a connection with Europe. The Mongol invasion, perhaps more than any other historical event, determined the course of development of the Russian state - its culture, political geography, history and national identity.
In the late autumn of 1480, the Great Stand on the Ugra ended. It is believed that after this there was no more Mongol-Tatar yoke in Rus'.
INSULT
The conflict between the Grand Duke of Moscow Ivan III and the Khan of the Great Horde Akhmat arose, according to one version, due to non-payment of tribute. But a number of historians believe that Akhmat received tribute, but went to Moscow because he did not wait for the personal presence of Ivan III, who was supposed to receive the label for the great reign. Thus, the prince did not recognize the authority and power of the khan.
Akhmat should have been especially offended by the fact that when he sent ambassadors to Moscow to ask for tribute and quitrents for the past years, the Grand Duke again did not show due respect. In the “Kazan History” it is even written like this: “the Grand Duke was not afraid... taking the basma, spat on it, broke it, threw it to the ground and trampled under his feet.” Of course, such behavior of the Grand Duke is difficult to imagine, but a refusal to recognize Akhmat’s power followed.
The Khan's pride is confirmed in another episode. In Ugorshchina, Akhmat, who was not in the best strategic position, demanded that Ivan III himself come to the Horde headquarters and stand at the ruler’s stirrup, waiting for a decision to be made.
WOMEN'S PARTICIPATION
But Ivan Vasilyevich was concerned about his own family. People did not like his wife. Having panicked, the prince first of all saves his wife: “Ivan sent Grand Duchess Sophia (a Roman, as the chroniclers say) along with the treasury to Beloozero, giving orders to go further to the sea and ocean if the khan crosses the Oka,” wrote historian Sergei Solovyov. However, the people were not happy about her return from Beloozero: “Grand Duchess Sophia ran from the Tatars to Beloozero, but no one chased her away.”
Brothers, Andrei Galitsky and Boris Volotsky, rebelled, demanding to divide the inheritance of their deceased brother, Prince Yuri. Only when this conflict was resolved, not without the help of his mother, could Ivan III continue the fight against the Horde. In general, “women’s participation” in standing on the Ugra is great. If you believe Tatishchev, then it was Sophia who persuaded Ivan III to make a historic decision. The victory in the Stoanion is also attributed to the intercession of the Mother of God.
By the way, the amount of the required tribute was relatively low - 140,000 altyns. Khan Tokhtamysh, a century earlier, collected almost 20 times more from the Vladimir principality.
No savings were made when planning defense. Ivan Vasilyevich gave the order to burn the settlements. Residents were relocated inside the fortress walls.
There is a version that the prince simply paid off the khan after the Standing: he paid one part of the money on the Ugra, and the second after the retreat. Beyond the Oka, Andrei Menshoy, brother of Ivan III, did not attack the Tatars, but gave a “way out.”
INDECISIBILITY
The Grand Duke refused to take active action. Subsequently, his descendants approved of his defensive position. But some contemporaries had a different opinion.
At the news of Akhmat's approach, he panicked. The people, according to the chronicle, accused the prince of endangering everyone with his indecision. Fearing assassination attempts, Ivan left for Krasnoe Seltso. His heir, Ivan the Young, was with the army at that time, ignoring his father’s requests and letters demanding that he leave the army.
The Grand Duke nevertheless left in the direction of Ugra in early October, but did not reach the main forces. In the city of Kremenets, he waited for his brothers to reconcile with him. And at this time there were battles on the Ugra.
WHY DIDN'T THE POLISH KING HELP?
Akhmat Khan's main ally, the Grand Duke of Lithuania and the Polish King Casimir IV, never came to the rescue. The question arises: why?
Some write that the king was concerned about the attack of the Crimean Khan Mepgli-Girey. Others point to internal strife in the land of Lithuania - a “conspiracy of princes.” “Russian elements”, dissatisfied with the king, sought support from Moscow and wanted reunification with the Russian principalities. There is also an opinion that the king himself did not want conflicts with Russia. The Crimean Khan was not afraid of him: the ambassador had been negotiating in Lithuania since mid-October.
