Now few people remember who Zhanna Bolotova is, although in the 70s she was considered one of the most beautiful actresses in the Soviet Union. In the late 80s, she suddenly disappeared from the screens. Only now has it become known why Bolotova left the profession.
By the way, she recently turned 76 years old. I would like to congratulate the People's Artist of the RSFSR on the holiday and remind a wide audience about her.
At the age of 16, Bolotova played in a movie for the first time. It was a film directed by Lev Kulidzhanov and Yakov Segel “The House in Which I Live.” After this, the girl entered VGIK, where she studied with such beauties as Natalya Kustinskaya, Svetlana Svetlichnaya, Larisa Kadochnikova, Galina Polskikh and Larisa Luzhina.
Compared to these girls, Bolotova considered her appearance not so attractive. But directors, students and spectators thought differently. Her teacher Sergei Gerasimov more than once invited the girl to appear in his films. In addition to her attractiveness, the director noticed remarkable acting abilities in the girl.
After studying, Zhanna began working at the Film Actor's Studio Theatre. Both in films and on stage she had to play the roles of gentle beauties with a strong character. Bolotova succeeded in this, probably due to the fact that there was practically no need to play anything, because in everyday life this is exactly what she was like.
As for her personal life, the actress never felt a lack of fans. For the first time, Bolotova got married very early. Her chosen one was the young actor Nikolai Dvigubsky. Just a year later, Zhanna’s former boyfriend Nikolai Gubenko got her to return to him. They still live together.
In the late 80s, Zhanna stopped acting in films, and her husband stopped working as a director. The couple spent six months at a time at the dacha, returning to Moscow only for the autumn-winter period.
They do not participate in social events and do not give interviews. Only once, in 2005, Bolotova made an exception, starring in the film “Zhmurki”. The reason for this action is simple: the woman considered Balabanov one of the few modern directors who made decent films.
Bolotova once admitted that she and her husband could not come to terms with the collapse of the Soviet Union. The woman says that they still have a small USSR at home, and she will never be as happy as then.
“I don’t want to do braces. And I don’t like the roles that are offered to me, given my current appearance. Let the viewer better remember me as a sophisticated young beauty from Soviet films,” says Bolotova.
As for the actress’s husband, he at one time became a politician and was even the last Minister of Culture of the USSR, and then became a deputy. Zhanna realized that she needed to completely switch to caring for the house and her husband.
It is also interesting that Bulat Okudzhava dedicated his songs to Zhanna Bolotova. I suggest you listen to one of them...
Fans of the actress’s work can only come to terms with her choice and review the films in which Jeanne played: “Wounded Animals”, “People and Beasts”, “And Life, and Tears, and Love”, as well as many others.
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The forgotten genius of the revolution.
We all know the names of the leaders of the October Revolution - Lenin, Trotsky, Bukharin. But few people remember that the ideological inspirer of the revolution in Russia was Parvus Alexander Lvovich, whose name communist historians tried not to remember.
But first things first, the future revolutionary Israel Lazarevich Gelfand was born in 1867 in Belarus, into a poor family. But this did not stop him from going to Switzerland to study when he grew up. In Europe, our hero became imbued with Marxist ideas and became close to the “Emancipation of Labor” group, which included G. Plekhanov,
V. Zasulich. In 1891, he received his PhD, moved to Germany and joined the German Social Democratic Party. In the 1890s in Munich, Helphand's apartment became a meeting center for German and Russian Marxists. At this time he communicated quite closely with V.I. Lenin and R. Luxemburg. From the very beginning of the Iskra publishing house, he began publishing in the newspaper. In 1894, he signed one of the articles as Parvus, and under this name he went down in history. The fiery revolutionary Trotsky considered Parvus an outstanding Marxist figure! But Lev Davidovich also later recalled that he had two mutually exclusive dreams. One dream is about a revolution in Russia, the second is to get rich!!!
The 1902 incident with the writer M. Gorky speaks about the moral character of our Marxist. Parvus was the writer's agent and staged the play "At the Bottom" on stages in Germany with great success. Part of the money from the production was to be received by Parvus (agent's fee), the second part was intended for Gorky, and the third was to go to the party treasury of the RSDLP. However, Gorky claimed that no one except Parvus saw the money!
