Preface
The letters of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna to Nicholas II contained in this edition, numbering four hundred, cover the period from July 1914 to December 17, 1916. In the original, all letters are carefully renumbered, starting with No. 231. Thus, during these four years, the number of letters is twice as large as the number written during the entire previous period, which was over twenty years. This is explained by the fact that the Emperor had to be separated from the Empress very rarely, while during the war Nicholas II was mostly absent and Alexandra Feodorovna wrote to him every day, in addition to frequently sending telegrams. The letters end on December 17th, the day of Gr.'s murder. Rasputin. Having received news of this, Nicholas II immediately left for Tsarskoe Selo and returned to Headquarters only in the last days of February, when revolutionary ferment had already begun in St. Petersburg.
The Empress's letters were found in Yekaterinburg after the murder of the royal family in a black box with the initials N.A. engraved on it. They were kept there along with the letters of Emperor Wilhelm, already published. The letters to the Tsar are all written in English, but some names, individual words, and sometimes entire phrases are written in Russian. What is written in Russian is highlighted in italics both in the English text and in the Russian translation.
In view of the enormous political significance of the letters, they are supplemented by numerous notes compiled on the basis of the testimony of persons close to the royal family, some books that have appeared in print (such as the Memoirs of the former tutor Heir Gilliard, the Memoirs of the former French ambassador in St. Petersburg Paleologus, etc.) , as well as thorough newspaper reports relating to the events mentioned in the letters. The notes were intended to comprehensively illuminate the vivid picture of the state of the Russian court and bureaucratic St. Petersburg, which the letters paint in great detail, eliminating at the same time the mass of accumulated legends, gossip and fables.
The second volume also contains an index of names found in letters that played any political role in those years.
№ 1
My sweet treasure, my dear,
You will read these lines when you lie down in bed in a strange place, in an unfamiliar house. May God grant that the journey be pleasant and interesting, and not too tiring and not too much dust. I'm so glad I have a map so I can keep an eye on you hourly. I will miss you terribly, but I am glad for you that you will be away for two days and get new impressions, and will not hear anything about Anya’s stories. My heart hurts, it’s hard for me: Are kindness and love always rewarded like this? First the black family, and now here it is... They always say that you can’t love enough: here we gave her our hearts, our home, even our privacy, and what did we gain from it? It's hard not to feel bitter, it seems so cruel and unfair.
May God have mercy and help us. I have such a heaviness in my heart, I am in despair that she (Anya) is causing you anxiety and causing unpleasant conversations that do not allow you to rest. Well, try to forget everything in these two days. I bless and baptize you, and hold you tightly in my arms. I kiss you all with endless love and tenderness. Tomorrow morning, at about 9 o'clock, I will be at church and will try to go again on Thursday. It helps me to pray for you when we are apart. I can’t get used to not having you here in the house, even for a short time, even though I have our five treasures with me.
Sleep well, my sunshine, my precious one, a thousand tender kisses from your old wife.
The Lord will bless and protect you.
№ 2
My favorite,
I am very sad not to accompany you, but it seemed to me that it was better for me to stay quietly here with the children. My soul and heart are always with you: with tender love and passion I surround you with my prayers. I am glad, therefore, that as soon as you leave tomorrow, I can go to the all-night vigil, and in the morning at 9 o’clock to mass. I'll have lunch with Anya, Maria and Anastasia and go to bed early. Marie Baryatinskaya will have breakfast with us and spend her last day with me. I hope that you have a smooth sailing journey and that the trip will be pleasant and relaxing for you. You need him because you seemed so pale today.
I will miss you painfully, my own dear. Sleep well, my treasure. My bed will be, alas, so empty.
I bless and kiss you. Very tender kisses from your old wife.
№ 3
My dear, my dear,
I am so happy for you that you are finally able to go, as I know how deeply you have suffered all this time. Your restless sleep proved it. I deliberately did not touch upon this issue, because I knew and perfectly understood your feelings and at the same time understood that it was better for you not to be at the head of the army now. This journey will be a small consolation for you, and I hope that you will be able to see many troops. I can imagine their joy at the sight of you and also all your feelings, and I grieve that I cannot be with you and see all this. It is more difficult than ever to say goodbye to you, my angel. The emptiness after your departure is so sensitive, and I also know that, despite everything you have to do, you will miss your little family and dear “Agunyushka”. He will soon recover now that our Friend has seen him; and this will be a relief for you.
If only there was good news while you are gone, because my heart bleeds at the thought that you have to bear difficult news alone. Caring for the wounded is my consolation, and that’s why I even wanted to go there on the last morning while you were receiving, in order to maintain my cheerfulness and not cry in front of you. Easing their suffering at least a little helps a sore heart. Besides everything that I have to experience with you and with our dear country and our people, I suffer for my “little old home” and for its troops, and for Ernie and Irina, and many friends experiencing grief there. But how many people are going through this now! And then, what a shame, what a humiliation to think that the Germans can behave the way they behave! From an egoistic point of view, I suffer terribly from this separation. We are not used to it, and I love my precious sweet boy so endlessly. It has already been twenty years that I have belonged to you, and what bliss it has been for your little wife!
How good it will be if you see dear Olga. This will cheer her up and will be good for you too. I will give you a letter and things for the wounded to give to her.
My love, my telegrams cannot be very ardent, since they pass through so many military hands, but between the lines you will read all my love and longing for you.
My dear, if you somehow feel out of order, be sure to call Fedorov, right, and keep an eye on Fredericks.
My fervent prayers follow you day and night. May the Lord protect you, may he protect, guide and guide you, and bring you home healthy and strong.
I bless and love you, as rarely has anyone ever been loved, and I kiss every dear place, and I hold you tenderly to my heart. Forever your own old wife.
The image will lie under my pillow this night before I send it to you with my warm blessing.
№ 4
My own dear
I'm relaxing in bed before lunch, the girls have gone to church, and Baby is finishing lunch. He only occasionally has mild pain. Ah, my love, it was hard to say goodbye to you and see your lonely pale face, with big sad eyes, in the window of the carriage. My heart said: take me with you. If only there was N.P.S. with you or Mordovian, if there was a young, loving face near you, you would feel less lonely and you would be “warmer.” I came home and then couldn’t stand it: I burst into tears, prayed, then lay down and smoked to recover. When my eyes became more decent, I went to Alexey and lay for some time next to him on the sofa, in the dark. The rest calmed me down, as I was tired in every way. At quarter past four I came down to see Lazarev and give him a small icon for the regiment. I didn’t say that it was from you, because in that case you would have to give (such icons) to all the newly formed regiments. The girls worked in warehouse. At four and a half, Tatyana and I received Neidgardt on the affairs of her committee. The first meeting will be at the Winter Palace on Wednesday after prayer service. Again I will not take part. It's comforting to see the girls working alone. They will be better known, and they will learn to be useful. During tea I read reports and then finally received a letter from Victoria with the date September 1/13. It took a long time to arrive by courier. I'm writing down what might interest you:
“We lived through troubled days during the long retreat of the Allied armies in France. Quite between us (so, honey, don't talk about it), the French initially left it to the English army to withstand the full pressure of a strong German attack from the flank, and if the English troops had been less stubborn, not only they, but the entire French force would have been defeated. This has now been corrected, and the two French generals who were guilty of this matter have been removed by Joffre and replaced by others. One of them had in his pocket six unopened notes from the English Commander-in-Chief French. Another, in response to a call for help, kept saying that his horses were too tired. This, however, is already history, but it cost us the lives and freedom of many good officers and soldiers. Fortunately, we managed to hide it, and most people here don’t know about what happened.” “The 500,000 recruits that were needed have almost arrived and are training hard all day long. Many representatives of the upper classes entered the army and set a good example. There is talk of calling up another 500,000, including contingents from the colonies. I am not sure that I liked the plan of transporting Indian troops to fight in Europe, but they are crack regiments and, when they served in China and Egypt, they maintained excellent discipline, so that those in the know are confident that they will do very well. lead, will not rob or commit murder. All senior officers are British. Ernie's friend, the Maharajah of Biskanira arrives with his own contingent. The last time I saw him was as a guest at Ernie's in Wolfsgarten. Georgie wrote us a report about his participation in the maritime affairs near Heligoland. He commanded the front turret and fired a number of shells. His superiors say he acted calmly and judiciously. S. are having dinner with us, so I will stop writing and close my eyes a little, and finish the letter this evening. -
Marie and Dmitry were in good spirits; they left at 10 o’clock to get to Pavel’s. Baby was anxious and fell asleep only after 11, but there was no severe pain. The girls went to bed, and I surprised Anya, who was lying on the sofa in the big palace. She now has a blockage in her veins, so Princess Gedroits visited her again and told her to lie down for a few days. She drove into town by motor to see our Friend, and it tired her leg. I returned at 11 and went to bed. Mechanical engineer seems to be close. My face is bandaged as my jaw hurts slightly, my eyes are still sore and swollen and my heart yearns for the most precious creature on earth that belongs to old Sunny. Our Friend is happy for you that you went and was so glad to see you yesterday. He is always afraid that Bonheur, i.e. jackdaws, they want him to get the throne of P. or Galitsky. This is their goal. But I told Anya to calm him down, that even out of gratitude you would never risk this. Gr.[igory] loves you jealously and cannot stand N. playing any role. Ksenia responded to my telegram. She's sad that she didn't see you before you left. Her train has started. I was mistaken: Schulenburg cannot be here before tomorrow or evening, so I will only get up to go to church a little later. I am sending you six small items to give as gifts to someone. Maybe Ivanov, Ruzsky or whoever you want. Loman invented them. These shiny bags are supposed to protect from rain and dirt. Darling, I’m finishing now and leaving the letter outside the door, it should be sent in the morning at half past nine. Farewell, my joy, my sunshine, Niki, dear treasure. Baby kisses you, and the wife covers you with tender kisses. God will bless, protect and strengthen you. I kissed and blessed your pillow, everything that is in my thoughts and prayers is inseparable from you. Your own
Talk to Fedorov about doctors and students.
Don't forget to tell the generals to stop their quarrels.
Hello everyone, I hope poor old Fredericks is ok. Make sure he eats only light food and doesn’t drink wine.
№ 5
My dear, beloved,
What a joy it was to receive your two-dear telegrams. I thank God for the good news. It was such a comfort to receive a telegram immediately after your arrival. May God bless your presence there. I so hope and believe that you will see all the troops. Baby had a rather restless night, but there was no real pain. I got up to kiss him before going to church at 11 o'clock. Had breakfast with my girls on the couch. Becker has arrived. Then she lay next to Alexei’s bed for a whole hour and then went straight to the train. Not too many wounded were brought in. Two officers from the same regiment and companies One soldier also died on the way. Their lungs suffered greatly after the rain and crossing the Neman in the water. There were no acquaintances - all army regiments. One soldier remembered that he saw us in Moscow that summer Khodynka. Paretsky it has become worse due to heart disease and overwork, he looks very bad, his face is drawn, his eyes are bulging, his beard has turned grey. The poor fellow makes a bad impression, but he is not injured. Then the five of us went to Anya’s and drank tea there early. At three we went to our little hospital to put on our robes, and from there to a large hospital, where we worked diligently. At half past six I had to return with M(aria) and A(nastasia), as I had arrived squad with Masha's brother Vasilchikova at the head. Then - back to the small hospital where the children worked, and I bandaged three newly arrived officers. Then she showed Karangozov and Zhdanov how to really play dominoes. After lunch and prayer with Baby, I went to Anya, where all four girls were already there, and saw N.P. who had lunch with her. He was very happy to see us as he feels very lonely and useless. Princess Ged. (Royts) came to look at Anya’s leg, which I then bandaged. We gave her a cup of tea. Got there N.P. in the engine and released it near the station. Bright moon, cold night. Baby is fast asleep. The whole little family kisses you tenderly. My angel, you are fearless, and every night when I woke up, I tried not to make any noise so as not to wake you up. It's so sad in church without you. Farewell my dear, my prayers and thoughts follow you everywhere. I bless and kiss you endlessly, every dear favorite place.
Your old wife.
Book Orlova leaves for Baranovichi for two days on a date with my husband. Anya heard from Sashki and two letters from his brother.
№ 6
My dear darling,
I was so sad that I couldn’t write to you yesterday, but I had a crazy headache, and I lay in a dark room all evening. In the morning we went to cave temple for half the service. It was lovely. Earlier I went to see Baby. Then we went to pick up Princess G. to see Anya.
My head already hurt, and now I can’t take medicine for heart pain either.
We worked from 10 to 1 o'clock, since there was an operation that lasted a long time.
After breakfast I had Schulenburg, who left again today because Rennenkampf told him to hurry back. Then I went upstairs to kiss Baby, and came down and lay on the bed until tea, after which I received the squad Sandra Shuvalova. And then I went to bed with a hellish headache. Anya was offended that I didn’t come to see her, but she had a lot of guests, and our Friend stayed for three hours. The night was not so great, and all day long I felt my head and also the expansion of my heart. I usually take the drops three or four times a day, because otherwise I can’t stand it, and these days I can’t do it. I read reports in bed and moved to the sofa for breakfast. Then I took the Rebinder couple from Kharkov(they have mine there stock), and she came from Vilna, where she went to say goodbye to her brother Kutaisov. He showed her the icon that I had sent to the battery from Baby. She seemed completely faded. Apparently they put it out for prayer every day and before every battle they pray in front of it. So touching!
Then I came to Baby and lay next to him in the twilight while Vlad. Nick. I read it to him. Now they both play together, and the girls too. We were drinking tea up here. The weather was clear, it was almost freezing at night.
Thank God, the news continues to be good, the Prussians are retreating. They were forced to do this by the impenetrable mud. Mecca writes that there are many cases of cholera and dysentery in Lvov, but they are taking sanitary measures. There we had to go through some difficult moments, judging by the newspapers. But I believe that nothing serious will happen. These Poles cannot be trusted, after all they are our enemies and Catholics should hate us.
I’ll finish the letter in the evening; I can’t write much at once. Dear angel, I am always with you in soul and heart.
I write on Anastasia's paper. Baby kisses you deeply. He has no pain at all. He is lying down because his knee is still swollen. I so hope that he will be up when you return. I received a letter from an old woman Orlova, which Ivan wrote that he wanted to continue his military service after the war. He told me the same thing. He " pilot Orlov of the 20th corps of the active army" He received the St. George Cross, has the right to another order, but perhaps he should be promoted to warrant officers or second lieutenants. He did reconnaissance under continuous fire is unpleasant. One day he flew alone especially high and it was so cold that he did not know what to do. His hands were freezing, the car stopped working, he no longer cared what happened to him, he was so cold. Then he began to pray and suddenly the machine began to work correctly again. When it’s pouring, you can’t fly, you have to sleep and sleep. He's great for flying alone so often; what nerves there must be! In fact, his father would be proud of him, which is why his grandmother is asking for him. I write terribly today, but my brain is tired and my head is heavy. - Oh, my dear, what a great joy it was when your precious letter was brought to me. I thank you for it from the bottom of my heart. It's so good that you wrote to me. I read excerpts from the letter to the girls and to Anya, who was allowed to come to dinner. She stayed until half past ten. How interesting everything must have been! Ruzsky He was probably deeply touched that you promoted him to adjutant general. And how happy “Agunyushka” will be that you wrote to him. Thank God he has no more pain. You are probably already further on the train, but how little time do you stay with Olga. What a reward for the brave garrison Osovets, if you go there! Or maybe in Grodno, if there are still troops there. Schulenburg I saw the lancers, their horses were completely exhausted, their backs were stuffed to the point of bleeding, people remained in the saddles for hours, the horses were completely weakened. Since the train was standing nearby Vilna, several officers came, and they slept alternately for several hours in his bed, enjoying this luxury of the train and the bed. It was an exceptional joy for them to find the real W.C. Knyazhevich didn’t want to leave there, it was so convenient for him there (Sh.’s wife told this But not).
And dear hubby misses his little wife. And I’m after you! But I have a sweet family to comfort me. Do you ever come into my section of the carriage? Please give Fred my warmest regards. Did you talk with Fedorov about military students and doctors? There was no telegram from you today. I think that means you didn't do anything special.
Now, my precious, my dear Nicky, I need to try to sleep. I will put this letter outside the door, it will be picked up at half past nine.
I didn't have any more ink in my pen, so I had to get another one.
Farewell my angel, God will save and protect you and bring you back healthy. All sorts of tender kisses and caresses from your loving and truly devoted little wife.
Anya thanks you for your greetings and sends her love.
№ 7
My dear darling,
I thank you from the bottom of my heart for your sweet letter. Your tender words touched me deeply and warmed my lonely heart. It was a deep disappointment for me that you were advised not to go to the fortress. This would be a true reward for these amazing brave men. It is said that "Ducky" went there for a thanksgiving service and heard cannon shots in the distance. Many troops are resting in Vilna, since the horses are so exhausted. I hope you can see them. Olga sent such a telegram full of happiness after she saw you. Dear child, she works so bravely and how many grateful hearts will take back with them the memory of her lively, sweet appearance, and others will take this memory home to their villages, and the fact that she is your sister will strengthen the bond between you and the people . I read such a wonderful article in an English newspaper! They praise our soldiers so much and say that their deep religiosity and reverence for the peace-loving Monarch motivate them to fight so bravely for the holy cause. How shameful it is that the Germans locked up the little Duchess of Luxembourg in a castle near Nuremberg. This is such an insult! Imagine, I received a letter from Gretchen without a signature and without a beginning, written in English and sent from England with an address written in a different handwriting. I can't imagine how she managed to send it. Anya’s leg is much better today, and I see that she expects to be up by your return. I would so much like her to be healthy now, and for her leg to hurt next week, then we could have a few nice, calm and cozy evenings that we could spend together. We only went to the hospital at 11 o’clock and captured the princess and Anya. We took part in two operations, she did them while sitting, so that I could pass the instruments to her while also sitting. One of the wounded was so funny when he came to himself again in bed. He sang all the time, at the top of his voice, and very well, waving his hand, from which I concluded that he was singing. And so it turned out. He was very cheerful and said he hoped he didn't use harsh words. He wants to be a hero and go to war again soon, as soon as his leg heals. The other smiled slyly and said: “ I was far, far away, I walked and walked, it was good there, the Lord Almighty - everyone was together. You don't know where I've been" And he praised God and thanked Him. He must have seen amazing visions while we were removing the bullet from his shoulder. She (Princess Ged.) did not let me bandage it so that I could remain calm, since I could feel my head and heart. After breakfast I lay in Baby's room until five. Mr. G. read to him and I think I dozed off for a short time. Then Alexey read five lines in French out loud, quite well. Then I received Uncle Mek, after which I flew with Olga to Anna for half an hour, since our Friend was spending the second part of the day with her and wanted to see me. He asked about you and hoped that you would go to the fortress. Then we had our lecture with the book. G. After lunch, the girls went to Anya, where he was N.P., and after prayer I followed them. We worked, she glued, and he smoked. These days she is not very kind and only thinks about herself and her comfort and makes others crawl under the table to arrange her leg on a mountain of pillows, and it does not occur to her to think about whether it is comfortable for others to sit. She is spoiled and ill-mannered. She has a lot of people coming over all day, so she doesn't have time to feel lonely, and when you come back, she'll be crying about how unhappy she was all the time. She is surrounded by several large photographs of you—enlarged ones of her own. There are one in every corner, and there are many more small ones. We landed N.P. near the station and were home around 11. I wanted to go to church every day, but I only got there once. This is so sad, because the church is such a help when your heart is sad. We always light candles before we go to the hospital, and I like to pray that God and the Holy Virgin will bless the work of our hands and help us help the sick. I'm so glad you're feeling better. Such trips are useful, since you still feel closer to everyone, you could see the bosses and hear everything from them directly and convey your thoughts to them.
What a joy for Keller! He truly deserved his cross and now he has repaid us for everything. This has been his burning desire all these years. How terribly tired the French and English troops must be. They fought without a break for twenty days or more. And we have big guns from Konigsberg against us. Today Orlov did not send any news, so I think that nothing special happened.
It should be useful for you that you are far from all petty gossip. There are always such tales here, and usually without any basis. Poor old Fredericks - the other one - died. How sad that our poor old man got worse again. I was so afraid that this would happen while he was away with you, and it would have been more delicate if he had stayed at home, but he is so deeply devoted that he could not bear the thought of you going alone. I'm afraid we won't have him between us for long. His deadline is near. What a loss it will be! Such types cannot be found anymore and such an honest friend is difficult to replace.
Honey, I hope you sleep better now. I can't say that about myself. The brain seems to be working all the time and never wants to rest. Hundreds of thoughts and combinations trouble me. I read your dear letters several times and tried to imagine that my darling was talking to me. We see each other so little, you’re so busy, and I don’t want to bother you with questions when you’re tired after your reports, and then we are never alone, alone. But now I have to try to sleep so that I can feel strong tomorrow and be more useful. I thought that I would work so hard in your absence, and Becker ruined all my plans and good intentions. Sleep well, my little one. May the holy angels guard your sleep and may the prayers and love of your wife surround you with deep devotion and love.
25. Hello, my treasure. The courier will take the letter later today, and I can write a little more. This may be the last letter, if Fredericks is right in saying that you are returning tomorrow. But it seems to me that this will not happen, since you will probably want to see the hussars, lancers, artillery and other troops resting in Vilna. Tonight it was two degrees below zero, now the sun is bright again. We will be at the hospital at 11. I still can't take the medicine. This is very unpleasant, since I have a headache every day, although not very much, and I can feel my heart, although it is not dilated. But still, I shouldn’t get tired today. I haven't really breathed fresh air since you left. Sergei is a little better. Princess Orlova also feels quite well, she is only weak. Baby slept and feels well. They continue to talk about this estate in the Baltic provinces, where there is a place marked in white, and there was a seaplane on the lake. Our officers, dressed in civilian clothes, saw him. No one is allowed to go there. I would like a serious investigation into this. There are so many spies everywhere that maybe it's true. But this is very sad, since there are still many loyal subjects in the Baltic provinces. This unfortunate war, when will it end! I am sure that William must at times experience terrible moments of despair when he realizes that it was he and, especially, his anti-Russian clique who started the war and are dragging his country to destruction. All these small states will continue to suffer the consequences for years. My heart bleeds when I think what efforts Papa and Ernie made to raise our little country to its present state, flourishing in every way. With God's help, everything will go well here and end with glory. The war lifted the spirit, cleared many stagnant minds, and united feelings. This is a “healthy war” in the moral sense. The only thing I would like is for our troops to behave approximately in all respects, not to rob and plunder, let only Prussian troops do these nasty things. They demoralize you, and then you lose real control over people. They fight for personal gain and not for the glory of their homeland when they reach the level of highwaymen. There is no reason to follow bad examples. The rear, the convoys are a curse. In this case, everyone talks about them with despair. There is no one to hold them in their hands. There are always ugly and beautiful sides to everything, and it’s the same here.
Such a war should purify the soul, and not defile it, isn’t it? Some regiments are very strict, I know that. They try to maintain order there, but a word from above wouldn't hurt. This is my own thought, darling, since I would like the name of our Russian troops to be remembered subsequently in all countries with fear and respect, and with admiration. Here people are not always imbued with the idea that other people's property is sacred and inviolable. Victory does not mean robbery. Let the priests in the regiments say a word about this.
Well, I pester you with things that don’t concern me, but I do it out of love for your soldiers and their reputation.
Sweet treasure, I have to cum and get up. All my prayers and tenderest thoughts follow you. May God give you courage and strength and patience. You have more faith than ever, and that is what keeps you going. Yes, prayer and immediate faith in the mercy of God alone give the strength to endure everything. And our Friend helps you bear your heavy cross and great responsibility. Everything will be fine, since the right is on our side. I bless you, I kiss your dear face, sweet neck and dear beloved hands with all the fervor of a big loving heart. What a joy that you are returning soon.
Your own old wife.
№ 8
My favorite of the favorites,
The hour of separation is approaching again and my heart aches with grief. But I’m glad for you that you will leave and see a different situation, and feel closer to the troops. I hope you get to see more this time. We will be looking forward to your telegrams. When I answer in Bid, I feel timid because I am sure that a lot of officers read my telegrams. Then you can’t write as passionately as you would like. What N.P. being with you this time is a consolation for me. You will feel less lonely. And he is a part of us all. And you and he understand a lot of things in the same way and look at a lot of things in the same way, and he is endlessly grateful and happy that he can go with you, since he feels so useless in the city when all his comrades are at the front. Thank God you can leave feeling completely at peace about dear Baby. If anything happened, I would write pen, everything is in the diminutive, then you will know that I am writing everything about Agunyushka. Oh, how I will miss you. I already feel so depressed these days and my heart is so heavy. This is a shame, since hundreds are rejoicing that they will soon see you, but when you love as much as I do, you cannot help but yearn for your treasure. Tomorrow it will be twenty years that you have reigned and that I have become Orthodox. How the years have flown by, how much we have experienced together! Forgive me for writing in pencil, but I’m on the couch, and you’re still confessing. Once again, forgive your sunshine if she somehow upset you or caused you trouble, believe that it was never intentional. Thank God, tomorrow we will receive Holy Communion together, this will give us strength and peace. May God give us success on land and sea and bless our fleet. Oh, my love, if you want me to stay with you, send both Olga and Tatyana with me. We somehow see each other so little, and there is so much that we would like to talk about and ask questions about, but by night we are so tired, and by morning we are in a hurry. I will finish this letter in the morning.
21. How charming it was to go together to Holy Communion on this day, and may this bright sun accompany you in every sense. My prayers and thoughts, and my tenderest love accompany you all the way. My dear love, may God bless and protect you and may the Holy Virgin protect you from all evil. My tenderest blessings. I kiss you endlessly and hold you to my heart with boundless love and tenderness. Forever, my Niki,
your own little wife.
I am rewriting the telegram from Gr. for you, to remember.