And the freezing Khan Akhmat, waiting for frost, and not reinforcements, wrote to Ivan III: “And now if you go away from the shore, because I have people without clothes, and horses without blankets. And the heart of winter will pass for ninety days, and I will be on you again, and the water I have to drink is muddy.”
Proud but careless Akhmat returned to the steppe with booty, ravaging the lands of his former ally, and remained to winter at the mouth of the Donets. There, the Siberian Khan Ivak, three months after the “Ugorshchina,” personally killed the enemy in his sleep. An ambassador was sent to Moscow to announce the death of the last ruler of the Great Horde. Historian Sergei Solovyov writes about it this way: “The last khan of the Golden Horde, formidable for Moscow, died from one of the descendants of Genghis Khan; he left behind sons who were also destined to die from Tatar weapons.”
Probably, the descendants still remained: Anna Gorenko considered Akhmat to be her ancestor on her mother’s side and, having become a poetess, took the pseudonym Akhmatova.
DISPUTES ABOUT PLACE AND TIME
Historians argue about where Stoyanie was on the Ugra. They also name the area near the Opakov settlement, the village of Gorodets, and the confluence of the Ugra and Oka. “A land road from Vyazma stretched to the mouth of the Ugra along its right, “Lithuanian” bank, along which Lithuanian help was expected and which the Horde could use for maneuvers. Even in the middle of the 19th century. The Russian General Staff recommended this road for the movement of troops from Vyazma to Kaluga,” writes historian Vadim Kargalov.
The exact date of Akhamat’s arrival in Ugra is also not known. Books and chronicles agree on one thing: this happened no earlier than the beginning of October. The Vladimir Chronicle, for example, is accurate down to the hour: “I came to Ugra in October on the 8th day of the week, at 1 o’clock in the afternoon.” In the Vologda-Perm Chronicle it is written: “the king went away from the Ugra on Thursday, the eve of Michaelmas” (November 7).
The Russian principalities before the Tatar-Mongol yoke and the Moscow state after gaining legal independence are, as they say, two big differences. It will not be an exaggeration that the unified Russian state, of which modern Russia is the direct heir, was formed during the period of the yoke and under its influence. The overthrow of the Tatar-Mongol yoke was not only the cherished goal of Russian identity during the second half of the 13th-15th centuries. It also turned out to be a means of creating a state, national mentality and cultural identity.
Approaching the Battle of Kulikovo...
Most people’s idea of the process of overthrowing the Tatar-Mongol yoke comes down to a very simplified scheme, according to which, before the Battle of Kulikovo, Rus' was enslaved by the Horde and did not even think about resistance, and after the Battle of Kulikovo, the yoke lasted another hundred years simply due to a misunderstanding. In reality, everything was more complicated.
The fact that the Russian principalities, although they generally recognized their vassal position in relation to the Golden Horde, did not stop trying to resist, is evidenced by a simple historical fact. Since the establishment of the yoke and throughout its entire length, about 60 major punitive campaigns, invasions and large-scale raids of Horde troops on Rus' are known from Russian chronicles. Obviously, in the case of completely conquered lands, such efforts are not required - this means that Rus' resisted, resisted actively, for centuries.
The Horde troops suffered their first significant military defeat on the territory controlled by Rus' about a hundred years before the Battle of Kulikovo. True, this battle took place during the internecine war for the grand-ducal throne of the Vladimir principality, which flared up between the sons of Alexander Nevsky 
. In 1285, Andrei Alexandrovich attracted the Horde prince Eltorai to his side and with his army went against his brother Dmitry Alexandrovich, who reigned in Vladimir. As a result, Dmitry Alexandrovich won a convincing victory over the Tatar-Mongol punitive corps.