1905 was the most fruitful year for Parvus; he actively participated in the revolution: he wrote proclamations and spoke at factories to workers. At the same time, he published the famous “Financial Manifesto,” which spoke about corruption in the Russian government, its financial insolvency and false balance sheets. For this opus he was sentenced to 3 years of exile, but Parvus fled before reaching his destination. In subsequent years, he became interested in the revolution in the Balkans, then participated in the revolutionary movement in Turkey. In Constantinople, his dream came true - he finally became rich, becoming a representative of German companies supplying weapons to Turkey.
With the outbreak of World War I, Parvus took a pro-German position. In Constantinople, he met with the German envoy and this fact was documented by the Austrian historian Elisabeth Hersch! She also found in the archives secret telegrams from the German Foreign Ministry and the embassies of Switzerland, Denmark and Sweden, which testified to the preparation of a revolution in Russia. Of course, these countries did not really want Russia, which was gaining momentum, to win the war. And not the least role in the death of the empire was played by Parvus. In 1915, he provided the German Secretary of State Jagow with a “Plan of Preparation for the Revolution,” in which he described how to lead Russia out of the First World War with the help of revolutionary agitation:
1. strikes at arms factories;
2. explosions of railway bridges (this would interrupt the supply of ammunition to the army);
3. agitation among workers and peasants (especially in port cities);
4. organization of uprisings directed against tsarism;
5. support for party newspapers abroad;
6. inciting anti-Russian sentiments in Ukraine, Finland, and the Caucasus;
7. organizing escapes of political prisoners from prisons and hard labor.
All this, according to Parvus, should have led to the abdication of the tsar, whose place would be taken by a government ready to negotiate with Germany. Parvus asked for 5 million rubles to implement his program. The Germans allocated 2 million. Having received an advance of 1 million rubles, Parvus transferred it to his accounts in Copenhagen and founded an enterprise that was engaged in trade transactions, including illegal sales of coal and weapons in Germany, Russia and Denmark. A true “patriot”, he sold weapons to the enemies of his Motherland! He invested the proceeds from his deals in creating media that turned the whole world against the tsarist regime of Russia.
In 1915, he separated from the Bolsheviks. Trotsky published an article in the Iskra newspaper, where he called Parvus a traitor.
Parvus promised the Germans that the plan would be implemented in 1916, but he was mistaken because there were quite patriotic sentiments in Russia! In addition, Lenin categorically refused to unite with other social parties (many of them took patriotic positions in relation to the warring Russia).
Then there was the February revolution with the Provisional Government, which continued the war with Germany, and only after the rebellion in October 1917, led by the Bolsheviks, fed by the Germans, Parvus’s plan came true. In 1918, a separate peace was signed between the Bolshevik government and Germany (the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk), according to which vast Russian territories were ceded to the Germans.
After these events, Parvus was no longer needed by either side. Imperial Germany was wary of his social democratic views, and Lenin's government decided not to bring him into its ranks. Beginning in 1918, he began to criticize Lenin and his policy of nationalizing banks (due to this, Parvus lost millions stored in the accounts of Russian banks). Then he decided to raise the funds necessary for propaganda against the Bolsheviks, but it was too late! The communists seized power and had no intention of giving it up.
In 1921, Parvus retired from revolutionary affairs and settled in Germany, where he died in 1924. All his records and bank accounts disappeared without a trace.
In August 1968, not only Soviet troops entered Czechoslovakia to suppress the Prague Spring. Few people remember this, or simply do not want to remember. Together with the Soviet Army, German, Polish, Bulgarian, and Hungarian military units restored order in the country.
In general, the number of troops brought into Czechoslovakia was: - USSR - 18 motorized rifle, tank and airborne divisions, 22 aviation and helicopter regiments, about 170,000 people; - Poland - 5 infantry divisions, up to 40,000 people; - GDR - motorized rifle and tank divisions, up to 15,000 people in total; - Hungary - 8th motorized rifle division, separate units, total 12,500 people; - Bulgaria - 12th and 22nd Bulgarian motorized rifle regiments, with a total number of 2164 people. and one Bulgarian tank battalion with 26 T-34 vehicles.
The strict “don’t shoot” policy put Soviet military personnel in the most disadvantageous position. Confident of complete impunity, the “young democrats” threw stones and Molotov cocktails at Soviet soldiers, insulted them and spat in their faces. Yuri Zemkov, standing on guard at the monument to Soviet soldiers-liberators, was hit in the chest with a triangular bayonet by someone from the crowd of people eager to desecrate the monument to those who died in 1945. His comrades raised their machine guns, but, following the order, did not shoot.