“After receiving the Holy Mysteries from the chalice, begging Christ, eating from His flesh and blood, there was a spiritual vision of heavenly beautiful joy. May heavenly power be with you on the way, so that angels will be in the ranks of our warriors to save our courageous heroes with joy and victory.”
I bless you.
Love you.
I miss you.
№ 9
My dear, beloved,
It was such an unexpected joy to receive your telegram. I thank you for it from the bottom of my heart. It's good that you N.P. took a ride to one of these little stations: it must have been refreshing for you. I was so sad when I saw your lonely figure standing in the doorway of the carriage. It seemed so unnatural that you were leaving alone. Everything here is so strange without you, you are our center, our sun. I suppressed my tears and rushed to the hospital, and worked hard for two hours. Very serious wounds. The first time I shaved a soldier’s leg near and around the wound. Today I worked completely alone without a sister or doctor, only princess I came to look at each of the wounded and see what was the matter, and I asked her to tell me whether what I wanted to do was right. The annoying Mll Annenkova gave me the things I asked for. Then we returned to our small hospital and sat in different rooms with the officers. From there we went to see a small cave temple under palace hospital. In Catherine's time there was a church there. This was built in memory of the 300th anniversary. It turned out charming. All selected Vilchkovsky, the purest ancient Byzantine style, absolutely correct. You should see this. The consecration of the temple will be on Sunday at 10 o'clock, and we will lead there our officers and soldiers who can move. There are boards with the names of the wounded who died in all our hospitals in Ts(arsk) S(barely), as well as officers who received St. George's crosses or golden weapon. After tea we went to M. and A.'s hospital. They have several very seriously wounded. Upstairs there are four officers in very comfortable rooms. Then I received three officers returning to d(active) army. One was in our hospital, and the other two were in my Red Cross community Here. Then I rested. Baby was praying down here because I was too tired to get up. Now Olga and Tatyana are on the Olga Committee. Before Tatiana took Neidgardt alone for half an hour with him report. This is so good for the girls: they learn to be independent and they will develop much more since they have to think and speak on their own without my constant help. I thirst for news from the Black Sea. God grant that our fleet be successful. I assume that they do not give information so that the enemy cannot find out their location through wireless telegraphy.
It's very cold again tonight. I would like to know if you play dominoes. Oh dear, how lonely it is without you! What a blessing that we received communion before your departure. This strengthened and calmed me. What a great thing it is, at such moments to partake of the Holy Mysteries, and I want to help others, so that they also remember that God gave this joy to everyone, not as a thing that must be done every year during Lent, but always; the soul thirsts for this and needs strengthening. When I am dealing with people who I know are suffering greatly, and I am alone with them, I always touch on this subject, and with God's help I have been able many times to make them understand that it can be done and that it is good, and comforts and soothes a tired heart. I also spoke with one of our officers, and he agreed, and then he was so happy and courageous, and it was much easier for him to endure his suffering. It seems to me that this is one of our main duties as women - to try to bring more people to God, to let them understand that he is more accessible and closer to us, and is waiting for our love and trust, and turning to him. Many are held back by shyness and false pride. Therefore, we need to help them break through this wall. I just talked to the priest last evening that it seems to me that the clergy should talk more with the wounded in this sense. Very simple and direct, not like a sermon.
Their souls are completely childish and only need some guidance at times. As a general rule, it is much more difficult with officers.
22. Hello, my treasure. I prayed so much for you in the little church this morning. I came for the last 20 minutes. It was so sad to kneel there alone without my treasure. I couldn't hold back my tears. But then I thought how glad you must be to be closer to the front and how impatiently the wounded in the army were waiting for you this morning. Minsk. We bandaged the officers from 10 to 11, and then went to a large hospital for three quite serious operations: we had to take away three fingers, because blood poisoning had set in, and they were completely rotten. Another had to be taken out splinter, another one has many pieces of crushed bone in his leg. I've been through several chambers. A service was going on in the large hospital church, and we only knelt for a minute in the upper choir during prayer in front of the image of the Kazan Mother of God. Yours arrows miss you. Now I have to go to my stock on train number 4.
Farewell, dear Nicky, I bless and kiss you again and again. I didn't sleep well, kissed your pillow and thought about you a lot.
Forever your own little wife. I bow to everyone, especially N.P. I'm glad he's with you - You feel warmer with him.
№ 10
My favorite,
It's already seven o'clock and I haven't heard from you. Well, I went to see mine warehouse train No. 4 s Mecca. He's leaving tonight Radom, it seems, and from there Mecca will go to see Nikolashey, to whom he has several questions. He told me in confidence that Ella wanted to go and inspect my stock in Lvov, but so that no one knows about it. She will come here without the Moscow public knowing anything. In the first days of November. We are terribly jealous of her and Ducky, but we still hope that you will send for us to see you. It will be difficult to part with Baby, from whom I have never been separated for a long time, but as long as he is healthy and M. and A. are here to keep him company, I could leave. Of course, I would like this to be a useful trip. The best thing would be if I could go on my train, one of the ambulances, to its destination, to watch how they take the wounded, and bring them back, and go after them. Or meet you at Grodno,Vilna, Bialystok, where there are infirmaries. But I leave everything in your hands, you tell me what to do, where to meet you, Rivne or in Kharkov, as you please. The less people know that I’m coming, the better. I took Schulenburg. He's leaving tomorrow. My train, which was arranged Loman and K-oh, leaving, it seems, on the 1st. Then the princess gave us a lecture. We have completed a full surgical course, with a larger number of subjects than usual, and now we will go through anatomy and internal diseases, since it is good for girls to know all this too.
I sorted warm clothes for the wounded returning home and going to the front again. Resin was with me, and we settled down to go to Lugu tomorrow afternoon at my " Svetelka" It was country house, donated Alexey, which I took up and arranged it as a department of my " folk art schools" The girls work there, weave carpets themselves and teach the village women how to do it. Then they will get cows and chickens and vegetables and will study household. Now they have arranged 20 beds and are looking after the wounded. We had to take a fast train as regular trains run slower and at inconvenient hours. Anya, Nastenka and Resin will accompany us. Nobody knows anything about this. Only Mlle Schneider knows that A. and M. are traveling, otherwise she might accidentally leave. We'll take the simple ones cab drivers and we’ll go in our sisters of mercy uniform to attract less attention, since we’re going to inspect the infirmary. I'm tired of Mmm. Becker, I would be much freer without her. - How vile it was to drop bombs from an airplane on King Albert’s villa, where he now lives. Thank God, no harm was done, but I have never heard of anyone trying to kill the head of state because he is your enemy during the war.
I need to rest for a quarter of an hour before lunch with my eyes closed. I'll continue this evening.
What good news! Sandomierz We again captured many prisoners, heavy guns and machine guns. Your journey brought good luck and God's blessing. Baby came down again to pray, as I felt very tired in all respects. My icon was in the church this morning, and now it hangs in its place again. It's warmer this evening; I opened the window. Anya is in a great mood and rejoices at her young friend who has undergone surgery. She brought him yours Skopina Shuiskago" for reading. “Agunyushka” wrote out for me during lunch on the menu - “j’ai, tuas,” etc., so good! How you must miss the little man! It's such a joy when he's healthy. As usual, I mentally wished you good night, kissed the pillow, and I so wanted you to be with me. In my thoughts I imagine you lying in your compartment, I bend over you, bless you and tenderly kiss your entire sweet face. Oh, my dear, how endlessly you are dear to me. If only I could help you carry your heavy burden, so many such burdens weigh you down. But I'm sure everything looks and feels different now that you're there, it will refresh you, and you'll hear a lot of interesting things. What is our Black Sea Fleet doing? The wife of my former “Crimean” Likhachev wrote to Anya from the Kista Hotel that a shell exploded very close to there. She assures that one of our shots hit a German ship, but that our mines did not blow it up because Eberhardt had their (how to put it?) “ausgeschaltet.” I can't find words, my head is crazy. Probably our squadron was about to leave. According to her, they were heating the boilers when the shots started. Well, it may be lady talk, it may be true, it may not. I am enclosing a telegram from Keller, sent via Ivanova in the name of Fredericks for me. Probably a response to my telegram congratulating him on George. What nervous state should you be in? Botkin now what Sandomierz taken. I would like to know if his poor son is still alive now. Anya sends you biscuits, a letter and open newspapers. I won’t have time to write tomorrow afternoon, since we are going to church for half an hour, then to the infirmary and to Luga by half past two, and back by seven. I will be lying on the train, it will take two hours there and two hours back. Farewell, my Sunshine, my own, sleep well, may the holy angels guard your bed and may the Holy Virgin protect you. My tender thoughts and prayers are always with you. I miss you and thirst for you, and I acutely experience the moments of your loneliness. I bless you.
23. Hello, my love. Light and sunny. We didn't have much to do this morning, so I could sit almost the entire time and not get tired. We went for a minute to Mme Levitskaya to look at her 18 wounded. All our old friends. Now we need to eat and go.
What a shame! Countess Adlerberg found out that we were going and also wants to come with us. But I told Iza to answer that she doesn’t know anything and that since I don’t say anything, it means that I want no one to know, so that I can see everything better, otherwise they will prepare everything for me. Farewell, dear, I bless and kiss you again and again.
Your own wife.
Hello N.P., to whom we are sending this card.
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He was in charge of the affairs of the Tatyana Committee.
In the Sevastopol.
Lady-in-waiting Baroness Buxhoeveden.
Oleg Platonov
Nicholas II in secret correspondence.
“The fate of the Tsar is the fate of Russia. The Tsar will rejoice, and Russia will rejoice. The Tsar will cry, and Russia will cry... Just as a man with his head cut off is no longer a man, but a stinking corpse, so Russia without the Tsar will be a stinking corpse.”
Optina Elder Anatoly (Potapov). 1916
The correspondence of a man and a woman who loves each other is a huge, holistic world. reflecting all the secrets of their souls, their joys and pains, desires and despair. Letters from loved ones are devoid of any guile and hypocrisy, for they are written as if to oneself. The correspondence of the last Russian Tsar and Queen is, without any doubt, the most reliable material about the history of their souls, their attitude towards others, their selfless love for Russia. The frankness and depth of judgment are simply amazing. The letters touch on many names, topics and events, and yet the main theme is their love and the pain of separation, tender care for each other, the desire to help, support, reassure, caress.
But it would be a great mistake to think that the correspondence between the Tsar and the Queen is only personal in nature. This is a correspondence between two people for whom personal happiness is inseparable from the well-being of Russia. They feel all the troubles and misfortunes of the country as personal troubles and misfortunes.
Feelings of duty and responsibility for the fate of the country constantly dominate in their minds; they clearly understood that they were the center of a national movement, without which historical Russia could not exist. They perceive the selfish and treacherous intrigue that is going on around them with pain in their souls. The collapse of Russian national consciousness, the destruction of centuries-old shrines and traditions of Russia is happening before their eyes. Alienation from the Russian people by the overwhelming majority of the intelligentsia and the ruling stratum (including the tsarist circle) had reached a critical point. Beyond this line is the collapse of a huge country, the death of tens of millions of people; and the first victim should be the royal family. The feeling of the inevitability of this sacrifice, like love, runs like a red thread through the entire correspondence, turning it into a tragedy in letters.
Love story
Nikolai Romanov and Alisa Gessenskaya (later Alexandra Feodorovna)
The love story of the Russian Tsar and the granddaughter of the English Queen begins in 1884. He is a sixteen-year-old boy, slender, blue-eyed, with a modest and slightly sad smile. She is a twelve-year-old girl, like him, with blue eyes and beautiful golden hair. The meeting took place at the wedding of her older sister Elizabeth (the future great martyr) with Nicholas’s uncle, Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich. Both Nicholas and Alice (that was the name of the future Russian Tsarina) from the very beginning felt deep sympathy for each other. Nikolai gives her a precious brooch, and she, brought up in Puritan morality, in embarrassment and shyness does not dare take it and returns it to him.
Their second meeting occurs only five years later, when Alice comes to Russia to visit her older sister. But all this time Nikolai remembers her. “I have loved her for a long time, and since she stayed in St. Petersburg for six weeks in 1889, I love her even more deeply and heartily.” Nikolai's cherished dream is to marry Alice. However, Nikolai's parents have other plans. In their opinion, Alisana is a very enviable match for the Heir to the Russian throne; they predict a French princess for her son. Nikolai, always obedient to the will of his parents, in this case, with pain in his heart, does not agree with them, declaring that if he fails to marry Alice, he will never marry at all. Finally, Nikolai receives consent from his parents for this marriage.
The engagement takes place in the spring of 1894, when European monarchs and members of their families gathered for the wedding of Alice's older brother. Nicholas was present here as a representative of his father, Emperor Alexander III, who could not come due to illness.
Already at the first meeting in private, Nikolai confesses his love to Alice and asks for her hand. She agrees. What they have dreamed about for many years is coming true. “I cried like a child,” Nikolai writes to his mother, “and she did too, but it was no longer sad. Her face shone with inner happiness.” The day of their engagement, April 8, 1894, they remember throughout their lives as the most joyful event, as well as their dates in England, a few months later. Then, at the height of summer, in a country estate in Walton on the Thames, they spent the most captivating days of their lives, the mere memory of which brought joyful tears to Alexandra Feodorovna. Long walks near the river, conversations under the old chestnut tree, reading together. In a letter to his mother, Nikolai writes: “We spent the whole day in wonderful weather outdoors, rode a boat up and down the stream, had a snack on the shore. A real idyll!”
Nikolai Alexandrovich’s diary is always open to Alice; from time to time she writes in it with poems and prayers, interspersed with exclamations: “I kiss my beloved a thousand times,” “God bless you, my angel.” He has no secrets from her. Nikolai tells Alice about his youthful passion for the ballerina Kshesinskaya. “What happened, happened,” Alice writes with tears in her eyes, “the past can never be returned. We are all subject to temptation in this world, and when we are young, it is especially difficult for us to resist and not give in to temptation. But if we can repent, God will forgive us. Sorry that I talk about this so much, but I want you to be sure of my love for you. I love you even more after you told me this story. Your trust touched me deeply. I will try to be worthy of him. God bless you, my beloved Nicky...”
The words that Alice writes in her fiancé's diary are imbued with the most sublime feeling of love, the light of which they were able to carry throughout their lives.
“I dreamed that I was in love. I woke up and found out that it was true, and on my knees I thanked God for this happiness. True love is a gift from God. Every day it becomes stronger, deeper, fuller and purer.” Or elsewhere:
“We found our love. I tied her wings. She will never disappear or leave us. It will always resonate in our hearts.” And finally, parting words when leaving England: “Sleep well. The waves lull you to sleep. Guardian angel is always with you. I kiss you tenderly.” “We belong to each other forever. I am for you. You can be sure of this. The key to my heart, in which you are imprisoned, is lost, and you will never get out of there.”
Later, the Tsar wrote in his diary: “The anniversary of our engagement. Never in my life, it seems, will I forget this day in Coburg, how happy I was then! A wonderful, unforgettable day.” And until her death, the Tsarina wore Nicholas’s groom’s gift - a ring with a ruby - around her neck along with a cross.
Events are developing rapidly. But misfortune is mixed with the joy of the engaged. Nikolai's father becomes seriously ill. A week and a half before his death, Alice comes to Russia to stay here forever. On October 20, 1894, Emperor Alexander III closes his eyes, and the next day Alice accepts Orthodoxy and the Russian name Alexandra Feodorovna.
Not even a month passes after the funeral, and on November 14, 1894, the marriage of Emperor Nicholas II to Grand Duchess Alexandra Feodorovna takes place. Close relatives of the Tsar insisted on the marriage; they believed that in this way they could somehow calm down Nikolai Alexandrovich, shocked by the unexpected death of his father and the immense responsibility that fell on his shoulders. The enormous role played by the Tsar in Russia at that time also required taking into account the psychology of the peasantry, which made up about 80 percent of the country's total population. In the minds of the peasantry, an unmarried man did not have the proper measure of legal capacity (the Russian village considered a man who had reached a certain age, but was unmarried, inferior), especially since there should be “not a boy, but a husband” on the throne.
Of course, the union of loving hearts in such conditions aroused conflicting feelings in them. “You can imagine my feelings,” Alexandra Feodorovna wrote to her sister. - one day in deep mourning, and the next in elegant wedding clothes... first black and then white dresses.” But life and love conquer death. After the wedding ceremonies, before their wedding night, Alexandra Feodorovna writes in her husband’s diary, “Finally, we are together, united for life, and if this life ends, we will meet in another world and remain together forever and ever.” And the next morning she adds: “I could never imagine that there is such perfect happiness in the world, such a feeling of connection between two mortal people. I love you - all life lies in these three words.”
Nikolai and Alexandra managed to preserve this complete happiness of closeness until the end of their days, until the last minute in the Ipatiev House. When you read their correspondence, you are amazed at the freshness of their feelings.
And five, ten, and twenty years after the wedding, they write to each other such letters that, by today’s standards, rare newlyweds can write.
Touching fact. All correspondence between the Tsar and Queen during the separation began even before their separation.
The Tsarina wrote her first letter to her husband even before parting, the day before his departure, gave it to him at parting, and he read it on the way.
With almost every letter the Tsarina sent her husband either an icon, or flowers, or something else. “The icon will lie under my pillow this night,” writes the Queen, “before I hand it over to you...” The Queen placed a cross next to her signature.
So who were they, these two soul mates who forever retained love and loyalty to each other?
He and she
Tsar Nikolai Alexandrovich Romanov was born on May 6 (old style) 1868, on the day when the Orthodox Church celebrates the memory of Saint Job the Long-Suffering. The Tsar attached great importance to this coincidence, experiencing throughout his life “deep confidence” that he was “doomed to terrible trials.” His father, Alexander III, according to many historians, was a deeply religious, whole person, and a good family man. He instilled these same qualities in his children. As a politician and statesman, the father of Nicholas II showed a strong will in implementing the decisions made (a trait that, as we will see later, was inherited by his son). The essence of the policy of Alexander III (the continuation of which was the policy of Nicholas II) can be characterized as the preservation and development of Russian foundations, traditions and ideals. Assessing the reign of Emperor Alexander III, Russian historian V.O. Klyuchevsky wrote: “Science will give Emperor Alexander III his rightful place not only in the history of Russia and the entire country, but also in Russian historiography, it will say that he won a victory in the area where victories are most difficult to achieve, defeated the prejudice of peoples and thereby contributed to their rapprochement, conquered the public conscience in the name of peace and truth, increased the amount of good in the moral circulation of humanity, encouraged and raised Russian historical thought, Russian national self-consciousness.”
Alexander III was unpretentious in everyday life, wearing clothes almost to the holes. In addition, he had great physical strength. Once, during a train crash, Alexander III managed to hold the falling roof of the carriage for some time until his wife and children were safe.
There were five children in the family - Nikolai (the eldest), Georgy, Ksenia, Mikhail and Olga. The father taught his children to sleep on simple soldier's beds with hard pillows, to douse themselves with cold water in the morning, and to eat simple porridge for breakfast.
Nikolai was slightly above average height, physically well developed and resilient - the result of his father’s training and the habit of physical labor, which he did, at least little by little, all his life.
The king had an “open, pleasant, thoroughbred face.” Everyone who knew the Tsar, both in his youth and in his mature years, noted his amazing eyes, so wonderfully conveyed in the famous portrait of V. Serov. They are expressive and radiant, although sadness and defenselessness lurk in their depths.
The upbringing and education of Nicholas II took place under the personal guidance of his father, on a traditional religious basis in Spartan conditions. The training sessions of the future Tsar were conducted according to a carefully developed program for thirteen years. The first eight years were devoted to the subjects of the gymnasium course, with the classical languages replaced by the elementary principles of mineralogy, botany, zoology, anatomy and physiology. Particular attention was paid to the study of political history, Russian literature, French, English and German languages (which Nikolai mastered perfectly). The next five years were devoted to the study of military affairs, legal and economic sciences necessary for a statesman. The teaching of these sciences was carried out by outstanding Russian scientists with a worldwide reputation: Yanyshev I.L. taught canon law in connection with the history of the church, the most important departments of theology and history of religion; Bunge N.H. - statistics, political economy and financial law; Pobedonostsev K.P. - jurisprudence, state, civil and criminal law; Kapustin M.N. - international law; Zamyslovsky E.E. - political history; Beketov N.N. - chemistry; Obruchev N.N. - military statistics; Leer G.A. - strategy and military history; Dragomirov M.I. - combat training of troops; Cui T.A. - fortification.
In order for the future Tsar to become practically acquainted with military life and the order of combat service, his father sends him to military training. First, Nikolai served for two years in the ranks of the Preobrazhensky Regiment, performing the duties of a subaltern officer and then a company commander. For two summer seasons, Nikolai served in the ranks of a cavalry hussar regiment as a platoon officer and then as a squadron commander. And finally, the future Emperor holds one camp meeting in the ranks of the artillery.
Nicholas II and George V
At the same time, his father introduces him to the affairs of governing the country, inviting him to participate in the classes of the State Council and the Committee of Ministers.
The educational program of the future Tsar included numerous trips to various regions of Russia, which Nicholas made with his father. To complete his education, Nicholas II traveled around the world. In nine months he traveled through Austria, Trieste, Greece, Egypt, India, China, Japan, and then by land through all of Siberia.
By the age of 23, Nikolai is a highly educated person with a broad outlook, an excellent knowledge of Russian history and literature, and a perfect command of the main European languages (although he preferred to read works by Russian authors). His brilliant education was combined with deep religiosity and knowledge of spiritual literature, which was not common for statesmen of that time. His father managed to instill in him selfless love for Russia, a sense of responsibility for its fate. From childhood, he became close to the idea that his main purpose was to follow Russian principles, traditions and ideals.
Although Nicholas II received an excellent education and comprehensive preparation for government activities, he was not mentally prepared for it. This can be easily understood. The sudden death of his father at the age of 49, whom everyone considered a healthy man and who was predicted to have a long reign, initially plunged Nicholas II into confusion. He is only twenty-six years old, and he is responsible for the fate of a huge country. And, to his credit, it must be said that he managed to find the strength to accept this responsibility without shifting it to anyone.
In his first address to the people, Nikolai Alexandrovich announced that “from now on, He, imbued with the covenants of his deceased parent, accepts a sacred vow in the face of the Almighty to always have as one goal the peaceful prosperity, power and glory of dear Russia and the creation of the happiness of all His loyal subjects.” In an address to foreign states, Nicholas II stated that “he will devote all his concerns to the development of the internal well-being of Russia and will not shirk in any way from the completely peaceful, firm and straightforward policy that so powerfully contributed to general calm, and Russia will continue to see respect for the law and legal order is the best guarantee of the security of the state.”
The model of a ruler for Nicholas II was Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich, who carefully preserved the traditions of antiquity.
However, the time in which Nicholas II fell to reign was very different from the era of the first Romanovs. If under the first Romanovs, folk foundations and traditions served as a unifying banner of society, which was revered by both the common people and the ruling stratum, then by the beginning of the twentieth century, Russian foundations and traditions became the object of denial by educated society. A significant part of the ruling stratum and intelligentsia rejects the path of following Russian principles, traditions and ideals, many of which they consider outdated and ignorant. Russia's right to its own path is not recognized. An attempt is being made to impose on it an alien model of development - either Western European liberalism or Western European Marxism. For both, the main thing is to break the identity of Russia; and, accordingly, their attitude towards the Tsar, the keeper of the ideas of traditional Russia, as an enemy and obscurantist.
The tragedy of the life of Nicholas II consisted in the insoluble contradiction between his deepest conviction to preserve the foundations and traditions of Russia and the nihilistic attempts of a significant part of the educated strata of the country to destroy them. And it was not only (and not primarily) about preserving traditional forms of governing the country, but about saving Russian national culture, which, as he felt, was in mortal danger. The events of the last 70 years have shown how right the Russian Emperor was. Throughout his life, Nicholas II felt the psychological pressure of these united forces hostile to Russian culture. As can be seen from his diaries and correspondence, all this caused him terrible moral suffering. The firm conviction to preserve the foundations and traditions of Russia, combined with a sense of deep responsibility for its fate, made Emperor Nicholas II a devotee of the idea for which he gave his life.
“Faith in God and in one’s duty as king,” writes historian S.S. Oldenburg - were the basis of all the views of Emperor Nicholas II. He believed that responsibility for the fate of Russia lay with Him, that He was responsible for them before the throne of the Almighty. Others may advise, others may hinder Him, but the answer for Russia before God lies with Him. This also resulted in an attitude towards limiting power - which He considered to be a shift of responsibility to others who were not called, and to individual ministers who, in His opinion, claimed too much influence in the state. “They will spoil it - and it’s up to me to answer.”
The teacher of the Heir to the Throne, Gilliard, noted the restraint and self-control of Nikolai Alexandrovich, his ability to control his feelings. Even in relation to people unpleasant to him, the Emperor tried to behave as correctly as possible. One day S.D. Sazonov (Minister of Foreign Affairs) expressed his surprise at the Emperor’s calm reaction towards a morally unattractive person and the absence of any personal irritation towards him. And this is what the Emperor told him: “I managed to silence this string of personal irritation within myself long ago. Irritability won’t help anything, and besides, a harsh word from me would sound more offensive than from someone else.”
“No matter what happens in the soul of the Sovereign,” recalls S.D. Sazonov - he never changed in his relationships with those around him. I had to see him close at a moment of terrible anxiety for the life of his only son, on whom all his tenderness was concentrated, and except for some silence and even greater restraint, the suffering he experienced had no effect on him.”
“In the appearance of Nicholas II,” wrote the wife of the English ambassador Buchanan, “there was true nobility and charm, which, in all likelihood, was more likely to be hidden in his serious, blue eyes than in the liveliness and cheerfulness of his character.”