Further, individual victories in military clashes with the Horde occurred, although not too often, but with stable consistency. Distinguished by his peacefulness and penchant for political solutions to all issues, the Moscow prince Daniil Alexandrovich, the youngest son of Nevsky, defeated the Mongol detachment near Pereyaslavl-Ryazan in 1301. In 1317, Mikhail Tverskoy defeated the army of Kavgady, which was attracted to his side by Yuri of Moscow.
The closer to the Battle of Kulikovo, the more confident the Russian principalities became, and unrest and unrest were observed in the Golden Horde, which could not but affect the balance of military forces.
In 1365, the Ryazan forces defeated the Horde detachment near the Shishevsky forest; in 1367, the Suzdal army won a victory at Pyana. Finally, in 1378, Dmitry of Moscow, the future Donskoy, won his dress rehearsal in the confrontation with the Horde: on the Vozha River he defeated an army under the command of Murza Begich, a close associate of Mamai.
Overthrow of the Tatar-Mongol yoke: the great Battle of Kulikovo
It is unnecessary to talk once again about the significance of the Battle of Kulikovo in 1380, as well as to retell the details of its immediate course. From childhood, everyone knows the dramatic details of how Mamai’s army pressed on the center of the Russian army and how, at the most decisive moment, the Ambush Regiment hit the Horde and their allies in the rear, turning the fate of the battle. It is also well known that for Russian self-awareness it became an event of great importance when, for the first time after the establishment of the yoke, the Russian army was able to give a large-scale battle to the invader and win. But it is worth remembering that the victory in the Battle of Kulikovo, with all its enormous moral significance, did not lead to the overthrow of the yoke.
Dmitry Donskoy managed to take advantage of the difficult political situation in the Golden Horde and embody his leadership abilities and the fighting spirit of his own army. However, just two years later, Moscow was taken by the forces of the legitimate khan of the Horde, Tokhtamysh (Temnik Mamai was a temporary usurper) and almost completely destroyed.
The young Principality of Moscow was not yet ready to fight on equal terms with the weakened but still powerful Horde. Tokhtamysh imposed an increased tribute on the principality (the previous tribute was retained in the same amount, but the population actually decreased by half; in addition, an emergency tax was introduced). Dmitry Donskoy undertook to send his eldest son Vasily to the Horde as a hostage. But the Horde had already lost political power over Moscow - Prince Dmitry Ivanovich managed to transfer power by inheritance independently, without any label from the khan. In addition, a few years later Tokhtamysh was defeated by another eastern conqueror, Timur, and for some period Rus' stopped paying tribute.
In the 15th century, tribute was generally paid with serious fluctuations, taking advantage of increasingly constant periods of internal instability in the Horde. In the 1430s - 1450s, the Horde rulers undertook several ruinous campaigns against Rus' - but in essence these were just predatory raids, and not attempts to restore political supremacy.
In fact, the yoke did not end in 1480...
In school exam papers on the history of Russia, the correct answer to the question “When and with what event did the period of the Tatar-Mongol yoke in Rus' end?” will be considered “In 1480, Standing on the Ugra River.” In fact, this is the correct answer - but from a formal point of view, it does not correspond to historical reality.
In fact, in 1476, the Grand Duke of Moscow Ivan III refused to pay tribute to the Khan of the Great Horde, Akhmat. Until 1480, Akhmat dealt with his other enemy, the Crimean Khanate, after which he decided to punish the rebellious Russian ruler. The two armies met at the Ugra River in September 1380. The Horde's attempt to cross the river was stopped by Russian troops. After this, the Standing itself began, lasting until the beginning of November. As a result, Ivan III was able to force Akhmat to retreat without unnecessary loss of life. Firstly, there were strong reinforcements on the way to the Russians. Secondly, Akhmat’s cavalry began to experience a shortage of fodder, and illnesses began in the army itself. Thirdly, the Russians sent a sabotage detachment to the rear of Akhmat, which was supposed to plunder the defenseless capital of the Horde.