As soon as the GDR soldiers appeared nearby, everything became calm. The Germans, without hesitation, used weapons. In our time, they prefer to remain silent about the participation of troops from Bulgaria, Poland, Hungary and the GDR in the operation. Why, after all, all these countries merged in a single ecstasy with NATO and the EEC! Some have already written that the GDR troops did not enter Czechoslovakia. However, those who personally took part in those events recall: “The Czechs lying on the roads seriously slowed down the advance of Soviet mechanized and tank columns. The tank columns of the GDR passed without even stopping, right over those lying on the roads...”
Polish troops behaved similarly to the Germans in Czechoslovakia. As one of the Soviet soldiers recalls: “The Germans stood next to us, walking almost with their sleeves rolled up... At first, someone tried to organize something like barricades of cars in their way. But the Germans were not at a loss and simply moved with their tanks, without even turning around. And in general, wherever they saw a sidelong glance, as soon as anything happened, they entered into a fight. And the Poles didn’t give in either. I don’t know about the others. But the Czechs didn’t throw anything at them, much less shoot, they were afraid. .."
We must not forget about the problem of the Sudetenland and the German minority on the territory of Czechoslovakia, which, like a thorn, poisoned relations between the countries for many years. After entering the territory of Czechoslovakia, the officers of the GDR began to develop amazing activity in agitating the German minority in the Sudetenland. Their actions were clearly aimed at the impending annexation of the Sudetenland. One of the witnesses, a representative of the German minority Otto Klaus, says:
On August 21, 1968, I turned on the radio and started shaving. Suddenly I heard the first phrase on the Prague radio station: “... do not provoke the Soviet occupiers, prevent bloodshed.” I dropped everything and ran out into the street like lightning. In Liberec on the streets I saw German units in combat readiness. One column after another, only Germans. I only heard German commands. They're probably crazy in Prague. These are not Russians at all. These are the Germans.
When I entered my office, three GDR army officers were already sitting there. Without any ceremony they told me that they had come to free us from Czech oppression. They resolutely demanded my cooperation...
Two other Czechoslovakian citizens of German origin, Otmar Šimek and his friend Karel Haupt from Kadány, described two encounters with the East German occupying army as follows:
We were riding a motorcycle. A group of German soldiers stopped us and wanted to know if we had leaflets with us. They searched us, but found nothing. They asked us if we were part of the German minority. When we confirmed, they told us that we should build a “people's revolutionary militia” (Revolutionäre Volkswehr), since this territory would probably be annexed to the GDR. We thought it was a stupid joke. However, later, when we heard from other members of the German Cultural Union (Deutscher Kulturverband) that they were called for similar activities, we reported to Prague...
The Czechoslovak intelligence service - under the leadership of Josef Pavel - received hundreds of such reports. Members of national minorities - Germans, Poles, Hungarians living in Czechoslovakia, received an invitation to cooperate from the occupation units of the respective countries. Everyone wanted to quietly bite off their piece of the pie.
Terentyev Andrey
Few people remember now, but it’s a fact: in 1991, the annual Victory Parade was simply cancelled.
For several years it was not carried out at all.
In fact, they then adopted the “Victory is Dead” concept as official. The Victory contained too many values that were irrelevant for the era. It could not be canceled like November 7, but it had to be hidden deeper.
The rigidity of this concept was softened by an increase in the intensity of sentimentality. Yes, the central media sighed. There is no longer a victorious country. But all that remained were veterans! And no matter how monstrous our country was in that war (the monstrosity of the USSR was then an almost certainly recognized fact), the veterans still fought honestly. Let's honor them, because every year there are fewer of them left. Let them finish the celebration.This concept of “temporariness,” the residual nature of the Day, seems to be best expressed in the celebration of the 50th anniversary of the defeat of the Nazis. When it was impossible not to note, and it was impossible to demonstrate “nostalgia for Soviet power.”
The authorities, I remember, turned out to be cunning then: the canceled parade was held - but without military equipment, in the form of a strictly costumed procession. The Historical Museum - so that no one at a higher authority would suspect that Russia is “nostalgic for power” and wavers in its allegiance to the new world leaders - was hung with a poster of a Soviet soldier falling to his American ally. The TV was filled with inserts “Happy holiday, dear veterans!”, the whole holiday was strictly forced into a tearful farewell format.