Describing the personality of Nicholas II, the German diplomat Count Rex considered the Tsar to be a spiritually gifted person, of a noble way of thinking, prudent and tactful. “His manners,” wrote this diplomat, “are so modest, and he shows so little external determination that it is easy to come to the conclusion that he lacks a strong will; but the people around him assure that he has a very definite will, which he knows how to put into practice in the most calm way.” The stubborn and tireless will to implement their plans is noted by the majority of people who knew the Tsar. Until the plan was implemented, the Tsar constantly returned to him, achieving his goal. The historian Oldenburg, already mentioned by us, notes that “The Emperor, on top of his iron hand, had a velvet glove. His will was not like a thunderclap. It did not manifest itself in explosions and non-turbulent collisions; it rather resembled the steady flow of a stream from a mountain height to the plain of the ocean. He skirts obstacles, deviates to the side, but in the end, with constant constancy, he approaches his goal.”
For a long time it was generally accepted that the Tsar subordinated his will to the will of the Queen, saying that she had a stronger character and spiritually guided him. This is an incorrect and very superficial view of their relationship. Many examples can be given; they are often found in their letters, how the Emperor steadily carried out his will if he felt it was correct. But he could be persuaded to reverse his decision if he discovered his mistake and the truth of the Queen’s statements. The Empress did not put pressure on her husband, but acted with conviction. And if she influenced him in any way, it was with kindness and love. The king was very responsive to these feelings, since among many relatives and courtiers he most often felt falsehood and deception. Reading the royal letters, we will once again be convinced with what persistence Nicholas carried out his plans and rejected the proposals of his beloved wife if he considered them erroneous.
In addition to a strong will and brilliant education, Nikolai possessed all the natural qualities necessary for government activities. First of all, great ability to work. If necessary, he could work from morning until late at night, studying numerous documents and materials received in his name. (By the way, he willingly did physical labor - sawing wood, clearing snow, etc.). Possessing a lively mind and a broad outlook, the Tsar quickly grasped the essence of the issues under consideration. The king had an exceptional memory for faces and events. He remembered by sight most of the people he had encountered, and there were thousands of such people.
Emperor Nicholas II, noted the historian Oldenburg and many other historians and statesmen of Russia, had an absolutely exceptional personal charm. He did not like celebrations, loud speeches, etiquette was a burden to him. He did not like everything ostentatious, artificial, all broadcast advertising. In a close circle, in a face-to-face conversation, he knew how to charm his interlocutors, be they high dignitaries or workers of the workshop he visited. His large gray radiant eyes complemented his speech, looking straight into the soul. These natural gifts were further emphasized by careful upbringing. “In my life I have never met a more educated person than the now reigning Emperor Nicholas II,” wrote Count Witte already at a time when he was essentially a personal enemy of the Emperor.
A characteristic feature of the portrait of the Tsar is his attitude to clothing, frugality and modesty in everyday life. A servant who had been with him since his youth says: “His dresses were often mended. He did not like extravagance and luxury. He had kept his civilian suits since his groom’s days, and he used them.” After the murder, the Tsar’s military trousers were found in Yekaterinburg - they had patches on them, and inside the left pocket there was an inscription and note: “Manufactured on August 4, 1900, renewed on October 8, 1916.”
For more than seventy years, the rule for government historians and writers was a necessarily negative assessment of the personality of Nicholas II. It is not surprising that much has been turned upside down in these years. And the closer a Russian statesman stood to our time, the greater he was as a historical figure, the more intolerant and offensive the assessment of his activities was. For example, according to Trotsky, pre-revolutionary Russia was incapable of producing major political figures, and was doomed to create only pathetic copies of Western ones. In line with this “tradition,” government historians attributed to Nicholas II all the humiliating characteristics: from treachery, political insignificance and pathological cruelty to alcoholism, debauchery and moral decay. History has put everything in its place. Under the rays of its spotlights, the entire life of Nicholas II and his political opponents is illuminated to the smallest detail. With this light it became clear who was who.
Illustrating the “treachery” of the Tsar, official Soviet historians usually cited the example of how Nicholas II removed some of his ministers without any warning. Today he could speak graciously to the minister, and tomorrow send him his resignation. Serious historical analysis shows that the Tsar put the cause of the Russian state above individuals (and even his relatives). And if, in his opinion, a minister or dignitary could not cope with the matter, he removed him, regardless of his previous merits. In the last years of his reign, the Tsar experienced a crisis of encirclement (lack of reliable, capable people who shared his ideas). A significant part of the most capable statesmen took Westernizing positions, and the people on whom the Tsar could rely did not always have the necessary business qualities. Hence the constant change of ministers.
In 1872, a daughter was born to the family of Duke Ludwig IV of Hesse-Darmstadt and the daughter of Queen Victoria of England, Princess Alice, who, like her mother, was named Alice.
The girl's mother, Alice of Hesse, during her short life (she lived only 35 years, died in 1878) left a deep memory with her sincerity, kindness and mercy. She created several charitable societies and actively participated in their work. After her death, a monument to “Alice - the unforgettable Grand Duchess” was erected to her using voluntary donations from the townspeople. The mother passed on her warmth and kindness to her daughter. Those who knew her when she was very young remember a cheerful and trusting child, although sometimes quick-tempered and even stubborn. For her constant smiling and the joyful feelings that she evoked, they called her “sunshine.”
When the girl was 6 years old, a tragedy occurred in the family - her mother and sister fell ill with diphtheria and died. The girl remembered for the rest of her life how an oppressive silence reigned in the palace, which was broken by the cries of the nanny behind the wall of little Alice’s room. They took the girl’s toys and burned them - they were afraid that she might become infected. Of course, the next day they brought new toys. But it was no longer the same - something beloved and familiar was gone. The event associated with the death of his mother and sister left a fatal mark on the child’s character. Instead of openness, isolation and restraint began to prevail in her behavior, instead of sociability - shyness, instead of smiling - outward seriousness and even coldness. Only in the circle of her closest people, and there were only a few of them, did she become the same - joyful and open. These character traits remained with her forever and dominated even when she became the Empress. The teacher of the royal children, P. Gilliard, who knew her closely, wrote: “Very reserved and at the same time very spontaneous, first of all a wife and mother, the Empress felt happy only among her own people. Educated and artistic, she loved reading and art. She also loved contemplation and immersed herself in an intense inner life, from which she emerged only when danger appeared. Then she entered the fight with passionate fervor. She was endowed with the most excellent moral qualities and was always guided by the noblest motives.”
The Queen of England loved her granddaughter very much and took every possible care of her upbringing. The castle of the Duke of Darmstadt was imbued with the “atmosphere of good old England.” English landscapes and portraits of relatives from Foggy Albion hung on the walls. Education was conducted by English mentors and mainly in English. The Queen of England constantly sent her instructions and advice to her granddaughter. Puritan morality was brought up in the girl from the very first years. Even the cuisine was English - almost every day rice pudding with apples, and at Christmas goose and, of course, plum pudding and traditional sweet pie.
Alice received the best education for those times. She knew literature, art, spoke several languages, and took a philosophy course at Oxford.
Both in her youth and in adulthood, the Queen was very pretty. Everyone (even enemies) noted this. As one of the courtiers described her: “A slender, tall figure appeared from the dense greenery of the park... The queen was all in white, with a light, white veil on her hair. The face was light and tender... the hair was reddish gold, the eyes... dark blue, and the figure was flexible, like a shepherd's whip. As far as I remember, she was wearing magnificent pearls, and her diamond earrings shimmered with multi-colored fire as soon as she moved her head...” Or another sketch. “The Empress was very beautiful... tall, slender, with a superbly set head. But all this was nothing in comparison with the look of her gray-blue eyes, amazingly alive, reflecting all her excitement...” And here is a description of the Tsarina made by her closest friend Vyrubova: “Tall, with thick golden hair that reached her knees, she, like a girl, constantly blushed from shyness; Her eyes, huge and deep, became animated when talking and laughed. At home she was given the nickname “sunshine”. The Queen loved pearls most of all jewelry. She decorated her hair, hands, and dresses with it. During the day, the Queen wore loose, soft clothes trimmed with lace. In the sun she wore a long-brimmed hat and a sun umbrella. In the evening she wore light dresses embroidered with silver or blue thread. She preferred to wear pointed-toe low-heeled shoes made of suede or gold-dyed leather.”
Deep in her feelings and warm-hearted by nature, the Queen was very emotional, although most often she restrained her feelings and did not give them external manifestation. She trusted all the painful things to a very narrow circle of people close to her, and above all to her husband, best friend Anna Vyrubova and friend of the royal family Grigory Rasputin. For many, she seemed impregnable and majestic. Those who knew her said: “The most characteristic difference about her was her majesty. She made that impression on everyone. It used to be, Sovereign, that you didn’t change at all. She's coming, you'll definitely pull yourself up and pull yourself up. However, she was not at all proud. She was not a woman with an evil or unkind character. She was kind and humble at heart.” (Bitner).
“She was not proud in the crude sense of the word, but she was constantly aware and never forgot her position. That's why she always seemed like the Empress. With her I could never feel simple, without embarrassment. But I really loved being with her and talking. She was kind and loved good deeds” (Gibbs).
Kindness was the main character trait of the Queen, and her desire to help everyone around her was constant.
Her kindness towards her husband and children exudes from every line of her letter. She is ready to sacrifice everything to make her husband and children feel good.
If any of the Queen’s acquaintances, not to mention the Queen’s relatives, had difficulties or misfortunes, she immediately responded. She helped with warm, sympathetic words and financially. Sensitive to any suffering, she took other people's misfortune and pain to heart. If someone from the infirmary where she worked as a nurse died or became disabled, the Tsarina tried to help his family, sometimes continuing to do this even from Tobolsk. The queen constantly remembered the wounded who passed through her infirmary, not forgetting to regularly remember all the dead.
When a misfortune happened to Anna Vyrubova (she was in a train accident), the Tsarina sat at her bedside all day and actually took care of her friend.
Family and Children
The royal family lived in the Alexander Palace. Everything in it was arranged to the taste of the spouses. The royal office was located, for example, in a relatively small room. There was a desk in the office. at which the Tsar worked, and another table on which maps of Russia lay. There were bookcases along the walls, as well as a row of armchairs and a small couch. Every thing in the office knew its place. The Emperor did not tolerate disorder.
The Queen's chambers were decorated in her favorite English style, the walls were upholstered with furniture fabric. The Queen's boudoir and everything in it - carpets, curtains, upholstery - were painted in purple and white colors. There were books and newspapers and various decorative trinkets on the table. There were many icons hanging everywhere. An image of the Virgin Mary was hung above the couch. The Queen spent most of her time in the boudoir; here, lying on the couch, she read a lot and wrote letters.
The Queen devoted a lot of time to knitting. Adjacent to the boudoir was a dressing room with large closets for her dresses, shelves for her hats, and drawers for her jewelry. The matrimonial bedroom (its large windows overlooked the park) was located next to the Queen's boudoir. There was a wide bed here, on which the Tsar and Queen slept from the first days of their marriage until their exile to Tobolsk.
Princess Romanovs
The Tsar began to work early in the morning, dressed in the dark and went to his office. I worked until lunch, taking a short break for tea. Nicholas II did not have a personal secretary; he preferred to do everything himself. On his desk in his office there was a special diary, where he wrote down his affairs by day and hour. He reviewed many of the documents received in his name himself. The Tsar usually received his ministers and other invited persons in a relaxed atmosphere. I listened carefully without interrupting. During the conversation he was helpfully polite and never raised his voice. At about eight o'clock the Tsar usually finished his working day. If he had a visitor at that time, the Tsar got up and went to the window. This was the end of the audience. Another form of ending an audience was the words: “I am afraid that I have tired you.”
Whenever he had time, the Tsar read a lot. Every month a special librarian prepared for him the 20 best books from all countries. Most of all, Nikolai read books in Russian, but with his wife more often he read books in English. However, they communicated with each other mostly in English. And all correspondence between them was in this language, although the Tsarina spoke excellent Russian.
The Tsar went to bed at about eleven o'clock. Before going to bed, I wrote notes in my diary, which I kept for many years. After a hot bath I went to bed.
A year after the wedding, the royal couple had a daughter, Olga, and then, every two years, three more daughters were born - Tatyana, Maria and Anastasia. In August 1904, Alexandra Fedorovna gives birth to the long-awaited Heir to the Russian throne - son Alexei.
OTMA: seniors - Olga and Tatyana (in front), juniors - Maria and Anastasia (back)
The Grand Duchesses, like their father in his time, were brought up in a Spartan manner. They slept in two large, well-ventilated rooms on hard camp beds without pillows. Every day began with a cold swim. From childhood, the Queen accustoms her children to needlework, because she did not like “her daughters’ hands to remain idle.”
Despite their privileged position, the royal daughters, together with their maids, cleaned their rooms and made their beds themselves. Classes began at 9 o'clock and lasted almost the whole day. The princesses were taught history, geography, mathematics, Russian, French and English and, of course, music. The girls read a lot and were very developed. Since childhood, they were accustomed to constantly being together and lived very amicably, communicating little with their peers outside the family. They signed their letters, which the four of them often wrote together, with the letters OTMA - the first letters of their names in order of seniority. However, their parents, and even the palace employees, divided them into two pairs. The older girls - Olga and Tatyana - were called “big”, the younger ones, Maria and Anastasia, were called “little”. This was not in vain; within their sister “clan” they stayed in just such pairs. Despite their closeness, each of the sisters was different from the others. Olga, the eldest, looked like her father. She had a wide Russian face, long brown hair, blue eyes. She was very smart, emotional and at the same time shy. I read a lot. When before the war they wanted to marry her to a Romanian prince, she told her father: “I am Russian and I want to stay in Russia.”
Prince Olga Romanova
The most energetic and purposeful was the Tsar’s second daughter, Tatyana. Tall, slender, with beautiful reddish hair and gray eyes, she gave the impression of a real royal daughter. It was she who was especially close to her father, and she was also her mother’s favorite. Tatyana knew how to surround her mother with constant care and never allowed herself to show that she was out of sorts.
Prince Tatiana Romanova
The third daughter, Maria, is the most beautiful and spectacular among all the royal daughters, although she is prone to being overweight. She had bright lips and dark blue eyes, like her mother’s, only very large; in the family they were called “Marie’s saucers.” She had a cheerful, cheerful disposition, was very good-natured and kind-hearted, and envisioned her future in marriage and raising children.
Prince Tatiana Romanova
The Tsar’s fourth daughter, Anastasia, was just as cheerful and cheerful. She quickly grasped the funny side and constantly amused the whole family. So, for example, when the cannons on the royal yacht fired salutes, she hid in the corner in feigned horror, goggled her eyes in fear and stuck out her tongue. She certainly had high acting inclinations, which she showed when depicting adult conversations. She had great charm and aroused great affection. In addition, she had a wonderful ear for music, which allowed her to master foreign languages.
Prince Maria Romanova
When the daughters grew up and became real young ladies, cold bathing was canceled for them. Instead, they were given a warm scented bath in the evenings. Jewelry and perfume appeared on the tables. For all four of them it was “Koti”. But each preferred its own scent. Olga loved “Tea Rose”, Tatyana - “Corsican Jasmine”, Anastasia - “Violetta”. Maria tried many Koti scents before choosing Lilac.
Prince Maria Romanova
As the teacher of the royal children, P. Gilliard, recalled, all the royal daughters were charming with their freshness and health. It would be difficult to find four sisters so different in character and at the same time so closely united by friendship. The latter did not interfere with their personal independence and, despite the difference in temperaments, united them with a living connection. In general, according to Gilliard, the difficult-to-define charm of these four sisters consisted in their great simplicity, naturalness, freshness and innate kindness. The daughters adored their mother, considered her infallible and were always full of charming courtesy towards her, organizing, as it were, constant vigil with her. “Their relationship with the Emperor was delightful. He was for them at the same time a King, a father, a comrade.”
Prince Anastasia Romanova
The center of this closely knit family, writes Gilliard, was Tsarevich Alexei, all affections, all hopes were concentrated on him. His sisters adored him and he was the joy of his parents. When he was healthy, the whole palace seemed to be transformed: it was a ray of sunshine, illuminating both things and those around him (it was not for nothing that his parents called him that in their correspondence - Sunbeam). Happily gifted by nature, he would have developed quite correctly and evenly if his illness had not prevented this. An illness that became one of the reasons for the tragedy of the royal family!
Prince Anastasia Romanova
Back in 1906, Gilliard noticed with what tragic anxiety the Tsarina sought to prevent every sudden move of her son. The queen hugged her son to her with the tender gesture of a mother who always trembles for the life of her child; but this caress and the look that accompanied it revealed so clearly and so strongly hidden anxiety that Gilliard was then amazed by it. It was only much later that he realized what was going on. The royal son was sick with a terrible, incurable disease, hemophilia.
The Heir's illness was a state secret. Only a narrow circle of people knew about it and, above all, the doctors who treated him. Even relatives for the most part were in the dark.
Tsarevich Alexei and Princess Tatiana
Hemophilia - poor blood clotting - manifested itself in many representatives of the male line of Alexandra Fedorovna's family. Alexandra Fedorovna’s brother and uncle died of hemophilia. Her nephews suffered from the same disease. Alexey by nature was a lively, active boy. But his illness confined him to bed for many days, and this, of course, greatly depressed him. Deep sadness can be seen in his blue eyes from early childhood.
But when the disease subsided, the boy was not much different from other children - he ran around, played with his peers, played pranks, rode a scooter along the corridors, burst into his sisters’ study rooms, interfering with their studies. He loved to ride around the park on a tricycle designed especially for him. Two sailors were assigned to him, who guarded the Tsarevich and helped him. Like any boy, the Tsarevich’s pockets were constantly filled with all sorts of things - pebbles, nails, ropes, some pieces of paper, etc. Of course, the Tsarevich had a huge number of different toys, from tin soldiers to large models of railways, mines and factories.
In the summer, the Tsarevich wore a sailor’s uniform with a ribbon on his cap with the inscription “Standart”. In winter, he was often dressed in a Cossack uniform with a fur hat, boots and a real dagger. The boy had many different pets, among which his favorite was the spaniel Joy, a very beautiful dog with silky hair, whose long ears hung almost to the ground. The Tsarevich was taught to play the balalaika, and he often amused his family with the sounds of this instrument.
The feeling of constant danger for the life of their son does not leave the royal couple. What attempts are they making to save him? But even the best domestic and foreign doctors cannot help Alexey. The most effective is the psychotherapeutic influence of Grigory Efimovich Rasputin. By the power of his psychological influence on the boy, he apparently mobilized the mechanisms of resistance to the disease hidden in the boy’s body, and it receded. You can understand how grateful the Tsar and Queen were!
Nicholas II preferred to spend his free time with his family. After the end of the Tsar’s state affairs, his whole family gathered for dinner. The food was usually simple; there were almost no delicacies. After dinner, the family often gathered in one room, where the Tsar read aloud a book, most often by Tolstoy, Turgenev or Gogol, and his wife and daughters knitted or sewed something. The Tsar and Queen loved these evenings very much; they rested their souls there.
The king loved walking in the park. He was often accompanied by a whole pack of Scottish Sheepdogs (of which he had eleven). It used to be that the Tsar and his children would get into a boat and ride along the ponds in the park. And in general, the Tsar loved to play snowballs with his children, skiing and sledding. In winter, a snowy mountain was built near the palace, from which children sledded.
In the summer, the family of Nicholas II left Tsarskoe Selo for a long time. In June, they spent about two weeks aboard their yacht “Standard” on the Baltic Sea near the rocky coast of Finland. They dropped anchor in a deserted bay, not a soul around, only forest, rocks, sand. The yacht had all the amenities for a comfortable life. During the day, the family walked on the shore or in the forest, picking mushrooms and berries. In the evening, as in Tsarskoe Selo, they gathered for dinner, read books, and played music. There was an orchestra on board. Sometimes there were dances. The Tsar also had a study on the yacht. Constant communication was maintained with the outside world through special couriers who were on duty near the yacht around the clock.
In August, the family left for Spala, a hunting estate in what is now Poland. Here the Tsar hunted, and the children, if they came with him, walked through the pine forest.
In March and September the royal family lived in Crimea. Here, in Livadia, there was a palace that the Queen especially loved. It was built to her taste from white marble, and the inside was furnished with light, light furniture with purple silk upholstery. From here, by car, the Tsar and his children traveled to the mountains or to the farm, which supplied food to the table, as well as to visit neighboring estates.
It is impossible to imagine the royal family without visiting church. She zealously observed all holidays, memorable days and fasts.
In Tsarskoe Selo there were two churches that were especially loved by the royal family. One - the court Church of the Sign - was located on Kuzminskaya Street, near the Grand Palace. This temple enjoyed special veneration by the royal family, since it housed the ancient family icon of the House of Romanov - the Miraculous Image of the Sign of the Mother of God.
Another temple of Tsarskoye Selo, which the royal couple and their children especially loved to visit, was the cave (lower) temple of the Fedorov Sovereign Cathedral, in the name of St. Seraphim of Sarov the Wonderworker. It was a fabulous place. A Russian town was erected at the Feodorovsky Cathedral. The town was built according to the project of the Committee for the Restoration of Artistic Rus', which included many of the best architects, sculptors and artists. The committee was headed by the Tsar himself. Descriptions of this fabulous structure have been preserved. The town consisted of three main buildings and was surrounded by a colorful and beautiful Kremlin wall with a tower and three gates, surrounded by “sculptural lace of ancient Russian painting.” The wall was interrupted by the pediment of three large buildings projecting forward. The main building was the so-called Tsar's refectory, which consisted of numerous rooms, including a two-story hall with vaults decorated with the coats of arms of all Russian provinces and regions. The refectory ended with the house temple, where every image and every lamp spoke of deep and precious antiquity. Two other buildings, also in the ancient Russian style, with many architectural details and motifs, were originally intended for the clergy of the Fedorov Sovereign Cathedral, but due to the war they were used as hospitals for wounded soldiers. Inside the town there were also houses for staff, a tennis court, stables, garages and a Russian bathhouse. There were flower beds, bushes and rare trees everywhere. The entire Russian town was semi-surrounded by a large pond. In general, the artistic image of the Fedorov town corresponded to the tastes and ideas of the royal family, reflecting their love for ancient Russian art.
Grigory Rasputin
The closer I got to know the documents, diaries, and correspondence of the royal family, the more bewildered I was by the standard idea that had been instilled in us for decades about Rasputin as a fiend of hell, an absolutely immoral and selfish person.
This terrible image did not fit into the atmosphere of higher spirituality, morality, family harmony and harmony in which the family of the last Russian Tsar lived. From October 1905, when the royal family met Rasputin, until their tragic death, the Tsar, Tsarina and their children unconditionally loved Gregory and believed in him as a Man of God. The killed Tsarina and the Tsar's children were wearing medallions with the image of Grigory Rasputin. Once, while still in captivity in Tobolsk, the Tsar asked Doctor Derevenko to take out, unnoticed by the guards, a box containing, as he put it, “the most valuable thing for them.” Risking his life, Doctor Derevenko fulfilled the Tsar’s request. Handing the box to Nikolai Alexandrovich, the doctor asked (thinking that it contained the best jewelry) about its contents. “The most valuable thing for us here is Gregory’s letters,” answered the Tsar.
Until the last minute, the royal couple believed in the prayers of Grigory Rasputin. From Tobolsk they wrote to Anna Vyrubova that Russia was suffering for his murder. No one could shake their trust, although all the hostile newspaper articles were brought to them and everyone tried to prove to them that he was a bad person. One should not think that the Tsar and Queen were naive, deceived people. As required by their position, they repeatedly carried out secret checks on the reliability of the information received and each time they were convinced that it was slander.
At the beginning, it seemed to me that so much had been written about Rasputin that everything was known about him. Indeed, mainly in the 20s, a large number of books, brochures, and articles were published. But when I began to read them carefully, trying to find the primary sources of this or that fact, I found myself in some kind of vicious circle. Most of the publications used the same obscene examples, considering them as reliable evidence, without bothering to cite specific sources. Then I decided to check these publications using archival data - I studied Rasputin’s personal collection and other materials related to him.
And a curious picture opened before me. It turns out that “Soviet historical science” has never seriously studied the history of Rasputin’s life. There is not a single article, let alone a book, where Rasputin’s life is examined consistently, based on a critical analysis of historical facts and sources. All currently existing works and articles about Rasputin are retellings in different combinations of the same legends and anecdotes in the spirit of revolutionary incrimination, most of which are nothing more than outright fiction and falsification, created, as we were able to establish, by Masonic lodges to discredit the state authorities. [* For more information about this, see the book “The Truth about Grigory Rasputin.” Saratov, 1993]
In fact, the Freemasons created a myth about Rasputin, a myth aimed at denigrating and discrediting Russia and its spiritual people.
However, we see the Russian public’s understanding of this goal of the myth-makers even during Rasputin’s lifetime. In the newspaper polemics of those years, some consider Rasputin in line with the folk tradition of wandering and old age, others painted him as a terrible libertine, a whip, a drunkard. Moreover, it was rightly noted that “mainly only negative opinions about Rasputin penetrated the printed columns, as a rule, without citing any specific facts; attempts to tell the truth about him were drowned in a frantic and ever-increasing stream unnoticed.” The left-wing radical press did everything to arouse the most irreconcilable hatred in society towards Rasputin.
“We think that we will not be far from the truth,” the Moskovskie Vedomosti newspaper wrote in 1914, “if we say that Rasputin, a “newspaper legend,” and Rasputin, a real man of flesh and blood, have little in common with each other. Rasputin was created by our press, his reputation was inflated and soared to the point that from a distance it could seem like something extraordinary. Rasputin has become some kind of gigantic ghost, casting his shadow over everything.”
“Why was this needed?” - asked Moskovskie Vedomosti and answered: “He was needed only to compromise, dishonor, and dirty our time and our lives. They wanted to brand Russia with his name...”
All the attacks, slander, lies that fell on Rasputin were in fact intended not for him, but for the Tsar and his loved ones. Having felt the thinnest, most tender, most intimate place in the life of the royal family, the enemies of the Tsar and Russia began to hit it with methodical diligence and sophistication, as in their time they hit John of Kronstadt, who was on friendly terms with Alexander III.