As a result, the khan ordered a retreat - and this ended the Tatar-Mongol yoke of almost 250 years. However, from a formal diplomatic position, Ivan III and the Moscow state remained in vassal dependence on the Great Horde for another 38 years. In 1481, Khan Akhmat was killed, and another wave of struggle for power arose in the Horde. In the difficult conditions of the late 15th and early 16th centuries, Ivan III was not sure that the Horde would not be able to mobilize its forces again and organize a new large-scale campaign against Rus'. Therefore, being in fact a sovereign ruler and no longer paying tribute to the Horde, for diplomatic reasons in 1502, he officially recognized himself as a vassal of the Great Horde. But soon the Horde was finally defeated by its eastern enemies, so that in 1518 all vassal relations, even at the formal level, between the Moscow State and the Horde were terminated.
Alexander Babitsky
The question of the date of the beginning and end of the Tatar-Mongol yoke in Russian historiography as a whole did not cause controversy. In this short post I will try to dot all the i’s in this matter, at least for those who are preparing for the Unified State Exam in history, that is, as part of the school curriculum.
The concept of the “Tatar-Mongol yoke”
However, first it is worth getting rid of the very concept of this yoke, which represents an important historical phenomenon in the history of Russia. If we turn to ancient Russian sources (“The Tale of the Ruin of Ryazan by Batu”, “Zadonshchina”, etc.), then the invasion of the Tatars is perceived as a God-given reality. The very concept of “Russian land” disappears from the sources and other concepts arise: “Zalesskaya Horde” (“Zadonshchina”), for example.
The “yoke” itself was not called that word. The words “captivity” are more common. Thus, within the framework of medieval providential consciousness, the Mongol invasion was perceived as an inevitable punishment of the Lord.
Historian Igor Danilevsky, for example, also believes that this perception is due to the fact that, due to their negligence, the Russian princes in the period from 1223 to 1237: 1) did not take any measures to protect their lands, and 2) continued to maintain a fragmented state and create civil strife. It was for this fragmentation that God punished the Russian land, in the view of his contemporaries.
The very concept of “Tatar-Mongol yoke” was introduced by N.M. Karamzin in his monumental work. From it, by the way, he deduced and substantiated the need for an autocratic form of government in Russia. The emergence of the concept of the yoke was necessary in order, firstly, to justify Russia’s lag behind European countries, and, secondly, to justify the need for this Europeanization.
If you look at different school textbooks, the dating of this historical phenomenon will be different. However, it often dates from 1237 to 1480: from the beginning of Batu’s first campaign against Rus' and ending with the Standing on the Ugra River, when Khan Akhmat left and thereby tacitly recognized the independence of the Moscow state. In principle, this is a logical dating: Batu, having captured and defeated North-Eastern Rus', had already subjugated part of the Russian lands to himself.
However, in my classes I always determine the date of the beginning of the Mongol yoke as 1240 - after Batu’s second campaign against Southern Rus'. The meaning of this definition is that then the entire Russian land was already subordinated to Batu and he had already imposed duties on it, established Baskaks in the captured lands, etc.
If you think about it, the date of the beginning of the yoke can also be determined as 1242 - when Russian princes began to come to the Horde with gifts, thereby recognizing their dependence on the Golden Horde. Quite a few school encyclopedias list the start date of the yoke under this year.
The date of the end of the Mongol-Tatar yoke is usually placed at 1480 after the Standing on the river. Eel. However, it is important to understand that for a long time the Muscovite kingdom was disturbed by the “splinters” of the Golden Horde: the Kazan Khanate, the Astrakhan Khanate, the Crimean Khanate... The Crimean Khanate was completely liquidated in 1783. Therefore, yes, we can talk about formal independence. But with reservations.
Best regards, Andrey Puchkov
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