The officialdom persistently signaled: be patient, this won’t last long. The “festival of Soviet superiority” will soon end. With the last one who fought.
In fact, this farewell sentimentality acted in close conjunction with the so-called Terrible Truth. Along with the “penal battalions”, rezunism, SMERSHEV vampires roaming the screens and raped German women. Both of them - the Terrible Truth and Farewell Sentimentality - worked harmoniously to knock Victory out from under the feet of today's citizens. And so that they don’t feel like they have a right to something in this world today.
...The most interesting thing is that the second life of Victory Day did not begin in Russia. It began in the “Soviet diaspora”, in the newly formed independent republics. It was there and precisely in the 90s that the Day for the first time turned from a “holiday with tears in our eyes” into a holiday of modernity and the present day. For it became a day, if you like, for demonstrating civilizational identity, a “Russian holiday” - from Tallinn to Sevastopol.
For any Russian resident of Riga at the turn of the millennium, going to Victory Park on May 9, buying flowers and laying them at the monument to the liberators of the city, and then walking in a crowd of one hundred thousand until the evening meant not honoring the past, but making it clear to the present: “We are the ones who won. And we are alive, and we are still here." Moscow guests who arrived to relax and became random witnesses were touched: “What a lively holiday you have. But for us it’s just like that – go and watch the fireworks.”
However, a few years later, the second life of Victory Day began in Russia. Since one day the first few hundred thousand citizens decorated themselves with St. George’s ribbons. That is, they took to the streets with those very signs of self-identification, with the statement “Grandfather’s Victory is my Victory.”
Today it is useful to remember what wild opposition there was to these first modest signs.The main argument used was “it wasn’t you who fought.” “This is part of an order that you are not worthy of.” “It would be better to help veterans.” “It would be better if they set up a military cemetery.” “It would be better to deserve it than to be proud of ourselves” - millions of similar remarks were voiced from blogs to radio broadcasts.
All this was, in essence, a defensive reaction to the very “concept of self-denial” that was being introduced in the 90s. For those who promoted this concept and for those who wholeheartedly accepted it, it was deeply unpleasant to watch how Victory, instead of dying quietly, returned on new media.
It is curious that at that time there was no reason to blame the authorities for “pumping up Soviet nostalgia.” The authorities in the 2000s, on the contrary, simply stopped pumping citizens up with any kind of ideology, sharply reducing the intensity of revelations of the damned past. And in fact, she allowed the people to independently choose their symbols and holidays.
The people chose, and the authorities simply followed them. After which the process of returning Victory became unstoppable.
In our age of modern technology, photography seems to have completely lost its value: to get a lot of pictures, you just need to press a button on your smartphone or camera many times. But before, when digital photos could only be dreamed of, every frame was worth its weight in gold!
It’s great that many people still treasure old archival photos, with which they can plunge into the past and remember the old days. Celebrities are no exception to this rule, so we invite you to enjoy rare photographs of our celebrities before they began to bask in the glory.
Anna Semenovich has not changed at all since then!
Leonid Agutin at the evening in memory of Konstantin Simonov. Moscow, 1984
Alika Smekhova with her father Veniamin Smekhov, a famous actor and director
Do you recognize the girl driving? Yes, this is Lera Kudryavtseva herself in her youth!
Cute blonde in the photo - Maria Kozhevnikova with her friend at McDonald's
Nastya Zadorozhnaya and Sergei Lazarev in the early 90s. The guys often toured with the group “Fidgets” in the countries of the post-Soviet space.
Roza Syabitova with children 20 years ago
Larisa Guzeeva in her youth
Young and green Vladimir Presnyakov and Leonid Agutin
Alla Pugacheva during filming in Tallinn, 1978
Philip Kirkorov and Vyacheslav Dobrynin
Natasha Koroleva and Igor Krutoy in the early 1990s
Meeting of Joseph Kobzon with Yuri Gagarin
These photographs from the “past life” of stars allow you to plunge into the atmosphere when the past was the present. It is true what they say is that images captured on film have a special mood; they resemble a still from a film. And if professionals work on digital photographs for hours, giving the necessary contrast, brightness and saturation, correcting color correction and defects, then the photographs of bygone times are beautiful without any changes or interventions.
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