The Tsar and Queen were not religious fanatics; their religiosity was of an organic, traditional nature. Orthodoxy for them was the core of existence, an ideal - the crystalline faith of the Russian Tsars of the era of the first Romanovs, a faith inextricably intertwined with other ideals of Holy Rus', folk traditions and customs.
The end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century was characterized by a deep spiritual crisis due to the rejection of Russian spiritual values, traditions and ideals, the transition of a significant part of educated society to the basis of existence on a Western scale of coordinates. The Tsar, who by his position was the supreme custodian of the people's foundations, traditions and ideals, felt the tragic outcome of this crisis and really needed people who were spiritually close to him. This, in our opinion, was the main reason for the rapprochement between the royal couple and Grigory Rasputin. The desire of the Tsar and Queen was of a deeply spiritual nature; in him they saw an old man who continued the traditions of Holy Rus', wise in spiritual experience, spiritually minded, and capable of giving good advice. And at the same time, they saw in him a real Russian peasant - a representative of the largest class in Russia, with a developed sense of common sense, a popular understanding of usefulness, who with his peasant intuition firmly knew what was good and what was bad, where his own people were and where strangers were.
“I love the people, the peasants. “Rasputin is truly one of the people,” said the Tsarina, and the Tsar believed that Gregory was a good, simple, religious Russian man. “In moments of doubt and mental anxiety, I love to talk with him, and after such a conversation my soul always feels light and calm,” he repeatedly repeats this thought in correspondence and conversations.
The Tsar and Tsarina respectfully called Rasputin “our Friend” or Grigory, and Rasputin called them Papa and Mama, meaning in this sense: the father and mother of the people. They talked to each other only on a first name basis.
In the life of the royal family, according to Vyrubova, Rasputin played the same role as Saint John of Kronstadt: “They believed him just like Father John of Kronstadt, they believed him terribly even when they had grief, when, for example, the Heir was sick, turned to him with a request to pray” (from the protocol of the Interrogation of A.A. Vyrubova).
The Queen's letters to her husband are filled with the deepest faith in Grigory Rasputin.
“Listen to our Friend, believe him, the interests of Russia and yours are dear to his heart. God did not send him to us for nothing, but we must pay more attention to his words - they are not spoken into the wind. How important it is for us to have not only his prayers, but also his advice!” (June 10, 1915).
“Oh, dear, I so fervently pray to God that He will enlighten you that in Him is our salvation: if He were not here, I don’t know what would have happened to us. He saves us with his prayers, wise advice, He is our support and help” (November 10, 1916).
“Baby, trust me. you should listen to the advice of our Friend. He prays so fervently, day and night, for you. He protected you where you were, only He, as I am deeply convinced of... A country where a man of God helps the Sovereign never perishes. This is true - you just need to obey, trust and ask for advice - not think that He doesn’t know something. God reveals everything to him. That is why people who do not comprehend His soul admire His mind so much, capable of understanding everything. And when He blesses an undertaking, it succeeds, and if He recommends people, then you can be sure that they are good people. If they subsequently change, then it is no longer His fault - but He makes fewer mistakes in people than we do - He has life experience blessed by God.”
We do not have the moral right to comment on these words, because we still know so little about the world of higher feelings in which the royal family lived. The salvation of Russia lies in following the path of folk traditions, foundations and ideals - and this salvation was rejected by the majority of educated society. The brain of the nation was sick with the disease of foreignness, in which domestic values were presented as obscurantism and reaction.
The Tsar and Tsarina often turn to Rasputin for help and prayer. Here is a rather characteristic line from the Queen’s letter to the Tsar: “I asked Anya to telegraph to our Friend that the matter was very serious and that we were asking him to pray” (November 24, 1914). “Our Friend blesses your trip,” the Queen often writes to the King.
It comes to the point that the Tsarina sees special properties in things belonging to Rasputin, considers them as a kind of shrine: “I bless and kiss, my dear, don’t forget to comb your hair with a small comb,” the Tsarina said to her husband during especially important periods. This comb was presented to the Tsar by Rasputin. Or in another place: “Before the ministerial meeting, do not forget to hold the icon in your hand and comb your hair several times with His comb” (September 15, 1915). After the murder of Rasputin, Nicholas II wore his pectoral cross.
Always coming at the first call of the royal family, Grigory never accepted money from them for himself personally, with the exception of the hundred rubles that they sent him for the trip (and later they paid for his apartment). Although sometimes he took money from them to donate to various charitable needs, in particular, from them he received 5 thousand rubles for the construction of a church in the village of Pokrovskoye.
At the request of the royal family, Rasputin is given a different surname “New” by a special Decree. This word was one of the first words that Heir Alexei uttered when he began to speak. According to legend, when the baby saw Gregory, he shouted: “New! New!" Hence this surname.
For the royal family, Gregory was the personification of hopes and prayers. These meetings were infrequent, but since they were held behind the scenes and even secretly, they were considered by the courtiers as events of great importance, and each of them became known to all of St. Petersburg the next day. Gregory was led, as a rule, through a side exit, along a small staircase, and was received not in the reception room, but in the Queen’s office. When they met, Gregory kissed all members of the royal family, and then they had leisurely conversations. Rasputin talked about the life and needs of Siberian peasants, about the holy places where he had to visit. They listened to him very carefully and never interrupted him. The Tsar and the Tsarina shared with him their concerns and worries and, first of all, their constant concern for the life of their son and Heir, who was sick with an incurable disease. As a rule, if he was not sick, he sat here and listened.
No matter how this is explained, Grigory Rasputin was the only person capable of helping the Heir in his illness. How he did it will probably forever remain a mystery. But the fact is a fact, the terrible disease of blood incoagulability, against which the best doctors were powerless, receded with the intervention of Gregory. There is a lot of evidence of this, even from people who hated Gregory. Thus, palace commandant V.N. Voeikov wrote in his memoirs “With the Tsar and without the Tsar”: “From the very first time, when Rasputin appeared at the bedside of the sick Heir, relief followed immediately. All those close to the royal family are well aware of the case in Spala, when doctors could not find a way to help Alexei Nikolaevich, who was suffering greatly and groaning in pain. As soon as on the advice of A.A. Vyrubova sent a telegram to Rasputin and received a response, the pain began to subside, the temperature began to drop, and soon the Heir recovered.”
Of course, the Tsar listened to Gregory’s advice. From the royal correspondence it is clear that the Tsar listened with attention to Rasputin’s proposals and often accepted them. This especially concerned candidates for the posts of leaders of the Holy Synod and the movement of bishops to various dioceses, although at the last stage of his life Gregory also took part in the selection of candidates for the posts of ministers and governors. In all cases, he expressed only his opinion. His influence on the Tsar was purely spiritual. And the Tsar expected from Gregory the highest spiritual revelations, as if sanctions of Divine power.
Rasputin's advice concerned not only the appointment of ministers. A phenomenon happened to him at night in a dream, and he retold it to the Tsar. So, on November 15, 1915, the Tsarina writes to her husband: “Now, so as not to forget, I must convey to you the order of our Friend, caused by his night vision. He asks you to order the start of an offensive near Riga, says that this is necessary, otherwise the Germans will firmly settle there for the whole winter, which will cost a lot of blood, and it will be difficult to force them to leave. Now we will take them by surprise and ensure that they retreat. He says that this is the most important thing now, and urgently asks you to order ours to advance. He says that we must do this, and asked me to write to you about it immediately.”
By the way, many of Rasputin’s military advice, strange as it may seem to some, were, as a rule, very successful. Nicholas II's assumption of supreme command of military operations and a series of successful operations made it possible to stop the German advance and stabilize the front. As W. Churchill rightly noted, if the revolution had not occurred, the victory of the Russian army, led by the Tsar, would have been ensured.
Just don’t consider Nikolai an obedient executor of Rasputin’s decrees. The fact that he consulted with Gregory did not mean at all that he followed all his advice. When resolving the vast majority of issues, Nicholas did not inform either Rasputin or even the Empress. They learned about many of his decisions from newspapers or other sources. In one of his letters to his wife, Nikolai says quite firmly and even harshly: “Only, I ask you not to interfere with our Friend. I bear responsibility and therefore I wish to be free in my choice” (November 10, 1916).
Rasputin develops a surprisingly touching relationship with the royal children. When Rasputin is in the palace, he talks with them and instructs them. They write him letters and greeting cards and ask him to pray for success in his studies. “My dear little one! - Grigory writes to Tsarevich Alexei in November 1913. - Look at God, what wounds he has. He endured for a while, and then he became so strong and omnipotent - so are you, dear, so will you be cheerful, and we will live and visit together. See you soon". Before the war, preparations were being made for Tsarevich Alexei and Rasputin to travel to the Verkhoturye Monastery to visit the relics of Simeon of Verkhoturye.
On the advice of Gregory, the Tsarina and her eldest daughters begin to work hard as sisters of mercy, helping wounded soldiers. They even undergo special training to become qualified nurses. The Queen puts all her energy and ardor into this help. They get up early in the morning, go to church and then to the hospital. She connects her work in the hospital with Gregory’s spiritual help. “I find it completely natural that the sick feel calmer and better in my presence,” writes the Queen, “because I always think about our Friend and pray, seeing them quietly and stroking them. The soul must be adjusted accordingly when you sit with the sick; if you want to help them, you must try to get into the same position and rise through them yourself, or help them rise through following our Friend” (November 8, 1915).
The Tsar and Tsarina suffered terribly from the lies and slander that was organized against Rasputin, and in fact against themselves. After a newspaper campaign about another fabricated case against Gregory (about a spree in the Yar restaurant), the Tsarina wrote to the Tsar on June 22, 1915: “If we allow our Friend to be persecuted, then we and our country will suffer for it. A year ago there was already an attempt on His life, and he had already been slandered enough. As if they could not have called the police immediately and caught him at the scene of the crime - what a horror! (The queen means that the case was based only on rumors, the protocols were fabricated retroactively).
...I am so broken, there is such pain in my heart from all this! I am sick at the thought that they will again throw mud at a person whom we all respect - this is more than terrible.”
The thought that they cannot protect a person close to them constantly worries the royal couple, as does the thought that he suffers for them. On February 26, 1917, the Tsarina writes to her husband after visiting Rasputin’s grave: “I felt such calm and peace at His dear grave. He died to save us."
Yard and surroundings
Like any monarch, Nicholas II had a large court and many courtiers. This has been the case for centuries. The life of the Court was subject to strictly observed etiquette. And the Tsar himself, and his wife, and children had to follow all the rules, although they did not like this external aspect of their position. Every step of the Tsar and Queen was controlled by security. “This security,” wrote A.A. Vyrubova, was one of those inevitable evils that surrounded Their Majesties. The Empress was especially distressed and protested against this “protection”; she said that the Emperor and she were worse than prisoners. Every step of Their Majesties was recorded, even telephone conversations were eavesdropped. Nothing gave Their Majesties greater pleasure than to “cheat” the police; when they managed to avoid surveillance, go or drive where they were not expected, they rejoiced like schoolchildren.”
It is very important to note that the Tsar and Queen were hostages of the system that had developed long before them. From correspondence and diaries it is clear how lonely they felt in court life. The sincerity, modesty and even shyness of the imperial couple was opposed, in fact, by a deeply depraved court environment in a moral sense. There were many people here who wanted to please the Tsar in order to receive some benefits, who constantly intrigued against each other, and if their intrigues failed, they slandered the Tsar in every possible way. Of course, these people showed themselves characteristically in difficult times - after the abdication, most of the courtiers fled without warning anyone; people whom the Tsar and Queen considered their close friends behaved in the most treacherous manner. Some of his relatives also behaved dishonestly and even treacherously towards the Emperor.
Speaking about the relatives of Nicholas II, members of the House of Romanov, it should be noted with bitterness that most of them were very ordinary people, preoccupied with personal problems and least of all thinking about Russia. Many of them looked at the royal couple as a source of high positions, financial resources and profitable business. From the correspondence it is clear how alien the Tsar and Queen felt among them.
The exceptions were the Tsar's closest relatives - his mother, Maria Feodorovna, sisters Ksenia and Olga, brother Mikhail. Their relationship with the King was sincere and cordial. But here too there were problems. Although the Tsarina deeply respected and loved her husband’s mother, there was a certain chill in their relationship, which intensified during the period of persecution of Rasputin. For the forces that carried out this persecution tried to drag even the Tsar’s relatives into it and managed to incite Maria Fedorovna in a certain spirit.
Montenegrin princesses - sisters Milica and Anastasia (Stana) Nikolaevna (in correspondence they are often referred to as “blacks”) married two brothers of the Grand Dukes Peter and Nikolai Nikolaevich. Close-minded, with great ambitions, these two sisters became the cause of many sad experiences for the Queen. If something was not to their liking, and the Queen was disgusted by their eccentricity and superficiality, they began to spread various conjectures and rumors, and such as to offend more painfully. They spread gossip about the Queen, that she was a drunkard, a libertine and even a spy, and called for her to be imprisoned in a monastery.
Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, a freemason, married to Anastasia Nikolaevna, according to many testimonies, a good military servant and no politician, during the war years, in the plans of Russian masons, he became one of the possible candidates for the throne in the event of the removal of the Tsar.
Rumors about this persisted, especially during the period when he held the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief. And Nikolai Nikolaevich’s actions spoke for themselves. He, as a monarch, invites ministers to him, issues orders and appeals throughout the army that only befit a monarch, and his portraits are distributed everywhere. Although, judging by the character of Nikolai Nikolaevich, this was hardly his idea, most likely, he was a tool in the hands of his Masonic entourage, and above all, his personal friend A.I. Khatisov and V.F. Dzhunkovsky. Be that as it may, objectively this Grand Duke took a position hostile to the Tsar. In exile, Nikolai Nikolaevich considered himself the head of the House of Romanov and in his soul, apparently, until the end of his days he did not love the Tsar, which, in particular, was expressed in his refusal to accept investigator Sokolov, who was trying to understand the tragedy of the royal family.
Another relative who played a big role in the fall of the Tsar was Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich, who served as commander of the Guards crew. A two-faced man, ready to serve when it concerned his interests, to receive some positions from the hands of the Tsar. In the tragic days of February 1917, when much depended on his determination and the rebellion could be suppressed, he took the side of the rebels and arrived at their headquarters at the head of the troops entrusted to him by the Tsar to swear allegiance to the “revolution.” This was two days before the abdication of the Tsar, and Kirill Vladimirovich’s action cannot be called anything other than treason or betrayal. It is difficult to say what guided the Grand Duke in his action; perhaps he wanted to become a revolutionary emperor? However, in exile, he declared himself the head of the House of Romanov.
Some representatives of one of the side branches of the House of Romanov - the Mikhailovichs - caused a lot of concern to the royal couple.
The father of Nicholas II considered the Grand Dukes Mikhailovich to be Jews, since the wife of Mikhail Nikolaevich, their mother Olga Fedorovna, was of Jewish blood.
The most harmful among them, in the opinion of the Tsarina, was Grand Duke Nikolai Mikhailovich, a historian, but most importantly, a Freemason, a member of the secret French society “Bixio”. Forces hostile to the royal family were constantly grouped around Nikolai Mikhailovich.
Another Mason from among the Mikhailovichs was Grand Duke Alexander Mikhailovich, a spiritualist who called himself a Rosicrucian and Philalethe. This Mikhailovich was married to the Tsar’s sister Ksenia. From this marriage was born a daughter, Irina, who married the future killer of Rasputin, Felix Yusupov, a weak-hearted sissy, a whip and a veil, who was being treated for mental disorders.
The brightest representative of the degenerate part of the House of Romanov was Grand Duke Dmitry Pavlovich, a two-faced, vile homosexual torn apart by political ambitions. This man constantly rubbed shoulders with the royal couple, hatching his criminal plans against the Tsar and Queen who sincerely trusted him.
Dmitry Pavlovich was among the participants in the murder of Grigory Rasputin, and then played around in the most base manner, trying to prove that he had nothing to do with it.
The widow of Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich Maria Pavlovna (the eldest), [* By the way, the mother of the notorious Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich.] in correspondence she is called Mikhen, wanted to marry her son Boris, already a fairly shabby juir and bon vivant, to the royal daughter Olga. Of course, the royal couple was against such a marriage of a pure, romantic, sublime girl with a man who, in his life position, was completely opposite to her. But his mother showed enviable persistence in this matter and repeatedly returned to him, which could not but cause a feeling of irritation, especially in the Queen.
Against the background of duplicity, meanness and intrigue, Grand Duke Konstantin Konstantinovich, a good Russian poet who managed to raise his sons in the same spirit, as well as the son of Grand Duke Pavel Alexandrovich from a morganatic marriage, Vladimir Paley, also promising, stood out pleasantly for their decency and true love for Russia poet.
The royal couple had relatively little contact with relatives along the Queen’s side, and they almost ceased from the beginning of the war.
In recent years, there has been a cooling between the Tsarina and her older sister Elizaveta Fedorovna (after the murder of her husband, Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich, who became the abbess of the community of mercy). Elizaveta Fedorovna believed that the Tsarina should not see Grigory Rasputin and that in general she should send him home. This opinion of hers was not created without the participation of people who were close to her at that time, and in particular, N.K. Mekk, member of Elizaveta Feodorovna’s committee, and V.F. Dzhunkovsky, comrade minister of internal affairs, chief of gendarmes. Both of them were active Freemasons who pursued their line to discredit the royal family. Shortly before the murder of Rasputin, Elizaveta Fedorovna came to her sister and insisted on the removal of Rasputin. After this conversation, the Tsarina ordered a train to arrive and immediately sent her sister to Moscow. After the murder of Rasputin, the Tsarina received telegrams from her sister, intercepted by the police, sent to the killers, in which she congratulated them on their “patriotic” act. The queen was shocked by these telegrams.
A special knot of tension was created in the relations of the Empress with her courtiers. From the very beginning, Alexandra Fedorovna tried to find access to the hearts of her courtiers. “But she did not know how to express it,” writes Gilliard, “and her innate shyness ruined her good intentions. She very soon felt that she was powerless to make her understand and appreciate herself. Her spontaneous nature quickly encountered the cold conventionality of the court’s surroundings... In response to her trust, she expected to find a sincere and reasonable readiness to devote herself to the cause, a real good desire, but instead she met empty, impersonal court courtesy. Despite all her efforts, she had not learned common courtesy and the art of touching all subjects lightly, with purely outward favor. The fact is that the Empress was, above all, sincere, and her every word was only an expression of her inner feeling. Seeing herself misunderstood, she was quick to withdraw into herself. Her natural pride was wounded. She more and more avoided festivities and receptions, which were an unbearable burden for her. She adopted a reserve and aloofness that was mistaken for arrogance and contempt.” “Such hatred from the “spoiled upper circle,” the Tsarina wrote to her husband in despair on November 20, 1916. For many courtiers, the Tsar's Christian feelings were a sign of his weakness. They could not understand that it was easy for the Tsar to rule through violence and fear. But he didn't want it. Focusing on the people's feelings of love for the Tsar, as a spokesman for the Motherland, he apparently made a big mistake when he extended these feelings to the courtiers, brought up in the Western European spirit of refined servility to the strong and rich. And here, of course, the Queen was right when she said that the hearts of people from high society are not soft and not responsive. It was to them that her words that “they should be afraid of you - love alone is not enough” applied.
The circle of people who were close to the royal couple in the last years of their lives was quite narrow. We have already talked about relatives; among them there were almost no people truly close to the royal couple.
There were also few such people among ministers and senior dignitaries. Moreover, a secret infection flourished among them - Freemasonry, which was difficult or almost impossible to fight, because these people carried out their secret subversive work under the guise of devotion to the Tsar and the throne.
Among the tsarist ministers and their deputies there were at least eight members of the Masonic lodges - Polivanov (Minister of War), Naumov (Minister of Agriculture), Kutler and Bark (Ministry of Finance), Dzhunkovsky and Urusov (Ministry of Internal Affairs), Fedorov (Ministry of Trade and Industry ). General Mosolov, head of the office of the Minister of the Tsar's Court, was a Mason.
The Freemasons Guchkov, Kovalevsky, Meller-Zakomelsky, Gurko and Polivanov sat in the State Council.
Treason also penetrated into the military department, the head of which was the Freemason Polivanov, whom we have already mentioned twice. The Masonic lodges included the Chief of the Russian General Staff Alekseev, representatives of the highest generals - Generals Ruzsky, Gurko, Krymov, Kuzmin-Karavaev, Teplov, Admiral Verderevsky.
Many tsarist diplomats were members of the Masonic lodges - Gulkevich, von Meck (Sweden), Stakhovich (Spain), Poklevsky-Kozell (Romania), Kandaurov, Panchenko, Nolde (France), Mandelstam (Switzerland), Loris-Melikov (Sweden, Norway) , Kudashev (China), Shcherbatsky (Latin America), Zabello (Italy), Islavin (Montenegro).
People who were close to the royal family in recent years did not belong to the top leadership; they were mostly far from politics; their closeness to the throne was determined by the spiritual needs and personal sympathies of the royal family.
Firstly, these were people who shared the love of the royal family for Grigory Rasputin, admirers of this man, first of all, Anna Vyrubova, Yulia Den (Lily), as well as generally spiritually minded people - Anastasia Gendrikova (Nastya), Ekaterina Schneider ( Trina), Sofia Buxhoeveden (Isa).
Secondly, this included several senior court officials - the head of the imperial convoy Grabbe, the head of the marching office Naryshkin, Chief Marshal Benckendorf, the Minister of the Court Fredericks, as well as the palace commandant Voeikov, who was married to his daughter.
And finally, this included a number of the Tsar’s favorite adjutants and associates - N.P. Sablin, Duke of Leuchtenberg, Count Apraksin, Colonel Mordvinov, Prince V. Dolgorukov (Valya), Count D. Sheremetev (Dimka), princes Baryatinsky, Count A. Vorontsov-Dashkov (Sashka), N. Rodionov (Rodochka).
The last two categories of people who stood close to the royal family, despite the love and sympathy of the Tsar for them, were for the most part real courtiers in the Western European sense, hiding their personal interests behind words of devotion to the Tsar and constantly intriguing. The royal correspondence provides many examples of this. Let's say, what is the intrigue of the commander of the imperial convoy, Count Grabbe, who tried to assign a certain Soldatenko as a mistress to the Tsar in order to influence the Tsar through her. What a deeply alien person one must be to the Tsar and hardly know him in order to try to realize this intention!
Both in the diary and in the Tsar’s correspondence, the names of Sablin, Rodionov and Mordvinov are often found; their images are also in the albums of the Tsar’s family photographs. These people were the favorites of the royal family, spent time with them, played with their daughters, the Queen constantly took care of them and asked about them in her letters.
Colonel Mordvinov was known among the Tsar's daughters as a funny man, he loved to joke, and people loved to joke about him. As it later became clear, this role did not suit him, he was not happy and was among the first to abandon the Emperor in difficult times.
But the greatest favorite of the royal family in recent years was Nikolai Pavlovich Sablin, first an officer and then commander of the personal imperial yacht “Standart”. After Grigory Rasputin and Anna Vyrubova, this is perhaps the closest person to the royal couple. As it became clear later, he was a clever and intelligent careerist, a cold and calculating man, who played the role of an officer devoted to the throne, but betrayed him in the first days of his trials.
Immediately after the abdication, even before the Tsar left Mogilev, many of his associates began to scatter. Some under plausible pretexts, some without any pretexts, they simply hid without even saying goodbye. On March 5, Count Fredericks and General Voeikov left for their estates. When the train from Mogilev arrived at Tsarskoe Selo, the flight became widespread. As an eyewitness says, “these faces poured onto the platform and began to quickly, quickly run away in different directions, looking around, apparently imbued with a feeling of fear that they would be recognized. I remember very well that Major General Naryshkin ran away like that…” All the beloved adjutants fled, except for Prince Dolgorukov, Grabbe, Apraksin, Benckendorf disappeared.
In general, the renunciation showed who is who in the royal circle. Only people who were spiritually connected with the royal family remained. They remained faithful to her to the end, and some shared her fate. However, we got ahead of ourselves.
The conflict between high society and the Empress was, in a certain sense, of a fundamental nature. On the one hand, there is an environment accustomed to the cult of idleness and entertainment, on the other, a shy woman of a strict Victorian upbringing, accustomed from childhood to work and needlework. The closest friend of the Empress Vyrubova tells how Alexandra Feodorovna did not like the empty atmosphere of St. Petersburg society. She was always amazed that young ladies from high society knew neither housekeeping nor needlework, and were not interested in anything except officers. The Empress is trying to instill in St. Petersburg society ladies a taste for work. She founded the “Handicraft Society,” whose members, ladies and young ladies, were required to make at least three things a year for the poor with their own hands. However, nothing came of it... The St. Petersburg world did not like the idea. Slander against the Empress became the norm in high society. In difficult times for the country, secular society, for example, amused itself with a new and very interesting activity, spreading all kinds of gossip about the Emperor and Empress. One society lady, close to the Grand Duke’s circle, said: “Today we are spreading rumors in factories about how the Empress solders the Tsar, and everyone believes it.”
While society ladies were engaged in such pranks, the Queen organized a special evacuation point, which included about 85 hospitals for wounded soldiers. Together with her two daughters and her friend Anna Aleksandrovna Vyrubova, Alexandra Fedorovna took a course in wartime nurses. Then they all “entered the infirmary at the Palace Hospital as ordinary surgical nurses and immediately began to work bandaging, often seriously wounded. Standing behind the surgeon, the Empress, like every operating nurse, handed over sterilized instruments, cotton wool and bandages, carried away amputated legs and arms, bandaged gangrenous wounds, not disdaining anything and steadfastly enduring the smells and terrible pictures of a military hospital during the war. I explain to myself that she was a born sister of mercy... A terrible, difficult and tiring time began. We got up early, sometimes went to bed at two in the morning. At 9 o'clock in the morning, the Empress went every day to the Church of the Sign, to the miraculous image, and from there we went to work in the infirmary... During difficult operations, the wounded begged the Empress to be near. They idolized the Empress, expected her arrival, tried to touch her gray sister's dress; the dying asked her to sit near the bed, hold their hand or head, and she, despite her fatigue, calmed them down for hours.”
One of the officers who was being treated in the infirmary, where the Grand Duchesses were sisters of mercy, recalls: “The first impression of the Grand Duchesses never changed and could not change, they were so perfect, full of royal charm, spiritual gentleness and endless benevolence and kindness to everyone. Every gesture and every word, the enchanting sparkle of their eyes and the tenderness of their smiles, and sometimes joyful laughter - everything attracted people to them.
They had the innate ability and ability with a few words to soften and reduce the grief, severity of experiences and physical suffering of wounded soldiers... All the princesses were wonderful Russian girls, full of external and internal beauty. Their boundless love for Russia, deep religiosity, received from the Tsar and Empress, and their truly Christian life could serve as an example for centuries, and their martyrdom and the suffering, physical and moral, which they all endured, were no different from sufferings of the first Christians. It was one family, forever bound to each other by great love, a sense of duty and religiosity.”
In conditions of spiritual disunity with the court environment, the royal couple felt happy and peaceful only in family life and constant communication with their children. From the court environment, the Tsar and Tsarina developed close friendly feelings only with Anna Alexandrovna Vyrubova, who was separately devoted to the royal family to the point of self-denial. It is difficult to say what initially connected the Empress and one of the many ladies of the court, who was also twelve years younger than her. Most likely the general mood, sincerity, sensitivity and integrity of their natures. The queen was very sorry for her friend for her unsettled personal life and treated her almost like a child. However, with her naivety, Vyrubova really resembled a child. Anna Alexandrovna came to the royal palace almost every day, traveled with them to the Crimea, and to Spala, and around the Baltic. Sometimes the royal couple and their daughters visited Vyrubova’s small house not far from the palace. Slander organized by dark forces attributed to these meetings the nature of orgies and brawls, especially since sometimes Grigory Rasputin also came to Vyrubova’s house. The Commission of the Provisional Government, which passionately investigated Vyrubova’s connections and meetings, was disappointed to admit that all these accusations were false, moreover. a medical examination established that Vyrubova had never been in an intimate relationship with any man.
A man of conscience and honor
The foreign biographer of Nicholas II, R. Macy, once remarked that in England, where the main quality of a monarch is to be a “good man,” which automatically means to be a “good king,” Nicholas would have been a wonderful monarch. And according to Russian Orthodox concepts, Nicholas II was a man of conscience and soul, a true Christian, and so was his wife.
Throughout their lives, the Tsar and Queen were worried about three most important ideas: the idea of universal peace, the idea of the triumph of Orthodoxy, and the idea of the country’s prosperity. Intertwined with touching love for each other and children, these ideas were the main core of their existence, for which they laid down their lives.
The Tsar and Queen came up with the idea of general and complete disarmament. This historical initiative alone gives them the right to immortality.
As the historian Oldenburg writes, the idea of this apparently arose in March 1898. In the spring of the same year, the Minister of Foreign Affairs prepares a note, and by the summer an Appeal to all countries of the world. It said, in part: “As the armaments of each state grow, they are less and less adequate for the purpose envisioned by governments. The disturbances in the economic order, caused in large part by the excess of armaments, and the constant danger which lies in the enormous accumulation of military means, turn the armed world of our day into an overwhelming burden, which the peoples bear with increasing difficulty. It seems obvious, therefore, that if such a situation were to continue, it would fatally lead to precisely the disaster that they are trying to avoid and before the horrors of which the human mind shudders in advance.
To put a limit to continuous armaments and to find means to prevent misfortunes that threaten the whole world - this is the highest duty for all states. Filled with this feeling, the Emperor deigned to order me to contact the governments of states, whose representatives are accredited at the highest court, with a proposal to convene a conference to discuss this important task.
With God's help, this conference could be a good omen for the coming age. It would unite into one powerful whole the efforts of all states that sincerely strive to ensure that the great idea of universal peace triumphs over the area of turmoil and discord. At the same time, it would seal their agreement by joint recognition of the principles of law and justice, on which the security of states and the prosperity of peoples is based.”
How relevant these words still sound today, but they were written almost a hundred years ago! Russia has done a lot of work to organize a general peace conference. However, the political thinking of the majority of statesmen of the countries participating in the peace conference was associated with the doctrine of the inevitability of wars and military confrontation. The main proposals of Emperor Nicholas II were not accepted, although some progress was made on certain issues - the use of the most barbaric methods of war was prohibited and a permanent court was established for the peaceful resolution of disputes through mediation and arbitration. The latter institution became the prototype of the League of Nations and the United Nations. For many statesmen, the idea of creating such an international organization seemed stupid. The crowned brother of Tsar Nicholas II, Wilhelm II, wrote about the creation of this organization: “So that he (Nicholas II - O.P.) does not disgrace himself before Europe, I will agree to this stupidity. But in my practice I will continue to rely and count only on God and my sharp sword.”
The idea of the triumph of Orthodoxy was expressed by the royal couple in the ascetic activity of developing the church. The tsar was personally involved in the internal affairs of the church, contributed to the canonization of saints, the construction of new churches and the improvement of the living conditions of the clergy, many of whom, especially rural priests, lived very poorly. During the reign of Nicholas II, as many churches were built as in the entire previous century. Missionary work was actively carried out in Siberia and Central Asia. The idea of returning Constantinople and the greatest shrine of the Church of Hagia Sophia to the Orthodox world had a purely Christian character of restoring justice. Not conquest, but acquisition, not capture, but return.
The reign of Nicholas II is a period of the highest rates of economic growth in the history of Russia and the USSR. During the 1880-1910s, the growth rate of Russian industrial output exceeded 9 percent per year. In terms of the growth rate of industrial output and the rate of growth of labor productivity, Russia has taken first place in the world, ahead of the rapidly developing United States. Russia has taken first place in the world in the production of the main agricultural crops, growing more than half of the world's production of rye, more than a quarter of wheat and oats, about two-fifths of barley, and about a quarter of potatoes. Russia became the main exporter of agricultural products, the first “breadbasket of Europe,” accounting for two-fifths of all world exports of peasant products. The rapid development of the level of industrial and agricultural production, coupled with a positive trade balance, allowed Russia during the reign of Nicholas II to have a stable gold convertible currency, which today we can only dream of, looking at the gold Nicholas ten-ruble notes. The economic policy of the government of Nicholas II was built on the principles of creating a most favored nation regime for all healthy economic forces through preferential taxation and lending, promoting the organization of all-Russian industrial fairs, and the comprehensive development of means of transport and communication. Emperor Nicholas II attached great importance to the development of railways. Even in his youth, he participated in the foundation (and later actively contributed to the construction) of the famous Great Siberian Road, most of which was built during his reign.
The rise of industrial production during the reign of Nicholas II is largely associated with the development of new factory legislation, one of the active creators of which was the Emperor himself as the main legislator of the country. The purpose of the new factory legislation was, on the one hand, to streamline relations between entrepreneurs and workers, and on the other, to improve the situation of working people living on industrial earnings.
The law of June 2, 1897 introduced rationing of the working day for the first time. According to this law, for workers employed during the day, working time should not exceed eleven and a half hours a day, and on Saturdays and pre-holidays - 10 hours. “For workers employed, at least partly, at night, working hours should not exceed ten hours a day.” A little later, a ten-hour working day was legally established in Russian industry. For that era it was a revolutionary step. For comparison, let's say that in Germany the question of this was just raised.
Another law, adopted with the direct participation of Emperor Nicholas II, on remuneration for workers affected by accidents (1903). According to this law, “owners of enterprises are obliged to compensate workers, regardless of their gender and age, for loss of ability to work for more than three days from bodily injury caused to them by work in the production of the enterprise or that occurred as a result of such work.” “If the consequence of an accident, under the same conditions, was the death of the worker, then the members of his family receive the compensation.” And finally, by law on June 23, 1912, compulsory insurance of workers against illnesses and accidents was introduced in Russia. The next step was to introduce a law on disability and old age insurance. But the subsequent social cataclysms delayed it for two decades...
One can give many more examples of the Tsar’s active assistance in the development of Russian culture, art, science, and reform of the army and navy. Thus, one of the first acts of Emperor Nicholas II was an order to allocate significant sums of money to help needy scientists, writers and publicists, as well as their widows and orphans (1895). The Emperor entrusted the management of this matter to a special commission of the Academy of Sciences. In 1896, a new charter was introduced on privileges for inventions, “modifying the previous conditions for the exploitation of inventions to the benefit of the inventors themselves and the development of industrial technology.”
But it’s a paradox: the more the Tsar did for the good of the Fatherland, the stronger the voices of his opponents were heard. There is an organized smear campaign to discredit him. The dark destructive forces do not disdain anything; they use the most vile, dirtiest, most absurd accusations - from espionage for the Germans to complete moral decay. An increasingly large part of the educated society of Russia is turning away from Russian traditions and ideals and taking the side of these destructive forces. Tsar Nicholas II and this destructive part of educated society live, as it were, in different worlds. The Emperor is in the Spiritual world of indigenous Russia, his opponents are in the world of its denial. Emphasizing the essence of the tragedy of the Russian Emperor, it should be stated that it was during his reign that the fruits of the poisonous tree of denial of Russian culture, the roots of which stretch into the depths of Russian history, ripened. It is not his fault, but his misfortune that the ripening of the poisonous fruit, now called “revolution,” occurred during his reign. Strictly speaking, it was not a revolution, because the main content of the events that followed 1917 was not the social struggle (although it, of course, existed), but the struggle of people deprived of Russian national consciousness. against national Russia. In this struggle, the Russian Tsar had to die first.
The Tsar seeks to preserve and increase the national Russian culture; destructive elements call for its destruction. The Tsar organizes the country's defense against a mortal enemy; destructive elements are calling for Russia's defeat in this war. Interesting is the very deep assessment of the events that took place on the eve of the death of the Russian Emperor, given by Winston Churchill in his book “The World Crisis of 1916-1918”:
“Fate has never been as cruel to any country as to Russia. Her ship sank while the harbor was in sight. She had already weathered the storm when everything collapsed. All the sacrifices have already been made, all the work has been completed. Despair and betrayal took over the government when the task was already completed. The long retreats are over; shell hunger is defeated; weapons flowed in in a wide stream; a stronger, more numerous, better equipped army guarded a huge front; the rear assembly points were crowded with people. Alekseev led the army and Kolchak - the fleet. In addition, no more difficult actions were required: remaining at post; put heavy pressure on the widely stretched German lines; hold, without showing much activity, the weakening enemy forces on your front; in other words - hold on; that’s all that stood between Russia and the fruits of a common victory.”
“...In March the Tsar was on the throne; The Russian Empire and the Russian army held out, the front was secured and victory was indisputable.”
“According to the superficial fashion of our time, the tsarist system is usually interpreted as a blind, rotten tyranny, incapable of anything. But an analysis of the thirty months of war with Germany and Austria should correct these facile ideas. We can measure the strength of the Russian Empire by the blows it suffered, by the disasters it survived, by the inexhaustible forces it developed, and by the recovery of which it was capable.”
“In the government of states, when great events occur, the leader of the nation, whoever he may be, is condemned for failures and glorified for successes. The point is not who did the work, who drew up the plan of struggle; blame or praise for the outcome falls on the one who has the authority of supreme responsibility. Why deny Nicholas II this severe test?... The burden of the final decisions lay on Him. At the top, where events surpass human understanding, where everything is inscrutable, He had to give answers. He was the compass needle. To fight or not to fight? Advance or retreat? Go right or left? Agree to democratization or stand firm? Leave or stand? Here are the battlefields of Nicholas II. Why not give Him honor for this? The selfless impulse of the Russian armies that saved Paris in 1914; overcoming a painful, shell-free retreat; slow recovery; Brusilov's victories; Russia entering the 1917 campaign undefeated, stronger than ever; was not His part in all this? Despite the big and terrible mistakes, the system that was embodied in Him, which He led, to which He gave a vital spark with His personal properties - by that moment won the war for Russia.
They're about to kill him. A dark hand intervenes, at first invested with madness. The king leaves the stage. He and all those who love Him are handed over to suffering and death. His efforts are downplayed; His actions are condemned; His memory is being defamed... Stop and say: who else turned out to be suitable? In people who are talented and brave; people who are ambitious and proud in spirit; there was no shortage of brave and powerful people. But no one was able to answer those few simple questions on which the life and glory of Russia depended. Holding victory already in her hands, she fell to the ground, alive, like Herod of old, devoured by worms.”
Nicholas II was not a good politician in the current sense of the word, that is, he was not a politician and political ambitious, ready to make any combinations and deals with his conscience to retain power. The emperor was a man of conscience and soul (you are repeatedly convinced of this by reading his correspondence and diaries); the moral principles that guided his activities made him defenseless against the dark intrigues that were woven in his environment. Many of his entourage pursued their own interests, hoped to receive certain benefits, and bargained with the Tsar’s opponents about the price of betrayal.
The circle of betrayal and treason tightened around the Tsar more and more, which turned into a kind of trap by March 2, 1917. Let's read some entries in the Emperor's diary to understand the feelings that possessed him on the eve of his abdication.
Riots began in Petrograd a few days ago; Unfortunately, troops also began to take part in them. It’s a disgusting feeling to be so far away and receive fragmentary bad news! Was at the report for a short time. In the afternoon I took a walk along the highway to Orsha. The weather was sunny. After lunch, I decided to go to Tsarskoe Selo as quickly as possible and at one in the morning I got on the train.
Went to bed at 31/4 because... talked for a long time with N.I. Ivanov, whom I am sending to Petrograd with troops to restore order. Slept until 10 o'clock. We left Mogilev at 5 o'clock. morning. The weather was frosty and sunny. In the afternoon we passed Vyazma, Rzhev, and Likhoslavl at 9 o'clock.
At night we turned back from M. Vishera, because Lyuban and Tosno were occupied by the rebels. We went to Valdai, Dno and Pskov, where we stopped for the night. I saw Ruzsky... Gatchina and Luga were also busy! Shame and shame! It was not possible to get to Tsarskoe. And thoughts and feelings are there all the time! How painful it must be for poor Alix to go through all these events alone! Help us. Lord!
In the morning Ruzsky came and read his long conversation on the phone with Rodzianko. According to him, the situation in Petrograd is such that now the ministry from the Duma seems powerless to do anything, because The Social Democratic Party, represented by the workers' committee, is fighting against it. My renunciation is needed. Ruzsky conveyed this conversation to headquarters, and Alekseev to all commanders in chief. By 2 1/2 o'clock. replies came from everyone. The point is that in the name of saving Russia and keeping the armies at the front calm, you need to decide to take this step. I agreed. Headquarters sent a draft manifesto. In the evening, Guchkov and Shulgin arrived from Petrograd, with whom I spoke and gave them the signed and revised manifesto. At one o'clock in the morning I left Pskov with a heavy feeling of what I had experienced.
There is treason, cowardice, and deceit all around!”
With the signing of the abdication, an end was put to the tragedy of the life of Emperor Nicholas II and the countdown to the tragedy of his death began.
Why did the Emperor make this fatal decision? He, deceived and betrayed by his entourage, accepted him in the hope (he later told P. Gilliard about this) that those who wished to remove him would be able to bring the war to a happy end and save Russia. He was afraid that his resistance would not serve as a reason for civil war in the presence of the enemy, and did not want the blood of at least one Russian to be shed for him.
He sacrificed himself for the sake of Russia. But the forces that insisted on the departure of the Tsar did not want either victory or the salvation of Russia; they needed chaos and the death of the country. They were ready to sow them for foreign gold. Therefore, the Tsar’s sacrifice turned out to be in vain for Russia and, moreover, disastrous, because the state itself became a victim of treason. With the fall of the Tsar, the period of Russia’s rise ended and the process of its destruction began, which has not stopped to this day.
The history of the correspondence between Emperor Nicholas II and Empress Alexandra Feodorovna was discussed in a recently published article by B.F. Dodonov, O.N. Kopylov and S.V. Mironenko. It was indicated that the diaries and letters of Nicholas II and members of his family appeared in central newspapers already in early August 1918. To sort out the Romanov papers, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee created a special commission, the composition and functions of which were finally approved by its decision of September 10, 1918. It included historian M.N. Pokrovsky, well-known journalists at that time L.S. Sosnovsky (editor of the newspaper "Bednota") and Yu.M. Steklov (editor of Izvestia of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee), head of the Main Directorate of Archives (GUAD) D.B. Ryazanov and lawyer, later a prominent historian and archivist, V.V. Adoratsky. The Socialist Academy of Social Sciences was also involved in the disassembly and publication of documents of the former royal family. Since September 1918, its employees copied documents from the Novoromanov archive and translated them into Russian. In 1921, it was discovered that some documents of Nicholas II were illegally transferred from Soviet archives abroad. Suspicion fell on Professor V.N. Storozhev, and he was fired from his job.
The result of this “leak” was the first publication of the letters of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, undertaken by the Berlin publishing house “Slovo” in 1922. The letters were published starting in April 1914, the first part of each volume consisted of translations of the letters, and the second part of the originals in English. In other words, the Berlin publishing house had copies of letters in English at its disposal, and readers were given the opportunity to check the quality of the translation themselves.
Following this, the Soviet publication of the correspondence was undertaken. It was prepared for publication by A.A. Sergeev, a future outstanding archaeographer. The third, fourth and fifth volumes of correspondence were published, starting in April 1914. Telegrams exchanged between the spouses were added to the letters. In his introductory article, M.N. Pokrovsky reported that the letters published by Slovo were stolen from Soviet archives and “are replete with a mass of distortions, omissions and defects.”
Despite the fact that the correspondence of Emperor Nicholas II with Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, starting from its very publication, was widely cited in scientific and memoir literature, the reliability of these documents has not been confirmed. At the same time, articles appear in the press under high-profile titles, for example, “The reliability of the correspondence of Emperor Nicholas II with Empress Alexandra Feodorovna,” claiming to be “fundamental research in this area.” Moreover, the authors base their conclusions only on an analysis of the content of the correspondence itself. Such publications include the republication of correspondence entitled “The Crown of Thorns of Russia. Nicholas II in Secret Correspondence” by O.A. Platonov. The publication is accompanied by a lengthy introduction and for some reason is divided into chapters with artistic titles (without violating the chronology). In this case, the correspondence begins with a letter dated September 19, 1914. Telegrams and numbering of letters made by the Empress herself are not included in O.A. Platonov’s book. The text is provided with some scientific comments. Despite all the shortcomings of O.A. Platonov’s publication, it is currently the most accessible and will be used in this article.
The Bolsheviks had at their disposal scientific personnel and rich means to falsify materials from the archives of the royal family. However, the correspondence of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna has such a volume and such rich content that it is simply impossible to write it again, as was the case with the diaries of A.A. Vyrubova. At the same time, Soviet specialists were quite capable of rewriting the text, making the necessary insertions. Leakage of materials abroad looks extremely suspicious. It is possible that the Bolsheviks needed such an action in order to give legitimacy to the materials they composed. It was technically impossible to retake the letters under those conditions, and copies arrived in Berlin, the accuracy of which has not yet been assessed. All this makes us very cautious in assessing the reliability of the correspondence. For this reason, the first year of the World War will be taken from the extensive correspondence of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna. It is assumed that this period was of least interest to the Bolsheviks and could have remained “intact.” The letters of 1914-1915 are interesting because they can be used to trace how the tone of the empress’s letters changed under the influence of military failures and internal difficulties.
The letters of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna were repeatedly quoted by her enemies and supporters. On their basis, vivid legends about the weak-willed tsar, his dominant wife and G.E. Rasputin, who stood behind her, came into circulation. At the same time, for some reason neither supporters nor opponents of these theses undertook to trace what the empress advised her husband. Meanwhile, the influence of Alexandra Feodorovna and G.E. Rasputin consisted of certain recommendations that the emperor implemented or did not implement. For some reason, this process of passing advice from letters into practical life has been ignored by historians until now. I propose to look at what exactly Alexandra Feodorovna and G.E. Rasputin advised Nicholas II, and how the emperor put these recommendations into practice.
Initially, the content of the empress's letters revolved around everyday everyday affairs, children, and the hospital in which she and her daughters worked. Alexandra Feodorovna judged military events from newspaper materials and sometimes clarified some of their aspects with her husband. The empress's requests in the first period of the war were limited to her entourage. Alexandra Feodorovna petitioned for the officers of her patron’s regiments, as well as people she personally knew. The Empress considered herself responsible for everything that happened in the imperial family. Some of her requests concerned the morganic spouses of the Grand Dukes Mikhail and Pavel Alexandrovich. Alexandra Feodorovna gave her husband advice regarding members of the imperial family who were at Headquarters and front-line units. For example, on October 25, 1914, Alexandra Fedorovna asked her husband to assign Pavel Alexandrovich to his former colleague V.M. Bezobrazov (commander of the Guards Corps), since he did not want to go to Headquarters to see N.V. Ruzsky (“Crown of Thorns.” S. 59). The Empress did not ask her husband about the progress of the company and did not delve into the affairs of Headquarters. Of the entire generals of the Russian army, Alexandra Fedorovna singled out only F.A. Keller and N.I. Ivanov (these people later proved their devotion to the throne). It is curious that the special treatment of the empress did not help these generals make a career during the war.
Military events forced Nicholas II to spend more and more time at Headquarters. His separations from his wife became longer and longer. This immediately affected the tone of the letters. The Empress tried to help her husband, empathized with him, and suffered over the defeats of Russian weapons. One form of support was prayer assistance. In this regard, Alexandra Fedorovna relied entirely on the “man of God” Grigory Efimovich Rasputin. Most often, his advice was transmitted to the empress through A.A. Vyrubova.
As has been repeatedly noted in historical literature, Alexandra Fedorovna measured people and statesmen through the prism of G.E. Rasputin. The attitude towards the “man of God” meant for the empress both loyalty to the imperial family and the guarantee of the future successful activity of the official (God’s help in his affairs). The main arguments against the appointment of A.A. Polivanov as Minister of War and A.D. Samarin as Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod were that they opposed G.E. Rasputin. "Isn't he the enemy of our Friend, who always brings misfortune?" and “he will work against us, since he is against Greece,” the empress wrote to her husband. ("Crown of Thorns". P. 155, 150)
Alexandra Feodorovna was in a tough confrontation with the commander-in-chief, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich. There were a number of compelling reasons behind their relationship, not the least of which was the Grand Duke’s attitude towards G.E. Rasputin. According to the testimony of Grand Duke Alexander Mikhailovich, it was the wives of Nikolai Nikolaevich and Pyotr Nikolaevich - the “Montenegrins” Anastasia and Militsa Nikolaevna - who first introduced Monsieur Philip and then G.E. Rasputin into the royal family. Then a break occurred, and the “Montenegro women”, and after them Nikolai Nikolaevich, became enemies of the “elder”. The biographer of the Grand Duke wrote that “rasputin’s arrival at Headquarters while Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich was at the head of the army, of course, was out of the question.” Alexandra Fedorovna was well aware of this attitude towards “Friend,” but this was not the only reason for her discrepancy with the commander-in-chief. The Empress could not forgive the emperor's uncle for the fact that in 1905 he forced the emperor to sign the Manifesto on October 19. “We are not yet prepared for a constitutional government. N. and Witte are to blame for the fact that the Duma exists,” Alexandra Feodorovna wrote to her husband in one of the letters (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 160).
In the first months of the war, the empress did not show hostility towards the commander-in-chief in her letters and even called him “Nikolasha,” just like the tsar. But from the beginning of 1915 everything changed. In Alexandra Fedorovna’s letters, Nikolai Nikolaevich now appeared only under the letter “N.”. On January 22, referring to “Friend,” the Empress asked her husband not to mention the commander-in-chief in the Manifesto (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 88). And on January 29, she directly wrote: “he is under the influence of others and is trying to take on your role, which he has no right to do... This should have been put to an end. No one has the right before God and people to usurp your rights” (“ Crown of Thorns". P. 96). April 4: “Although N. is placed very highly, you are above him. Our Friend, like me, was outraged that N. writes his telegrams, replies to governors, etc. in your style” (“Crown of Thorns.” P.115). Behind all these remarks one could see the jealousy of the empress, who was trying to protect the prerogatives of her husband.
As it turns out, Alexandra Feodorovna’s worries were not unfounded and were shared by her most competent contemporaries. V.I. Gurko wrote in his memoirs that, based on the regulations on field command of troops, the Headquarters enjoyed unlimited power within the theater of military operations. This provision was drawn up in the expectation that in the event of war, the emperor himself would lead the troops. However, the resistance of the ministers prevented Nicholas II from taking command. The areas subordinate to Headquarters included the vast rear zone and the capital itself. “The headquarters not only made full use of its emergency powers, but also appropriated dictatorial habits to itself,” the memoirist wrote.
For a long time, Nicholas II did not react at all to his wife’s comments about the commander-in-chief. This resistance was especially noticeable when discussing the tsar’s trip to the newly conquered Przemysl and Lvov. In response to the tsar’s message about the upcoming trip, on April 5, 1915, Alexandra Feodorovna asked him, citing the opinion of G.E. Rasputin, to go there without the commander-in-chief. The advice was motivated by the fact that hatred against Nikolai Nikolaevich there is very strong, and the Tsar’s visit will make everyone happy. ("Crown of Thorns". P. 117). On April 7, the Empress again reported that her Friend did not approve of the trip and agreed with her regarding Nikolai Nikolaevich. G.E. Rasputin advised making such a trip after the war (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 121). On the same day, Nicholas II replied that he did not agree that Nikolai Nikolaevich should remain at Headquarters when the Tsar went to Galicia. He believed that during a war, when traveling to a conquered province, the king should be accompanied by the commander-in-chief. “He accompanies me, and I am not in his retinue,” wrote Nicholas II (“The Crown of Thorns.” P. 122). After this, Alexandra Feodorovna answered: “Now I understand why you are taking N. with you - thank you for the explanation, dear” (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 123).
The Empress returned to the topic of the commander-in-chief only six months later - June 12, 1915. In connection with the resignation of Minister of War V.A. Sukhomlinov, she wrote about Nikolai Nikolaevich: “How I wish N. was a different person and did not resist the man of God” (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 147). At the end of June, Alexandra Feodorovna finally despaired and began to persuade her husband to quickly leave Headquarters, where Nikolai Nikolaevich and his entourage had a bad influence on him. And finally, at the end of August, the Empress did not hide her joy at the resignation of the Grand Duke.
According to military historian General N.N. Golovin, a participant in the events, the main reason that prompted Nicholas II to take the post of commander in chief was the desire to lead the troops during the disaster. The emperor was also pushed to this by the constant criticism of Headquarters from the government and reports of public figures who called for combining “Governing the Country and the Supreme Command.”
It is curious that more than one empress had suspicions about Nikolai Nikolaevich. Even memoirists who harshly criticized Alexandra Feodorovna’s attitude towards the Grand Duke left reviews that confirmed her opinion. N.N. Golovin cited the recollections of Minister of War A.A. Polivanov that the latter, taking Nicholas II’s letter to the Commander-in-Chief about his resignation to Headquarters, was not at all confident in the success of his mission. But his fears were not justified: there was no question of any possibility of resistance or disobedience. General Yu.N. Danilov noted that “under the influence of external and internal events of 1905, a very significant internal political shift took place in Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich: from a supporter of extreme, mystical-religious autocratic monarchism or even tsarism, he took the path of constitutionalism.” Yu.N. Danilov cited an interesting dialogue at Headquarters. After the Russian army began to retreat in 1915, the general addressed Nikolai Nikolaevich: “Your Highness, while you are in power, Russia knows only you alone, and only you alone are responsible for the general course of the war,” to which the commander-in-chief replied: “I’ll think about it.” Nikolai Nikolaevich confirmed these suspicions in 1917, when he hid from the emperor the offer made to him by A.I. Khatisov to take part in the palace coup, and then on March 2, joining the voices of the army commanders asking Nicholas II to abdicate the throne.
In 1914, Alexandra Feodorovna made requests to her husband only a few times. On November 19, she asked Nicholas II to appoint Adjutant General P.I. Mishchenko as army commander instead of the removed P.K. Rennenkampf. “Such a smart head is loved by the troops,” wrote the empress (“Crown of Thorns.” p. 67). Indeed, P.I. Mishchenko clearly showed himself during the Russian-Japanese War as a successful cavalry commander. But the queen's petition was ignored. P.I. Mishchenko did not rise above the corps commander (in 1918 he committed suicide). On December 12, Alexandra Feodorovna asked the Tsar to appoint Major General P.P. Groten as commander of His Imperial Majesty’s Hussars (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 82). But this request was not fulfilled either. In one of the following letters, the Empress complained that the “boring” Colonel N.N. Shipov was appointed commander of the hussars (“Crown of Thorns.” From 90).
In the spring of 1915, when problems began at the front, the Empress increasingly began to resort to the help of G.E. Rasputin. However, the advice sent to the emperor did not concern important aspects of the fighting. On April 10, Alexandra Fedorovna reported that, in the opinion of G.E. Rasputin, it was necessary to call the “leaders of the merchants” and prohibit them from raising prices (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 125). On April 20, the Empress wrote that the Germans were expected to attack Warsaw: “Our Friend considers them terribly cunning, finds the situation serious, but says that God will help.” Alexandra Feodorovna proposed sending cavalry to defend Libau (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 135). On June 10, the Empress proposed to Nicholas II to force private factories to produce ammunition, as had already been done in France (“Crown of Thorns,” p. 145).
An essential aspect of the war concerned the Manifesto on the conscription of second-class warriors, prepared for publication at the beginning of the summer. Referring to Friend, the Empress asked to postpone this call. “Listen to our Friend, believe him, the interests of Russia and yours are dear to his heart. God sent him to us for a reason, but we must pay more attention to his words - they are not spoken to the wind. How important it is for us to have not only his prayers, but also advice... I am haunted by the desire of our Friend, and I know that failure to fulfill it could become fatal for us and the entire country,” the empress insisted in a letter on June 11 (“Crown of Thorns.” p. 146). She asked to postpone the conscription of second-class warriors for at least a year, since otherwise it would take a lot of energy away from the country’s economy. On June 16, Nicholas II informed his wife that at a joint meeting of the Council of Ministers and Headquarters, the issue of conscripting second-class warriors was considered. It was decided to call up the 1917 recruit for now ("The Crown of Thorns." P. 159).
In reality, the problem of conscripting second-class warriors was much more complex than it appears in the empress’s letters. N.N. Golovin devoted a separate subchapter of his research to this issue. By June 1915, the contingent of first-class warriors was exhausted. There was an urgent need to call up second-class warriors; according to the Russian law on conscription, they could not be taken into the ranks of the active troops. These were beneficiaries, the only sons or the only workers in the family, who were to be used as rear guards or labor. For the first time, the issue of conscripting second-class warriors was raised at a meeting of the Council of Ministers on June 16, 1915. Then it was decided to limit the recruitment of young recruits from 1917 for the time being. But already on August 4, the question of conscripting warriors was raised again. By this time, the bill on second-class conscription had already been submitted to the Duma. But there its consideration was slowed down, since the deputies were not sure that the War Ministry needed such a number of people and that they would be able to arm and uniform all those called up. Within the Council of Ministers itself, opinions differed. A.D. Samarin and A.V. Krivoshein believed that the army could be replenished by captured deserters and that conscription could be postponed. B.N. Shcherbatov pointed out that without the sanction of the Duma the conscription would not be possible, since people would scatter into the forests. As a result, in October 1915, the conscription of second-class warriors was nevertheless carried out, and by the end of 1916, these resources were exhausted.
Obviously, the delay in conscription of second-class warriors was influenced by the delay in its consideration in the Duma. The only son of G.E. Rasputin, Dmitry, apparently belonged to the second-class warriors. On August 30, Alexandra Fedorovna mentioned for the first time in her letters that G.E. Rasputin’s son might face conscription (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 197). On September 1, the Empress reported that G.E. Rasputin “is terrified, his son is being called up, and he is the only breadwinner” (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 202). Subsequently, the Empress tried to convince Nicholas II to appoint the son of G.E. Rasputin to some place in the rear. But the king responded with a categorical refusal. The connection between the postponement of conscription of second-class warriors and the son of G.E. Rasputin was noted by M.N. Pokrovsky in the preface to the first Soviet edition of the correspondence.
On June 12, Alexandra Fedorovna informed her husband that everyone was eager for the resignation of Minister of War V.A. Sukhomlinov, since he was accused of a shortage of weapons (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 147). Apparently, the spouses had already discussed the issues of changing the Minister of War, since on the same day Nicholas II answered his wife that Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich recommended General A.A. Polivanov for this position. The Tsar reported that he looked through the list of generals and came to the conclusion that at the moment A.A. Polivanov might be a suitable person (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 148).
In his memoirs, V.I. Gurko indicated that the appointment of A.A. Polivanov was dictated by Headquarters. According to the memoirist, this was a clear concession to social circles. At the same time, two more ministers from among public figures were replaced. N.B. Shcherbatov became the Minister of Internal Affairs, and A.D. Samarin became the Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod. V.I. Gurko believed that the tsar was convinced to appoint these people by A.V. Krivoshein, who himself then planned to become the head of the government.
The new appointments simply shocked Alexandra Feodorovna. On the same day, the Empress wrote to her husband: “Forgive me, but I do not approve of your choice of Minister of War - you remember how you yourself were against him... But is he the kind of person you can trust?... Not an enemy Is he our Friend, who always brings misfortune? ("Crown of Thorns". P. 150).
On June 15, Nicholas II informed his wife that everyone was suggesting that he appoint A.D. Samarin as chief prosecutor (“Crown of Thorns.” p. 154). On the same day, the Empress reacted very sharply to this news. “Samarin, without a doubt, will go against our Friend and will be on the side of those bishops whom we do not love... I have good reasons not to love him, since he always spoke and now continues to speak in the troops against our Friend... He will work against us, since he is against Gr" ("The Crown of Thorns". P. 155).
Already on August 28, Alexandra Fedorovna reported that she was discussing with the Chairman of the Council of Ministers I.L. Goremykin the candidacy of a new Minister of Internal Affairs. According to I.L. Goremykin, the Empress conveyed that “Shcherbatov absolutely cannot be left, that he should be immediately replaced” (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 193). The very next day, August 29, the Empress wrote to her husband about A.D. Samarin: “We must remove S., and the sooner the better - he won’t calm down until he involves me, our Friend and A. (to Vyrubov ) into an unpleasant story. This is very disgusting and terribly unpatriotic and narrow, but I knew that this would happen - that’s why they asked you to appoint him, and I wrote to you in such despair" ("Crown of Thorns". pp. 194-195 ). “I want to beat off almost all the ministers and expel Shcherb and Sam as quickly as possible,” wrote Alexandra Feodorovna in the same letter (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 196). Since August 22, the Empress constantly proposed appointing A.A. Khvostov as Minister of Internal Affairs. After repeated calls to replace ministers she did not like, on September 7 the Empress wrote about A.D. Samarin: “You see now that he does not listen to your words - he does not work in the Synod at all, but only persecutes our Friend. This is directed against both of us - unforgivable, and even criminal for the current difficult times” (“The Crown of Thorns.” P. 215).
Despite all these attacks, on September 7, Nicholas II wrote to his wife that “Shcherbatov made a much better impression on me this time..., he was much less timid and reasoned sensibly” (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 216) In reality, the ministers , who Alexandra Fedorovna disliked so much, lost their places at the end of 1915. However, it was not the Empress and G.E. Rasputin who pushed Nicholas II to make personnel changes, but the “ministerial strike.” The Council of Ministers refused to work with its chairman I.L. Goremykin and asked the sovereign to replace him. The crisis culminated on September 14, when a meeting of the Council of Ministers was held at Headquarters in the presence of the Tsar. The council was unable to convince Nicholas II to change his mind, and after this, “the ministers who spoke most decisively against Goremykin were soon dismissed one after another.” At the same time, A.A. Polivanov, who was also criticized by the empress, became a full minister from an acting position and worked in this position for another year.
The work of N.B. Shcherbatov and A.D. Samarin in ministerial positions was not very highly appreciated by their contemporaries. V.I. Gurko wrote about this: “In practice, neither Samarin, nor especially Shcherbatov rose to the occasion at the moment... Samarin and Shcherbatov were amateurs, and this amateurism of theirs affected very quickly.” The empress assessed the personnel crisis of August-September 1915 very accurately. “Where are our people, I always ask myself, and I just can’t understand how in such a huge country, with a few exceptions, there are no suitable people at all?” - Alexandra Feodorovna wrote to her husband (“The Crown of Thorns.” P. 214).
Nicholas II tried to put some of G.E. Rasputin’s advice, transmitted through the empress, into practice. On June 12, Alexandra Feodorovna conveyed her Friend’s wish that on the same day a religious procession with a prayer service for the granting of victory would be organized throughout Russia. She asked that the order for the religious procession be published in the name of the Tsar, and not from the Holy Synod (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 150). Three days later, after talking with Protopresbyter of the Army and Navy G.I. Shavelsky, the Tsar informed the Empress that such a religious procession could be held on July 8, the feast of the Icon of the Kazan Mother of God (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 154).
The emperor ignored other recommendations. On June 17, Alexandra Feodorovna, referring to the request of G.E. Rasputin, asked to wait until convening the Duma, since “they will interfere in all matters.” “We are not yet prepared for a constitutional government. N. and Witte are to blame for the fact that the Duma exists,” the empress wrote. Her next letter on this topic was even harsher. On June 25, Alexandra Feodorovna wrote to her husband with a repeated request not to convene the Duma: “These creatures are trying to play a role and interfere in matters that they do not dare to touch!” (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 171). Naturally, this meant the criticism heard from the Duma rostrum against G.E. Rasputin. It should be noted that in their polemics, public figures went beyond all limits. In a letter dated September 8, Alexandra Fedorovna conveyed to her husband one of the speeches at a meeting of public figures in Moscow, which became widely known. V.I. Gurko (whose memoirs are quoted here) stated: “We want a strong government - we understand power armed with an exceptional position, power with a whip, but not the kind of power that is itself under the whip.” The Empress very accurately assessed this speech: “This is a slanderous double meaning directed against you and our Friend. God will punish them for this. Of course, it is not Christian to write like that - may the Lord better forgive them and allow them to repent” (“Crown of Thorns” . p. 217).
In the summer of 1915, Alexandra Feodorovna's distrust and fear of Headquarters reached its culmination. The Empress unwittingly became a victim of the spy mania that had developed in Russian society. In several letters, she informed her husband that there were rumors that there was a spy at Headquarters and this was General Danilov (Cherny). On June 16, the tsar replied that these rumors “are not worth a damn” (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 159). However, this did not reassure the empress. On June 24, she began to convince her husband to go and visit the troops without the knowledge of Headquarters. “This treacherous Headquarters, which keeps you away from the troops, instead of encouraging you in your intention to go...” wrote Alexandra Fedorovna (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 170).
Undoubtedly, among the empress's recommendations there were pieces of advice that had unconditional practical value. For example, on September 24, Alexandra Feodorovna asked her husband to especially strictly monitor discipline in the troops entering enemy territory: “I would like our troops to behave in approximately all respects, so that they do not begin to rob and destroy - let them let this abomination be done.” Prussians" ("Crown of Thorns". P. 51). On December 14, the Empress complained that the Holy Synod had issued a decree prohibiting the organization of “Christmas trees,” since this custom was borrowed from the Germans. Alexandra Fedorovna believed that this tradition does not concern either the church or the Holy Synod. "Why deprive the wounded and children of pleasure?" - she asked ("Crown of Thorns". P. 83). On April 5, 1915, the Empress asked her husband to ensure that the troops did not destroy or spoil anything belonging to Muslims: “we must respect their religion, since we are Christians, thank God, and not barbarians” (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 117) . Elsewhere, Alexandra Feodorovna asked that the shoulder straps of the captured German officers be returned, since they had already been humiliated.
Beginning in August 1915, Alexandra Feodorovna’s letters began to change in style, and their content also became different. These are long, rambling messages full of political advice. Sometimes the wife’s very address to her husband changes, and previously unusual “My dear darling. N.” appears. (September 4), “My dear treasure” (September 13). Sometimes the Empress complains that her hand is tired and asks for forgiveness for her illegible handwriting. Some everyday details are also surprising: “The church service lasted from 6 to 8 o’clock, Baby and I arrived at 7?” (September 14).
Not only contemporaries who had a negative attitude towards Alexandra Feodorovna - V.I. Gurko, N.N. Golovin, but also memoirists who declared their devotion to the royal family wrote about the strong influence of the empress (and through her G.E. Rasputin) for government affairs. For example, A.I. Spiridovich explained this influence this way: “Being nervously ill, religious to the point of pain, in this struggle she saw first of all the struggle between good and evil, she relied on God, on prayer, on the one in whose prayers she believed - on the Elder ".
It should be noted that in the pre-revolutionary years these accusations sounded completely different. In his book “On the Road to a Palace Coup,” S.P. Melgunov noted that the red thread throughout the entire propaganda of the Progressive Bloc was the assertion that Nicholas II was looking for ways to conclude a separate peace with Germany under the influence of the “black bloc” (under this meant the Empress, G.E. Rasputin and their inner circle). The press directly wrote back in 1915: “Rasputin, surrounded by spies, would certainly have to conduct propaganda in favor of concluding peace with the Germans.”
It was the publication of the correspondence between Nicholas II and Alexandra Fedorovna that helped dispel the lies about the search for a separate peace and treason. Even A.F. Kerensky, who himself fueled rumors about a separate peace before the revolution, was already very careful in his memories. Although he still asserted that “the main reason for the death of Russia is the power of Rasputin,” the charges against the Tsar and Tsarina had already been dropped. In the new version, the government sought a separate peace, but “Nicholas II had nothing to do with it.” “Is Alexandra Feodorovna somehow involved in this,” the memoirist could no longer say. The empress's strongest accusation now was that "German agents endlessly hovered around her and Mrs. Vyrubova." A.F. Kerensky openly admitted that, “having come to power,” he could not find confirmation of the pre-revolutionary accusations of the empress. Even P.N. Milyukov, who openly accused the empress of treason from the Duma tribune, argued in his memoirs that “the speaker was more likely to lean toward the first alternative” (that is, the accusation of stupidity).
Due to an incomprehensible inertia for Soviet and Russian authors, the correspondence of Nicholas II and Alexandra Fedorovna was and still remains some kind of incriminating material against the royal spouses. The reasons seem to be the lack of scientific research and analysis of this material. The online encyclopedia Wikipidia, assessing the state activities of Nicholas II, notes that “the majority agrees on the point of view that his abilities were not enough to cope with the political crisis.” Moreover, the attempt of the famous specialist P.V. Multatuli to investigate the activities of Nicholas II as Supreme Commander-in-Chief was met with hostility. When published on the website “Military Literature”, the book by P.V. Multatuli was provided with an annotation, which indicated that in the study “the negative qualities of the last Russian Tsar are omitted, all the positive ones are emphasized. The objectively fateful mistakes of Nicholas II (as a result of his deeds and inactions) are hushed up, but the role of circumstances and the malicious plans of the environment is presented on a grand scale.”
Nicholas II in his letters appears as a sensible politician who makes balanced and deliberate decisions. Unfortunately, the brevity and “dryness” of the emperor’s style does not allow us to fully trace his government work. It is obvious that all the accusations of contemporaries about the “weakness of government” addressed to the tsar were not caused by his lack of political skills and administrative talent. The object of criticism was, first of all, the extreme tenacity of Nicholas II in defending the inviolability of autocratic power. Ideal conditions for public activity and opposition were created by the deep Orthodoxy of the sovereign, which was embodied in “soft” governance.
Soviet historians have already abandoned the common cliche that made the state activities of Nicholas II dependent on Alexandra Fedorovna and G.E. Rasputin. Professor G.Z. Ioffe wrote: “The versions according to which Nicholas II was allegedly under the undivided dictate of Rasputin and even more so of his wife, Alexandra Fedorovna, are not substantiated in any way.” Through the correspondence of Nicholas II and Alexandra Fedorovna, it is possible to trace what advice G.E. Rasputin gave to the emperor.
In 1914-15, the elder asked the emperor not to travel to Lvov and Przemysl during the war (not fulfilled); prohibit merchants from raising prices during the war (not implemented); postpone the call for 2nd category warriors (postponed not for a year but for three months); immediately hold an all-Russian religious procession (there is no information about this); postpone the Duma session in the summer of 1915 (not implemented); do not call up your son, assign him to a rear position (not fulfilled). It is easy to see that G.E. Rasputin’s advice was naive and concerned unimportant areas. At the same time, in 1914-15, Nicholas II did not implement these recommendations at all. The emperor did nothing to save G.E. Rasputin’s son from conscription or at least appoint him to a rear position (what kind of influence can we talk about after this?). There is no reason to believe that the situation could have changed in 1916.
With Alexandra Fedorovna’s recommendations, the situation was more complicated. In 1915, she increasingly began to give her husband political advice. It has already been noted in the literature that the empress was more conservative in her views than her husband. She did not allow any restrictions on autocracy or agreement with the public. Based on some of Alexandra Feodorovna’s remarks, one can judge that if Nicholas II had implemented his wife’s advice, the opposition would have been crushed and partially destroyed. At the same time, many of Alexandra Fedorovna’s statements were made “in the heat of the moment.” Already in the course of the presentation, the empress remembered her Christian duty. The phrase “may the Lord better forgive them and allow them to repent” is very indicative in this regard. Similar “outbursts” occurred with Alexandra Fedorovna in relation to her immediate circle. This anger always passed without any trace and, probably, unnoticed by the perpetrators themselves.
The empress did not interfere in the military sphere. Her recommendations concerned the most superficial problems, information about which she received from newspapers. She intervened in military personnel appointments most often when they concerned members of the imperial family or commanders of patronage regiments.
As far as one can judge from the letters, Alexandra Feodorovna had a “feeling” for people. During the war years, the empress checked their loyalty with the help of G.E. Rasputin. It is easy to notice that the generals allocated by the empress (F.A. Keller and N.I. Ivanov) were the only ones of all who remained faithful to the emperor in the February-March days of 1917. This was while the entourage of Nicholas II either opposed him, or subsequently fled, leaving the tsar. The military men against whom the Empress spoke (Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, A.A. Polivanov, V.F. Dzhunkovsky, and subsequently M.V. Alekseev) did not justify the trust of the Emperor. A.A. Polivanov and V.F. Dzhunkovsky entered the service of the Bolsheviks.
The key point in this regard is that Nicholas II constantly ignored the advice of his wife. Even if he ultimately acted in the spirit of the empress’s recommendations, there were always a number of important reasons for this. At the same time, there was no case in which Alexandra Fedorovna made a reprimand to her husband in her letters for not following her recommendations. The only thing she allowed herself to do again and again was to remind her of the problem that worried her. The Empress understood perfectly well the burden of responsibility placed on the autocrat and to whom he would have to answer. Unfortunately, not only members of the public (mostly Orthodox people), but even members of the royal family did not have such a sense.
Yuri Evgenievich Kondakov, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor (St. Petersburg)
FOOTNOTES:
1 - Dodonov B.F., Kopylov O.N., Mironenko S.V. From the history of the publication of documents of the royal family in the 1918-1920s // Domestic archives. 2007. No. 1.
2 - Correspondence between Nikolai and Alexandra Romanov. M.-Pg., 1923. T. 3. P. XXXIII.
3 - Reliability of correspondence between Emperor Nicholas II and Empress Alexandra Feodorovna // http://pyc.narod.ru/papa2.html
4 - Platonov O.A. Russia's crown of thorns. Nicholas II in secret correspondence. M., 1996. P. 41.
5 - Grand Duke Alexander Mikhailovich. Book of Memories. M., 1991.S. 151-152.
6 - Danilov Yu.N. Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich. M., 2006. P. 123.
7 - Gurko V.I. Features and silhouettes of the past. M., 2000. P. 667.
8 - Golovin N.N. Russian military efforts in the World War. M., 2001. pp. 315-319.
9 - Ibid. P. 318.
10 - Danilov Yu.N. Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich. M., 2006. P. 101.
11 - Ibid. P. 262.
12 - Golovin N.N. Russian military efforts in the World War. M., 2001. P. 84-91.
13 - Correspondence between Nikolai and Alexandra Romanov. M.-Pg., 1923. T. 3. P. XVII-XVIII.
14 - Gurko V.I. Features and silhouettes of the past. M., 2000. P. 695.
15 - Ibid. P. 664.
16 - Spiridovich A.I. The Great War and the February Revolution (1914-1917). Minsk, 2004. P. 141.
17 - Melgunov S.P. On the way to a palace coup. M., 2003. pp. 72-73.
18 - Kerensky A.F. Russian Revolution of 1917. M., 2005. P. 90, 96.
19 - Milyukov P.N. History of the second Russian revolution. M., 2001. P. 35.
20 - Nicholas II//Wikipedia. Free encyclopedia // ru.wikipedia.org.
21 - Multatuli P.V. "God bless my decision..." St. Petersburg, 2002 // Military literature // militera.lib.ru/research/multatuli/index.html
22 - Ioffe G.Z. The Great October Revolution and the epilogue of tsarism. M., 1987. S.
The history of the correspondence between Emperor Nicholas II and Empress Alexandra Feodorovna was discussed in a recently published article by B. F. Dodonov, O. N. Kopylov and S. V. Mironenko. It was indicated that the diaries and letters of Nicholas II and members of his family appeared in central newspapers already in early August 1918. To sort out the Romanov papers, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee created a special commission, the composition and functions of which were finally approved by its decision of September 10, 1918. It included historian M. N. Pokrovsky, well-known journalists at that time L. S. Sosnovsky (editor of the newspaper "Bednota") and Yu. M. Steklov (editor of Izvestia of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee), head of the Main Directorate of Archives (GUAD) D. B. Ryazanov and lawyer, later a prominent historian and archivist, V.V. Adoratsky. The Socialist Academy of Social Sciences was also involved in the disassembly and publication of documents of the former royal family. Since September 1918, its employees copied documents from the Novoromanov archive and translated them into Russian. In 1921, it was discovered that some documents of Nicholas II were illegally transferred from Soviet archives abroad. Suspicion fell on Professor V.N. Storozhev, and he was fired from his job.
The result of this “leak” was the first publication of the letters of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, undertaken by the Berlin publishing house “Slovo” in 1922. The letters were published starting in April 1914, the first part of each volume consisted of translations of the letters, and the second part of the originals in English. In other words, the Berlin publishing house had copies of letters in English at its disposal, and readers were given the opportunity to check the quality of the translation themselves.
Following this, the Soviet publication of the correspondence was undertaken. It was prepared for publication by A. A. Sergeev, a future outstanding archaeographer. The third, fourth and fifth volumes of correspondence were published, starting in April 1914. Telegrams exchanged between the spouses were added to the letters. In his introductory article, M. N. Pokrovsky reported that the letters published by Slovo were stolen from Soviet archives and “are replete with a mass of distortions, omissions and defects.”
Despite the fact that the correspondence of Emperor Nicholas II with Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, starting from its very publication, was widely cited in scientific and memoir literature, the reliability of these documents has not been confirmed. At the same time, articles appear in the press under high-profile titles, for example, “The reliability of the correspondence of Emperor Nicholas II with Empress Alexandra Feodorovna,” claiming to be “fundamental research in this area.” Moreover, the authors base their conclusions only on an analysis of the content of the correspondence itself. Such publications include the republication of correspondence entitled “The Crown of Thorns of Russia. Nicholas II in Secret Correspondence” by O. A. Platonov. The publication is accompanied by a lengthy introduction and for some reason is divided into chapters with artistic titles (without violating the chronology). In this case, the correspondence begins with a letter dated September 19, 1914. Telegrams and numbering of letters made by the Empress herself are not included in O. A. Platonov’s book. The text is provided with some scientific comments. Despite all the shortcomings of the publication by O. A. Platonov, it is currently the most accessible and will be used in this article.
The Bolsheviks had at their disposal scientific personnel and rich means to falsify materials from the archives of the royal family. However, the correspondence of Nicholas II and Alexandra Fedorovna has such a volume and such rich content that it is simply impossible to write it again, as was the case with the diaries of A. A. Vyrubova. At the same time, Soviet specialists were quite capable of rewriting the text, making the necessary insertions. Leakage of materials abroad looks extremely suspicious. It is possible that the Bolsheviks needed such an action in order to give legitimacy to the materials they composed. It was technically impossible to retake the letters under those conditions, and copies arrived in Berlin, the accuracy of which has not yet been assessed. All this makes us very cautious in assessing the reliability of the correspondence. For this reason, the first year of the World War will be taken from the extensive correspondence of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna. It is assumed that this period was of least interest to the Bolsheviks and could have remained “intact.” The letters of 1914-1915 are interesting because they can be used to trace how the tone of the empress’s letters changed under the influence of military failures and internal difficulties.
The letters of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna were repeatedly quoted by her enemies and supporters. On their basis, vivid legends about the weak-willed tsar, his dominant wife and G. E. Rasputin, who stood behind her, came into circulation. At the same time, for some reason neither supporters nor opponents of these theses undertook to trace what the empress advised her husband. Meanwhile, the influence of Alexandra Feodorovna and G.E. Rasputin consisted of certain recommendations that the emperor either implemented or did not implement. For some reason, this process of passing advice from letters into practical life has been ignored by historians until now. I propose to look at what exactly Alexandra Feodorovna and G.E. Rasputin advised Nicholas II, and how the emperor put these recommendations into practice.
Initially, the content of the empress's letters revolved around everyday everyday affairs, children, and the hospital in which she and her daughters worked. Alexandra Feodorovna judged military events from newspaper materials and sometimes clarified some of their aspects with her husband. The empress's requests in the first period of the war were limited to her entourage. Alexandra Feodorovna petitioned for the officers of her patron’s regiments, as well as people she personally knew. The Empress considered herself responsible for everything that happened in the imperial family. Some of her requests concerned the morganic spouses of the Grand Dukes Mikhail and Pavel Alexandrovich. Alexandra Feodorovna gave her husband advice regarding members of the imperial family who were at Headquarters and front-line units. For example, on October 25, 1914, Alexandra Fedorovna asked her husband to assign Pavel Alexandrovich to his former colleague V. M. Bezobrazov (commander of the Guards Corps), since he did not want to go to Headquarters to see N. V. Ruzsky (“The Crown of Thorns.” S. 59). The Empress did not ask her husband about the progress of the company and did not delve into the affairs of Headquarters. Of the entire generals of the Russian army, Alexandra Fedorovna singled out only F.A. Keller and N.I. Ivanov (these people later proved their devotion to the throne). It is curious that the special treatment of the empress did not help these generals make a career during the war.
Military events forced Nicholas II to spend more and more time at Headquarters. His separations from his wife became longer and longer. This immediately affected the tone of the letters. The Empress tried to help her husband, empathized with him, and suffered over the defeats of Russian weapons. One form of support was prayer assistance. In this regard, Alexandra Fedorovna relied entirely on the “man of God” Grigory Efimovich Rasputin. Most often, his advice was transmitted to the empress through A. A. Vyrubova.
As has been repeatedly noted in historical literature, Alexandra Fedorovna measured people and statesmen through the prism of G. E. Rasputin. The attitude towards the “man of God” meant for the empress both loyalty to the imperial family and the guarantee of the future successful activity of the official (God’s help in his affairs). The main arguments against the appointment of A. A. Polivanov as Minister of War and A. D. Samarin as Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod were that they opposed G. E. Rasputin. "Isn't he the enemy of our Friend, who always brings misfortune?" and “he will work against us, since he is against Greece,” the empress wrote to her husband. ("Crown of Thorns". P. 155, 150)
Alexandra Feodorovna was in a tough confrontation with the commander-in-chief, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich. There were a number of weighty reasons behind their relationship, not the least of which was the Grand Duke’s attitude towards G. E. Rasputin. According to the testimony of Grand Duke Alexander Mikhailovich, it was the wives of Nikolai Nikolaevich and Pyotr Nikolaevich - the “Montenegrins” Anastasia and Militsa Nikolaevna - who first introduced Monsieur Philip and then G. E. Rasputin into the royal family. Then a break occurred, and the “Montenegro women”, and after them Nikolai Nikolaevich, became enemies of the “elder”. The biographer of the Grand Duke wrote that “rasputin’s arrival at Headquarters while Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich was at the head of the army, of course, was out of the question.” Alexandra Fedorovna was well aware of this attitude towards “Friend,” but this was not the only reason for her discrepancy with the commander-in-chief. The Empress could not forgive the emperor's uncle for the fact that in 1905 he forced the emperor to sign the Manifesto on October 19. “We are not yet prepared for a constitutional government. N. and Witte are to blame for the fact that the Duma exists,” Alexandra Feodorovna wrote to her husband in one of the letters (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 160).
In the first months of the war, the empress did not show hostility towards the commander-in-chief in her letters and even called him “Nikolasha,” just like the tsar. But from the beginning of 1915 everything changed. In Alexandra Fedorovna’s letters, Nikolai Nikolaevich now appeared only under the letter “N.”. On January 22, referring to “Friend,” the Empress asked her husband not to mention the commander-in-chief in the Manifesto (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 88). And on January 29, she directly wrote: “he is under the influence of others and is trying to take on your role, which he has no right to do... This should have been put an end to. No one has the right before God and people to usurp your rights” (“Crown of Thorns ". P. 96). April 4: “Although N. is placed very highly, you are above him. Our Friend, like me, was outraged that N. writes his telegrams, replies to governors, etc. in your style” (“Crown of Thorns.” P.115). Behind all these remarks one could see the jealousy of the empress, who was trying to protect the prerogatives of her husband.
As it turns out, Alexandra Feodorovna’s worries were not unfounded and were shared by her most competent contemporaries. V.I. Gurko wrote in his memoirs that, based on the provisions on the field command of troops, the Headquarters enjoyed unlimited power within the theater of military operations. This provision was drawn up in the expectation that in the event of war, the emperor himself would lead the troops. However, the resistance of the ministers prevented Nicholas II from taking command. The areas subordinate to Headquarters included the vast rear zone and the capital itself. “The headquarters not only made full use of its emergency powers, but also appropriated dictatorial habits to itself,” the memoirist wrote.
For a long time, Nicholas II did not react at all to his wife’s comments about the commander-in-chief. This resistance was especially noticeable when discussing the tsar’s trip to the newly conquered Przemysl and Lvov. In response to the tsar’s message about the upcoming trip, on April 5, 1915, Alexandra Fedorovna asked him, citing the opinion of G. E. Rasputin, to go there without the commander-in-chief. The advice was motivated by the fact that hatred against Nikolai Nikolaevich there is very strong, and the Tsar’s visit will make everyone happy. ("Crown of Thorns". P. 117). On April 7, the Empress again reported that her Friend did not approve of the trip and agreed with her regarding Nikolai Nikolaevich. G. E. Rasputin advised making such a trip after the war (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 121). On the same day, Nicholas II replied that he did not agree that Nikolai Nikolaevich should remain at Headquarters when the Tsar went to Galicia. He believed that during a war, when traveling to a conquered province, the king should be accompanied by the commander-in-chief. “He accompanies me, and I am not in his retinue,” wrote Nicholas II (“The Crown of Thorns.” P. 122). After this, Alexandra Fedorovna answered: “Now I understand why you are taking N. with you - thank you for the explanation, dear” (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 123).
The Empress returned to the topic of the commander-in-chief only six months later, on June 12, 1915. In connection with the resignation of Minister of War V.A. Sukhomlinov, she wrote about Nikolai Nikolaevich: “How I wish N. was a different person and did not resist the man of God” (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 147). At the end of June, Alexandra Feodorovna finally despaired and began to persuade her husband to quickly leave Headquarters, where Nikolai Nikolaevich and his entourage had a bad influence on him. And finally, at the end of August, the Empress did not hide her joy at the resignation of the Grand Duke.
According to military historian General N.N. Golovin, a participant in the events, the main reason that prompted Nicholas II to take the post of commander in chief was the desire to lead the troops during the catastrophe. The emperor was also pushed to this by the constant criticism of Headquarters from the government and reports of public figures who called for combining “Governing the Country and the Supreme Command.”
It is curious that more than one empress had suspicions about Nikolai Nikolaevich. Even memoirists who harshly criticized Alexandra Feodorovna’s attitude towards the Grand Duke left reviews that confirmed her opinion. N. N. Golovin cited the recollections of Minister of War A. A. Polivanov that the latter, taking to Headquarters a letter from Nicholas II to the Commander-in-Chief about his resignation, was not at all confident in the success of his mission. But his fears were not justified: there was no question of any possibility of resistance or disobedience. General Yu. N. Danilov noted that “under the influence of external and internal events of 1905, a very significant internal political shift took place in Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich: from a supporter of extreme, mystical-religious autocratic monarchism or even tsarism, he took the path of constitutionalism.” Yu. N. Danilov cited an interesting dialogue at Headquarters. After the Russian army began to retreat in 1915, the general addressed Nikolai Nikolaevich: “Your Highness, while you are in power, Russia knows only you alone, and only you alone are responsible for the general course of the war,” to which the commander-in-chief replied: “I’ll think about it.” Nikolai Nikolaevich confirmed these suspicions in 1917, when he hid from the emperor the offer made to him by A.I. Khatisov to take part in the palace coup, and then on March 2, joining the voices of the army commanders asking Nicholas II to abdicate the throne.
In 1914, Alexandra Feodorovna made requests to her husband only a few times. On November 19, she asked Nicholas II to appoint Adjutant General P. I. Mishchenko as army commander instead of the removed P. K. Rennenkampf. “Such a smart head is loved by the troops,” wrote the empress (“Crown of Thorns.” p. 67). Indeed, P. I. Mishchenko clearly showed himself during the Russian-Japanese War as a successful cavalry commander. But the queen's petition was ignored. P.I. Mishchenko did not rise above the corps commander (in 1918 he committed suicide). On December 12, Alexandra Fedorovna asked the Tsar to appoint Major General P. P. Groten as commander of His Imperial Majesty’s Hussars (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 82). But this request was not fulfilled either. In one of the following letters, the Empress complained that the “boring” Colonel N.N. Shipov was appointed commander of the hussars (“The Crown of Thorns.” From 90).
In the spring of 1915, when problems began at the front, the empress increasingly began to resort to the help of G. E. Rasputin. However, the advice sent to the emperor did not concern important aspects of the fighting. On April 10, Alexandra Fedorovna reported that, in the opinion of G.E. Rasputin, it was necessary to call the “leaders of the merchants” and prohibit them from raising prices (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 125). On April 20, the Empress wrote that the Germans were expected to attack Warsaw: “Our Friend considers them terribly cunning, finds the situation serious, but says that God will help.” Alexandra Feodorovna proposed sending cavalry to defend Libau (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 135). On June 10, the Empress proposed to Nicholas II to force private factories to produce ammunition, as had already been done in France (“Crown of Thorns,” p. 145).
An essential aspect of the war concerned the Manifesto on the conscription of second-class warriors, prepared for publication at the beginning of the summer. Referring to Friend, the Empress asked to postpone this call. “Listen to our Friend, believe him, the interests of Russia and yours are dear to his heart. God sent him to us for a reason, but we must pay more attention to his words - they are not spoken to the wind. How important it is for us to have not only his prayers, but also advice... I am haunted by the desire of our Friend, and I know that failure to fulfill it could be fatal for us and the entire country,” the empress insisted in a letter on June 11 (“Crown of Thorns.” p. 146). She asked to postpone the conscription of second-class warriors for at least a year, since otherwise it would take a lot of energy away from the country’s economy. On June 16, Nicholas II informed his wife that at a joint meeting of the Council of Ministers and Headquarters, the issue of conscripting second-class warriors was considered. It was decided to call up the 1917 recruit for now ("The Crown of Thorns." P. 159).
In reality, the problem of conscripting second-class warriors was much more complex than it appears in the empress’s letters. N. N. Golovin devoted a separate subchapter of his research to this issue. By June 1915, the contingent of first-class warriors was exhausted. There was an urgent need to call up second-class warriors; according to the Russian law on conscription, they could not be taken into the ranks of the active troops. These were beneficiaries, the only sons or the only workers in the family, who were to be used as rear guards or labor. For the first time, the issue of conscripting second-class warriors was raised at a meeting of the Council of Ministers on June 16, 1915. Then it was decided to limit the recruitment of young recruits from 1917 for the time being. But already on August 4, the question of conscripting warriors was raised again. By this time, the bill on second-class conscription had already been submitted to the Duma. But there its consideration was slowed down, since the deputies were not sure that the War Ministry needed such a number of people and that they would be able to arm and uniform all those called up. Within the Council of Ministers itself, opinions differed. A.D. Samarin and A.V. Krivoshein believed that the army could be replenished by captured deserters and that conscription could be postponed. B. N. Shcherbatov pointed out that without the sanction of the Duma the conscription would not be possible, since people would scatter into the forests. As a result, in October 1915, the conscription of second-class warriors was nevertheless carried out, and by the end of 1916, these resources were exhausted.
Obviously, the delay in conscription of second-class warriors was influenced by the delay in its consideration in the Duma. The only son of G.E. Rasputin, Dmitry, apparently belonged to the second-class warriors. On August 30, Alexandra Fedorovna mentioned for the first time in her letters that the son of G. E. Rasputin might face conscription (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 197). On September 1, the Empress reported that G. E. Rasputin “is terrified, his son is being called up, and he is the only breadwinner” (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 202). Subsequently, the Empress tried to convince Nicholas II to appoint the son of G. E. Rasputin to some place in the rear. But the king responded with a categorical refusal. The connection between the postponement of conscription of second-class warriors and the son of G. E. Rasputin was noted by M. N. Pokrovsky in the preface to the first Soviet edition of the correspondence.
On June 12, Alexandra Fedorovna informed her husband that everyone was eager for the resignation of Minister of War V.A. Sukhomlinov, since he was accused of a shortage of weapons (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 147). Apparently, the spouses had already discussed the issues of changing the Minister of War, since on the same day Nicholas II answered his wife that Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich recommended General A. A. Polivanov for this position. The Tsar reported that he looked through the list of generals and came to the conclusion that at the moment A. A. Polivanov might be a suitable person (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 148).
In his memoirs, V.I. Gurko indicated that the appointment of A.A. Polivanov was dictated by Headquarters. According to the memoirist, this was a clear concession to social circles. At the same time, two more ministers from among public figures were replaced. N.B. Shcherbatov became the Minister of Internal Affairs, and A.D. Samarin became the Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod. V.I. Gurko believed that the tsar was convinced to appoint these people by A.V. Krivoshein, who himself then planned to become the head of the government.
The new appointments simply shocked Alexandra Feodorovna. On the same day, the Empress wrote to her husband: “Forgive me, but I do not approve of your choice of Minister of War - you remember how you yourself were against him... But is he the kind of person in whom you can have trust?... Isn’t he the enemy of our Friend "What always brings misfortune?" ("Crown of Thorns". P. 150).
On June 15, Nicholas II informed his wife that everyone was suggesting that he appoint A.D. Samarin as Chief Prosecutor (“Crown of Thorns.” p. 154). On the same day, the Empress reacted very sharply to this news. “Samarin, without a doubt, will go against our Friend and will be on the side of those bishops whom we do not like... I have good reasons not to love him, since he has always spoken and now continues to speak in the troops against our Friend... He will work against us , since he is against Gr" ("Crown of Thorns". P. 155).
Already on August 28, Alexandra Fedorovna reported that she was discussing with the Chairman of the Council of Ministers I. L. Goremykin the candidacy of a new Minister of Internal Affairs. According to I. L. Goremykin, the empress conveyed that “Shcherbatov absolutely cannot be left, that he should be immediately replaced” (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 193). The very next day, August 29, the Empress wrote to her husband about A.D. Samarin: “We must remove S., and the sooner the better - he won’t calm down until he involves me, our Friend and A. (to Vyrubov ) into an unpleasant story. This is very disgusting and terribly unpatriotic and narrow, but I knew that it would be so - that’s why they asked you to appoint him, and I wrote to you in such despair "("Crown of Thorns". pp. 194-195 ). “I want to beat off almost all the ministers and expel Shcherb and Sam as quickly as possible,” wrote Alexandra Fedorovna in the same letter (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 196). Since August 22, the Empress constantly proposed appointing A. A. Khvostov as Minister of Internal Affairs. After repeated calls to replace ministers she did not like, on September 7 the Empress wrote about A.D. Samarin: “You see now that he does not listen to your words - he does not work in the Synod at all, but only persecutes our Friend. This is directed against both of us - unforgivable, and even criminal for the current difficult times” (“The Crown of Thorns.” P. 215).
Despite all these attacks, on September 7, Nicholas II wrote to his wife that “Shcherbatov made a much better impression on me this time..., he was much less timid and reasoned sensibly” (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 216) In reality, the ministers were so those who did not like Alexandra Fedorovna lost their places at the end of 1915. However, it was not the Empress and G.E. Rasputin who pushed Nicholas II to make personnel changes, but the “ministerial strike.” The Council of Ministers refused to work with its chairman I. L. Goremykin and asked the sovereign to replace him. The crisis culminated on September 14, when a meeting of the Council of Ministers was held at Headquarters in the presence of the Tsar. The council was unable to convince Nicholas II to change his mind, and after this, “the ministers who spoke most decisively against Goremykin were soon dismissed one after another.” At the same time, A. A. Polivanov, who was also criticized by the empress, became a full minister from an acting position and worked in this position for another year.
The work of N.B. Shcherbatov and A.D. Samarin in ministerial positions was not very highly appreciated by their contemporaries. V.I. Gurko wrote about this: “In practice, neither Samarin, nor especially Shcherbatov rose to the occasion at the moment... Samarin and Shcherbatov were amateurs, and this amateurism of theirs affected very quickly.” The empress assessed the personnel crisis of August-September 1915 very accurately. “Where are our people, I always ask myself, and I just can’t understand how in such a huge country, with a few exceptions, there are no suitable people at all?” – Alexandra Feodorovna wrote to her husband (“The Crown of Thorns.” P. 214).
Nicholas II tried to put some of the advice of G. E. Rasputin, transmitted through the empress, into practice. On June 12, Alexandra Feodorovna conveyed her Friend’s wish that on the same day a religious procession with a prayer service for the granting of victory would be organized throughout Russia. She asked that the order for the religious procession be published in the name of the Tsar, and not from the Holy Synod (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 150). Three days later, after talking with Protopresbyter of the Army and Navy G.I. Shavelsky, the Tsar informed the Empress that such a religious procession could be held on July 8, the feast of the Icon of the Kazan Mother of God (“Crown of Thorns.” p. 154).
The emperor ignored other recommendations. On June 17, Alexandra Fedorovna, referring to the request of G.E. Rasputin, asked to wait with the convening of the Duma, since “they will interfere in all matters.” “We are not yet prepared for a constitutional government. N. and Witte are to blame for the fact that the Duma exists,” the empress wrote. Her next letter on this topic was even harsher. On June 25, Alexandra Feodorovna wrote to her husband with a repeated request not to convene the Duma: “These creatures are trying to play a role and interfere in matters that they do not dare to touch!” (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 171). Naturally, this meant the criticism heard from the Duma rostrum against G. E. Rasputin. It should be noted that in their polemics, public figures went beyond all limits. In a letter dated September 8, Alexandra Fedorovna conveyed to her husband one of the speeches at a meeting of public figures in Moscow, which became widely known. V.I. Gurko (whose memoirs are quoted here) stated: “We want strong power - we understand power armed with an exceptional position, power with a whip, but not power that is itself under the whip.” The Empress very accurately assessed this speech: “This is a slanderous double meaning directed against you and our Friend. God will punish them for this. Of course, it is not Christian to write like that - may the Lord better forgive them and allow them to repent” (“Crown of Thorns” . p. 217).
In the summer of 1915, Alexandra Feodorovna's distrust and fear of Headquarters reached its culmination. The Empress unwittingly became a victim of the spy mania that had developed in Russian society. In several letters, she informed her husband that there were rumors that there was a spy at Headquarters and this was General Danilov (Cherny). On June 16, the tsar replied that these rumors “are not worth a damn” (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 159). However, this did not reassure the empress. On June 24, she began to convince her husband to go and visit the troops without the knowledge of Headquarters. “This treacherous Headquarters, which keeps you away from the troops, instead of encouraging you in your intention to go...” wrote Alexandra Feodorovna (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 170).
Undoubtedly, among the empress's recommendations there were pieces of advice that had unconditional practical value. For example, on September 24, Alexandra Feodorovna asked her husband to especially strictly monitor discipline in the troops entering enemy territory: “I would like our troops to behave in approximately all respects, so that they do not begin to rob and destroy - let them let this abomination be done.” Prussians" ("Crown of Thorns". P. 51). On December 14, the Empress complained that the Holy Synod had issued a decree prohibiting the organization of “Christmas trees,” since this custom was borrowed from the Germans. Alexandra Feodorovna believed that this tradition does not concern either the church or the Holy Synod. "Why deprive the wounded and children of pleasure?" - she asked ("Crown of Thorns". P. 83). On April 5, 1915, the Empress asked her husband to ensure that the troops did not destroy or spoil anything belonging to Muslims: “we must respect their religion, since we are Christians, thank God, and not barbarians” (“Crown of Thorns.” P. 117) . Elsewhere, Alexandra Feodorovna asked that the shoulder straps of the captured German officers be returned, since they had already been humiliated.
Beginning in August 1915, Alexandra Feodorovna’s letters began to change in style, and their content also became different. These are long, rambling messages full of political advice. Sometimes the wife’s very address to her husband changes, and previously unusual “My dear darling. N.” appears. (September 4), “My dear treasure” (September 13). Sometimes the Empress complains that her hand is tired and asks for forgiveness for her illegible handwriting. Some everyday details are also surprising: “The church service lasted from 6 to 8 o’clock, Baby and I arrived at 7?” (September 14).
Not only contemporaries who had a negative attitude towards Alexandra Feodorovna - V.I. Gurko, N.N. Golovin, but also memoirists who declared their devotion to the royal family wrote about the strong influence of the empress (and through her G.E. Rasputin) for government affairs. For example, A.I. Spiridovich explained this influence this way: “Being nervously ill, religious to the point of pain, in this struggle she saw first of all the struggle between good and evil, she relied on God, on prayer, on the one in whose prayers she believed - on the Elder ".
It should be noted that in the pre-revolutionary years these accusations sounded completely different. In his book “On the Road to a Palace Coup,” S. P. Melgunov noted that the red thread throughout the entire agitation of the Progressive Bloc was the assertion that Nicholas II was looking for ways to conclude a separate peace with Germany under the influence of the “black bloc” (under this meant the Empress, G.E. Rasputin and their inner circle). The press directly wrote back in 1915: “Rasputin, surrounded by spies, would certainly have to conduct propaganda in favor of concluding peace with the Germans.”
It was the publication of the correspondence between Nicholas II and Alexandra Fedorovna that helped dispel the lies about the search for a separate peace and treason. Even A.F. Kerensky, who himself fueled rumors about a separate peace before the revolution, was already very careful in his memories. Although he still asserted that “the main reason for the death of Russia is the power of Rasputin,” the charges against the Tsar and Tsarina had already been dropped. In the new version, the government sought a separate peace, but “Nicholas II had nothing to do with it.” “Is Alexandra Feodorovna somehow involved in this,” the memoirist could no longer say. The empress's strongest accusation now was that "German agents endlessly hovered around her and Mrs. Vyrubova." A. F. Kerensky openly admitted that, “having come to power,” he could not find confirmation of the empress’s pre-revolutionary accusations. Even P. N. Milyukov, who openly accused the empress of treason from the Duma tribune, argued in his memoirs that “the speaker was more likely to lean towards the first alternative” (that is, the accusation of stupidity).
Due to an incomprehensible inertia for Soviet and Russian authors, the correspondence of Nicholas II and Alexandra Fedorovna was and still remains some kind of incriminating material against the royal spouses. The reasons seem to be the lack of scientific research and analysis of this material. The online encyclopedia Wikipidia, assessing the state activities of Nicholas II, notes that “the majority agrees on the point of view that his abilities were not enough to cope with the political crisis.” Moreover, the attempt of the famous specialist P.V. Multatuli to investigate the activities of Nicholas II as Supreme Commander-in-Chief was met with hostility. When published on the “Military Literature” website, the book by P.V. Multatuli was provided with an annotation, which indicated that in the study “the negative qualities of the last Russian Tsar are omitted, all the positive ones are emphasized. The objectively fateful mistakes of Nicholas II (as a result of his actions and inactions) are hushed up, but the role of circumstances and the malicious plans of the environment is presented on a grand scale.”
Nicholas II in his letters appears as a sensible politician who makes balanced and deliberate decisions. Unfortunately, the brevity and “dryness” of the emperor’s style does not allow us to fully trace his government work. It is obvious that all the accusations of contemporaries about the “weakness of government” addressed to the tsar were not caused by his lack of political skills and administrative talent. The object of criticism was, first of all, the extreme tenacity of Nicholas II in defending the inviolability of autocratic power. Ideal conditions for public activity and opposition were created by the deep Orthodoxy of the sovereign, which was embodied in “soft” governance.
Soviet historians have already abandoned the common cliche that made the state activities of Nicholas II dependent on Alexandra Fedorovna and G. E. Rasputin. Professor G. Z. Ioffe wrote: “The versions according to which Nicholas II was allegedly under the undivided dictate of Rasputin and even more so of his wife, Alexandra Feodorovna, are not substantiated in any way.” Through the correspondence of Nicholas II and Alexandra Fedorovna, it is possible to trace what advice G. E. Rasputin gave to the emperor.
In 1914-15, the elder asked the emperor not to travel to Lvov and Przemysl during the war (not fulfilled); prohibit merchants from raising prices during the war (not implemented); postpone the call for 2nd category warriors (postponed not for a year but for three months); immediately hold an all-Russian religious procession (there is no information about this); postpone the Duma session in the summer of 1915 (not implemented); do not call up your son, assign him to a rear position (not fulfilled). It is easy to see that G. E. Rasputin’s advice was naive and concerned unimportant areas. At the same time, in 1914-15, Nicholas II did not implement these recommendations at all. The emperor did nothing to save G.E. Rasputin’s son from conscription or at least appoint him to a rear position (what kind of influence can we talk about after this?). There is no reason to believe that the situation could have changed in 1916.
With Alexandra Fedorovna’s recommendations, the situation was more complicated. In 1915, she increasingly began to give her husband political advice. It has already been noted in the literature that the empress was more conservative in her views than her husband. She did not allow any restrictions on autocracy or agreement with the public. Based on some of Alexandra Feodorovna’s remarks, one can judge that if Nicholas II had implemented his wife’s advice, the opposition would have been crushed and partially destroyed. At the same time, many of Alexandra Fedorovna’s statements were made “in the heat of the moment.” Already in the course of the presentation, the empress remembered her Christian duty. The phrase “may the Lord better forgive them and allow them to repent” is very indicative in this regard. Similar “outbursts” occurred with Alexandra Fedorovna in relation to her immediate circle. This anger always passed without any trace and, probably, unnoticed by the perpetrators themselves.
The empress did not interfere in the military sphere. Her recommendations concerned the most superficial problems, information about which she received from newspapers. She intervened in military personnel appointments most often when they concerned members of the imperial family or commanders of patronage regiments.
As far as one can judge from the letters, Alexandra Feodorovna had a “feeling” for people. During the war years, the empress checked their loyalty with the help of G. E. Rasputin. It is easy to notice that the generals allocated by the empress (F.A. Keller and N.I. Ivanov) were the only ones of all who remained faithful to the emperor in the February-March days of 1917. This was while the entourage of Nicholas II either opposed him, or subsequently fled, leaving the tsar. The military men against whom the empress spoke (Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, A. A. Polivanov, V. F. Dzhunkovsky, and subsequently M. V. Alekseev) did not justify the trust of the emperor. A. A. Polivanov and V. F. Dzhunkovsky entered the service of the Bolsheviks.
The key point in this regard is that Nicholas II constantly ignored the advice of his wife. Even if he ultimately acted in the spirit of the empress’s recommendations, there were always a number of important reasons for this. At the same time, there was no case in which Alexandra Fedorovna made a reprimand to her husband in her letters for not following her recommendations. The only thing she allowed herself to do again and again was to remind her of the problem that worried her. The Empress understood perfectly well the burden of responsibility placed on the autocrat and to whom he would have to answer. Unfortunately, not only members of the public (mostly Orthodox people), but even members of the royal family did not have such a sense.
Vyrubova Anna Alexandrovna (née Taneyeva), (1884–1964), maid of honor and friend of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, daughter of Senator A. S. Taneyev; her name, along with the name of G. E. Rasputin, was used by enemies of the Imperial system to discredit the government; during the war, together with the Empress, she worked as a nurse in the Tsarskoye Selo hospital; after the February Revolution, she was arrested by the Provisional Government and imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress, but then released due to the complete absence of “corpus delicti”; in the first years of Bolshevik power, she lived freely in Petrograd and met with M. Gorky several times; was involved in organizing the salvation of the Royal Family. In 1919, she fled to Finland and took monastic vows at the Valaam Monastery. She lived in the world as a secret nun. She died in Finland.
Vyrubova Anna Alexandrovna (1884-1964). Daughter of the chief manager of the Own e.i.v. office of A. S. Taneyev. Since 1903, lady-in-waiting of the Empress. Since 1907 she was married to senior lieutenant A.V. Vyrubov, soon divorced, and returned to the Court. She was part of the inner circle of the imperial family; carried out the most confidential orders of Nicholas II and Alexandra Fedorovna, incl. and associated with a special role at the court of G. E. Rasputin. After the February Revolution she was arrested; in March-June 1917 she was imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress, then in Sveaborg. Released at the request of the Petrograd Soviet. After a new arrest in October 1918, she fled and hid in Petrograd. In 1920 she went to Finland illegally. Left memories; A. A. Vyrubova was also credited with the authorship of a diary published in 1927 in Leningrad, which was later recognized by scientific examination as fake.
An ardent admirer of Rasputin, who was a mediator between him and the royal family. During the First World War, with money received as compensation for injury resulting from a train accident, she organized a military hospital in Tsarskoe Selo, where she worked as a nurse along with the Empress and her daughters. After the February Revolution she was arrested; in March - June 1917 she was imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress, then in Sveaborg. She was accused of influencing politics and having intimate relations with Rasputin. She was subjected to a special medical examination by the Extraordinary Investigative Commission (EIC), which established Vyrubova’s virginity. Released at the request of the Petrograd Soviet. For some time she lived freely in Petrograd and met with M. Gorky several times; tried to organize the salvation of the royal family. After a new arrest in October 1918, she fled and hid in Petrograd. In 1920, she went to Finland illegally. She took monastic vows at the Valaam Monastery. She lived in the world as a secret nun. She died in Finland.
Materials used from the book: Rasputin's Diary. M., JSC "Olma Media Group". 2008. (This text belongs to the compilers of the book named - Candidate of History D. A. Kotsyubinsky and Candidate of History I. V. Lukoyanov).
Anna Alexandrovna Taneyeva-Vyrubova - the closest friend of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, confidante of Nicholas II, mistress of Grigory Rasputin - for almost ten years was the core that kept the Russian monarchy in power. Her Majesty's maid of honor knew everything about the royal family: who is weak and why, who is in love, who is deceived, who was cheated on by her lover, and who hid the gold of the monarchy...
The diary consists of two parts: pre-war years; war.
The book of memoirs by A. A. Taneyeva (Vyrubova) “Pages of My Life” was first published in Paris in 1922. All subsequent editions of this book underwent significant changes to the text, moreover, one might say, they were subject to editorial censorship.
In Russia, one of these options was published in the collection “Her Majesty’s Maid of Honor Anna Vyrubova” in 1993 by the ORBITA publishing house. The authors of this forgery were the famous Soviet writer A. N. Tolstoy and the historian P. E. Shchegolev, a former member of the Extraordinary Investigative Commission of the Provisional Government, the compiler of the collection was A. V. Kochetov. This hoax was originally published in 1927-28. in the magazine "Past Years".
Almost the same text was used by the publishing house "Kovcheg" together with the Sretensky Monastery and the publishing house "Novaya Kniga" in the collection "Royal Martyrs in the Memoirs of Loyal Subjects", published in 1999, as well as in the collection "Her Majesty's Maid of Honor. Secrets of the Russian Court" by the Minsk publishing house "Harvest" 2002, available in the Russian department of the Helsinki Library.
As A. Kochetov testifies, the text included in his collection is reproduced from the book “Her Majesty’s Maid of Honor,” which was published in 1928 by the Latvian publishing house “Orient.” “This book was prepared for publication by a certain S. Karachevtsev, who lightly went through the text with an editorial pen and somewhat shortened the memoirs, especially in terms of the characteristics of Protopopov, Maklakov, Shcherbatov and Khvostov - the ministers of internal affairs”, writes A. Kochetov, however, this list is far from complete: the words “slightly” and “somewhat” would be more accurately replaced with the word “ruthlessly,” since the editorial edits led to the reduction of half of the author’s text.
The “well-wishing right-handers” wanted not only to shorten the text, but also to include in it fictitious paragraphs that did not belong to the author. This was done with the crafty goal of creating in the reader the impression of the author as a person of short-sightedness, which was quite consistent with the prevailing opinion among the emigrants, which was reflected in many memoirs that talk about Anna Vyrubova. The distortion of her moral character apparently served as a sign of good taste.
Nicholas II
Nicholas II, Emperor of All Russia is the eldest son of Emperor Alexander III and Empress Maria Feodorovna. Born on May 6, 1868 in Tsarskoye Selo. In 1877, the immediate management of His educational activities was entrusted to General G. G. Danilovich. The training sessions were distributed over 12 years; the first 8 years were devoted to the subjects of the gymnasium course, and the last four years were intended for the course of higher sciences. The complexity of the program led to the need to continue classes for another year. The course of higher sciences was aimed at studying military affairs in sufficient detail and at thoroughly becoming familiar with the most important principles of legal and economic sciences. The teachers of the Heir to the Tsarevich in the second department of the higher course were: I. L. Yanyshev (canon law, in connection with the history of the church and the history of religions), N. H. Bunge (statistics, political economy and financial law), K. P. Pobedonostsev ( encyclopedia of jurisprudence, state, civil and criminal law), M. N. Kapustin (international law), E. E. Zamyslovsky (political history), N. N. Beketov (chemistry). The teachers in the department of military sciences were: N. N. Obruchev (military statistics), M. I. Dragomirov (combat training of troops), G. A. Leer (strategy and military history), N. A. Demyanenkov (artillery), P L. Lobko (military administration), O. E. Stubendorf (geodesy and topography), P. K. Gudima-Levkovich (tactics), Ts. A. Cui (fortification), A. K. Puzyrevsky (history of military art) , V. G. Basargin and N. N. Lomen (naval affairs). To master military service and become familiar with military life, the Heir Tsarevich held two camp training sessions in the ranks of the Preobrazhensky Life Guards Regiment, devoted two summer seasons to cavalry service in the ranks of His Majesty’s Life Guards Hussar Regiment, one camp training camp was in the ranks of the Guards Artillery and before After accession to the throne, he commanded, with the rank of colonel, the first battalion of the Life Guards Preobrazhensky Regiment.
For practical acquaintance with issues of civil administration, the Heir Tsarevich, from May 6, 1889, participated in classes of the State Council and the Committee of Ministers. To get acquainted with various regions of Russia, the Heir Tsarevich accompanied His August Parent on many of His trips around Russia. In October 1890, the Heir Tsarevich undertook a trip to the Far East, heading, through Vienna, Trieste, Greece and Egypt, to India, China and Japan. On the way, he practically became familiar with the difficulties of naval affairs. In Japan, the Heir Tsarevich visited the city of Otsu, where on April 23, 1891, a fanatic, who was among the police, made an attempt on the life of His Highness, stabbing Him in the head with a saber; Fortunately, the wound turned out to be harmless. The Heir Tsarevich made his return journey by land, through Siberia, marking the beginning of the implementation of the great Siberian rail route. At the beginning of August of the same year, the Heir Tsarevich successfully completed his journey, which lasted more than 9 months; it was described by Prince E. E. Ukhtomsky. In 1891 - 92 The heir Tsarevich chaired a special committee to provide assistance to the population of the provinces affected by crop failure. In 1892, the Heir Tsarevich was called to chair the committee of the Siberian Railway, which he retained upon his accession to the throne. In April 1894, the Heir Tsarevich was engaged to Princess Alice of Hesse (see Alexandra Feodorovna, I, 854). The highly named Bride arrived in Russia a week and a half before the death of Emperor Alexander III.
The manifesto on the accession to the throne of Sovereign Emperor Nikolai Alexandrovich (October 20, 1894) announced His Majesty’s intention “to always have as one goal the peaceful prosperity, power and glory of dear Russia and the establishment of the happiness of all His loyal subjects.” In a circular note sent to Russian representatives at foreign courts on October 28, 1894, it was stated that His Majesty “will devote all His concerns to the development of the internal welfare of Russia and will in no way deviate from the completely peace-loving, firm and straightforward policy that has so powerfully contributed to the universal reassurance,” and Russia “will continue to see respect for law and legal order as the best guarantee of the security of states.” On November 14, 1894, the wedding of the Sovereign Emperor took place, marked by the Gracious Manifesto. Children of the Sovereign from this marriage: Heir Tsarevich, Grand Duke Alexei Nikolaevich (born July 30, 1904) and Grand Duchesses Olga (born November 3, 1895), Tatiana (born May 29, 1897), Maria (born June 14, 1899 g.), Anastasia (born June 5, 1901) Nikolaevna. - On May 14, 1896, the Holy Coronation of the Sovereign Emperor and Sovereign Empress took place. This event was marked by the Most Merciful Manifesto. Shortly after their coronation, Their Majesties undertook two trips to Europe. During the second of these trips, the Sovereign and Empress visited France. This “Russian week” in France (from October 5 to October 10, 1896) cemented the bonds of Franco-Russian friendship, which began under Emperor Alexander III. Russia's peace-loving policy found its most striking expression in the Sovereign's initiative to convene peace conferences (circular note from the Minister of Foreign Affairs of August 12, 1898; see The Hague Conferences, XII, 278 et seq.).
Events in the Far East led in 1900 - 1901. to Russia's participation in pacifying the Boxer Rebellion in China, in 1904 - 1905. - to war with Japan. On December 12, 1904, the Highest Decree was issued on plans for improving the state order. Of the acts issued in pursuance of this decree, the most important is the decree of April 17, 1905 on religious tolerance (see Tolerance, XII, and 195 et seq.). Work on the reorganization of the highest state institutions, which took place after the promulgation of the manifesto on October 17, 1905, in meetings under the personal chairmanship of His Majesty, ended on April 23, 1906 with the publication of new basic state laws. On April 27, the Sovereign Emperor opened new legislative provisions in the Winter Palace. In August 1912, with the participation of the August Family, festivities and celebrations took place on the occasion of the centenary of the Patriotic War. With special solemnity, Russia celebrated the tercentenary of the House of Romanov on February 21, 1913. This day was marked by a manifesto and the Highest Decree on the bestowal of favors on the population.
In the field of external relations, the events of 1913 on the Balkan Peninsula prompted the Sovereign Emperor to appeal to the Bulgarian Tsar and the Serbian King to remain faithful to their obligations. During the negotiations preceding the current war, the Sovereign Emperor proposed that the Austro-Serbian question be referred to the Hague Conference. When Germany declared war on Russia, the Sovereign Emperor, not recognizing it possible, for reasons of a national nature, to become at the same time the head of the land and naval forces intended for military operations, ordered Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich to be the Supreme Commander-in-Chief. At the same time, the State Council and the State Duma were convened, the sessions of which were opened on July 26 with a reception at the Winter Palace of members of the State Council and the State Duma. From the beginning of mobilization, the sale of strong drinks was prohibited in Russia. On August 22, 1914, the Sovereign Emperor ordered the resurrection of the sale of alcohol, wine and vodka products to continue until the end of wartime.
Under the chairmanship of the Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, by decree of August 11, 1914, a supreme council was formed to unite activities to provide charity for the families of those called up to war, as well as the families of wounded and fallen soldiers. On the same date, a special committee of Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna was formed to provide charitable assistance to the families of persons called up for war. On September 14, a committee of Grand Duchess Tatiana Nikolaevna was approved to provide temporary assistance to victims of military disasters. From the very beginning of the war, the Sovereign repeatedly traveled to the active army (a description of these trips, compiled by Major General Dubensky, was published by the Ministry of the Imperial Court; by December 1915, three issues had been published), on August 23, 1915, the Sovereign Emperor personally assumed leadership of all land and naval forces located in the theater of military operations. On October 25, the Sovereign Emperor, according to the petition of the St. George Duma of the Southwestern Front, deigned to confer on himself the Order of St. George, 4th degree. The events of the reign of the Sovereign Emperor will be described in detail in the article “Russia” (history).
In the events that marked Russian history in the fifties of the last century, one of the main guiding forces was the personality of Emperor Nikolai Pavlovich.
During the almost thirty-year reign of this sovereign, Europe saw in him a powerful representative and defender of the established system of social and political life of peoples, and the sixty-million-strong Russian Empire seemed to be entirely embodied in the person of its monarch. Unyielding will, chivalrous character, firmness of conviction, love for his state and the desire to exalt Russia in internal and external relations on the grounds developed by the sovereign - instinctively made everyone feel that Emperor Nikolai Pavlovich would not deviate from his chosen path, which could not be ignored. In him, the Western European powers saw either their most loyal ally or their implacable enemy; representatives of different parties hated or revered him equally strongly, but both of them undoubtedly feared him in equal measure.
Therefore, studying the life of Russia contemporary to Emperor Nikolai Pavlovich and even partly the political history of Western Europe is impossible without getting to know the colossal and knightly personality of this sovereign.
A few months before Grand Duke Pavel Petrovich ascended the throne, namely on June 25, 1796, his third son, Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich, was born, the last of the grandchildren of Empress Catherine II who were born during her lifetime. At the cradle of the newborn, the Great Empress called him “knight,” and this name was fully justified by the reign and death of Emperor Nicholas.
According to the order established under Empress Catherine, Grand Duke Nicholas from birth entered into the care of the royal grandmother, but the empress’s death, which soon followed, stopped her influence on the course of the Grand Duke’s upbringing. The only legacy in this regard left by Catherine to her third grandson was the excellent choice of a nanny, the Scottish woman Lyon, who was his only leader for the first seven years. The young Grand Duke with all the strength of his soul became attached to his first teacher, and one cannot but agree that during the period of tender childhood, “the heroic, knightly noble, strong and open character of Nanny Lyon” left an imprint on the character of her pupil.
After the accession of Emperor Paul, the education of Grand Duke Nicholas and his fourth son Mikhail, born in 1798, passed into the hands of his parents. The feeling of tender affection, long suppressed by the alienation of the older sons, should have flowed in an abundant wave onto the younger ones. And indeed, Emperor Paul passionately loved his young children, especially Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich. According to Baron M.A. Korf, “he caressed them very tenderly, which their mother never did.” A strict guardian of the prim etiquette of that time, Empress Maria Feodorovna extended it in its entirety to the young grand dukes, who “in the first years of childhood were with their august mother in a relationship of ceremony and cold courtesy and even fear; cordial relations and, moreover, the warmest ones came for them only later, in the years of adolescence and youth.”
The death of Emperor Paul could not help but be imprinted in the memory of the five-year-old Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich. This was the first blow of fate dealt to him at a very tender age, a blow that, undoubtedly, should have left a deep mark on the character of Nikolai Pavlovich in the future, upon becoming familiar with the circumstances surrounding the accession of Emperor Alexander I.
Thus, a new turning point occurred in the fate of the Grand Duke, and from then on, the matter of his upbringing and education was concentrated entirely and exclusively under the authority of the Dowager Empress Maria Feodorovna, out of a sense of delicacy for whom Emperor Alexander refrained from any influence on the education of his younger brothers.
“In the opinion of Baron M. A. Korf, the only shortcoming of Empress Maria Feodorovna was, perhaps, her excessive exactingness towards her children and towards those who depended on her,” and this exactingness, together with the general strict orders that prevailed at that time at court, and with the character of the Grand Duke’s new educator, General Lamzdorf, she surrounded the royal child with that sphere of severity, which was later sometimes felt in the external manifestation of the will of Nikolai Pavlovich.
Such duality in the education of young grand dukes had, however, more general grounds. It is enough to recall the character of the Gatchina court during the time of Pavel Petrovich, in which instilled Prussian rudeness was strangely mixed with the sentimental direction of modern literature.
The choice of General Lamzdorf for the post of tutor of the Grand Duke was made by Emperor Paul, but the fact of his seventeen-year stay with the person of his pupil and the constant favor of the Empress Mother undoubtedly indicate that this general fully satisfied the pedagogical requirements of Maria Feodorovna.
Matvey Ivanovich Lamzdorf, during his military and administrative activities preceding his appointment to the post of educator, showed himself to be a man with noble rules and, without a doubt, contributed to the development of this quality in his pupil. But the educational methods he adopted were characterized by cruelty, were extremely punitive in nature and often consisted of corporal punishment. Neither the Grand Duke’s educator himself, nor the so-called “gentlers” who oversaw his upbringing, as far as one can judge from the available information, ever applied moral influence on the child, to which he, by his innate character, should have been especially sensitive. They failed to take the spiritual and mental world of the Grand Duke into their own hands and give him the proper direction; everything came down to measures of taming and sometimes severe struggle with the natural qualities of the pupil.
Meanwhile, Nikolai Pavlovich’s mentality and character were sufficiently revealed even in his childhood. Persistence, the desire to command, kindness of heart, passion for everything military, the spirit of camaraderie, which later expressed itself in unshakable loyalty to alliances - all this was reflected in very early childhood and, of course, sometimes in the most insignificant details. N.K. Schilder, in his biography of Emperor Nikolai Pavlovich, depicts his shortcomings, inherent in most children, in a stronger form. “Usually a very serious, uncommunicative and thoughtful boy, and in his childhood a very shy boy, Nikolai Pavlovich was definitely reborn during games. The bad inclinations dormant in him then manifested themselves with uncontrollable force. In the journals of the Cavaliers from 1802 to 1809, there are constant complaints that “in all his movements he introduces too much intemperance,” “in his games he almost always ends up hurting himself or others,” that he is characterized by “passion.” grimace and grimace,” finally, in one case, when describing his games, it is said: “his disposition is so unsociable that he preferred to remain alone and in complete inactivity rather than take part in the games. This strange act can only be explained by the fact that the games of the empress, his sister, and the sovereign, his brother, did not please him at all, and that he was in no way capable of the slightest manifestation of condescension.”
Such inclinations of the young Grand Duke required special care and thoughtfulness in the direction of his upbringing, and his cordiality, tendency to repentance and regret for his bad deeds, as well as a feeling of tender affection for others, which remained forever 11 , despite the sometimes cruel treatment of him, it seemed to make it possible, through moral influence, with some, however, persistence, to smooth out these innate shortcomings of Nikolai Pavlovich. The Grand Duke's letters to General Lamsdorf in 1808 and some of the reports of his cavaliers to Empress Maria Feodorovna sufficiently demonstrate these sympathetic sides of his character.
“The pleasure of writing to you is diminished by the reproaches of my conscience. My lessons yesterday and the third day did not go very well... I dare to ask you, General, to forgive me for this mistake and I promise to try not to repeat it again.”
“I dare to flatter myself that Your Excellency, according to the letters of my dear mother and Mr. Akhverdov, should have been satisfied with my certificates, at least I did everything possible for this.”
In turn, the gentlemen who monitored the behavior of the Grand Duke reported to the Empress Mother: “During a Russian language lesson, seeing that his (the Grand Duke’s) absent-mindedness upset me, he was so moved that he threw himself on my neck, bursting into tears and not being able to speak words. The behavior of His Imperial Highness Grand Duke Nicholas was good. He was generally less noisy than usual, and the reason for this, in all likelihood, was the thought that he had to confess. He stayed for a long time with his priest, from whom he left extremely moved and in tears.”
The historian of the life of Emperor Nikolai Pavlovich does not indicate how the Grand Duke’s gentlemen used these aspects of his character in educational terms.
The greatest concerns of Empress Maria Feodorovna in the upbringing of Nikolai Pavlovich consisted of trying to divert him from his passion for military exercises, which was revealed in him from early childhood. The passion for the technical side of military affairs, instilled in Russia by the hand of Emperor Paul, took deep and strong roots in the royal family. Emperor Alexander, despite his liberalism, was an ardent supporter of the watch parade and all its subtleties; Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich experienced complete happiness only on the parade ground, among the drilled teams. The younger brothers were not inferior to the elders in this passion.
From early childhood, Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich began to show a special passion for military toys and stories about military operations. The best reward for him was permission to go to a parade or divorce, where he watched everything that happened with special attention, dwelling even on the smallest details.
To fulfill the desire of Empress Maria Feodorovna to distract the Grand Duke from this passion, his educators took up the task with inept hands; they were unable to direct the mind of their pupil to the pursuit of other, more fruitful ideals. On the contrary, thanks to the educational system persistently pursued by the empress, the tendency towards military bearing and the appearance of military service received in the eyes of the Grand Duke all the charm of a forbidden fruit. This tendency remained in him to a sufficient extent into adulthood and involuntarily, as we will see below, was reflected in the nature of the formation of the Russian army. But at the same time, the unsuccessful attempt to turn the Grand Duke away from everything military did not give him the opportunity to receive the correct education in this branch of knowledge and establish his outstanding natural abilities on a solid basis. A review of the military activities of Emperor Nikolai Pavlovich makes one wonder at the remarkable breadth of his military views and the correctness of his reasoning, along with his sometimes excessive enthusiasm for the ceremonial side of the matter, when the sovereign was in front of the front of the troops.
Concerns about the training and education of the Grand Duke were concentrated in the same inept hands of Nikolai Pavlovich’s educators. Not only could they not inspire the Grand Duke to love science, but they did everything possible to push him away from teaching. In the educational field, the educators' concerns were aimed at not giving the young Grand Duke time to get carried away with his favorite military activity and reading military books. The means for this was to choose a distribution of the day that left the pupil with the least possible free time at his disposal. For this purpose, with the active participation of the empress herself, not only were special tables of lectures compiled with a detailed calculation of the number of hours of daily classes in various subjects, but the very nature of the classes was placed within a very specific and tight framework. “Grand dukes should not even allow themselves to ask empty questions related to the subject that is being discussed with them, if these questions do not directly relate to the necessary explanations for studying the very subject that they are being told about,” Empress Maria Feodorovna instructed General Lamzdorf.
The choice of teachers assigned to Nikolai Pavlovich also left much to be desired. “Some of these mentors,” says N. K. Schilder, “were very learned people, but not one of them was gifted with the ability to capture the attention of his student and instill in him respect for the science being taught.” Many years later, already in 1847, Emperor Nikolai Pavlovich, in a conversation with Baron Korf, made a sharp characterization of his teachers, and at the same time his education system. “I completely agree with you,” said the sovereign, “that there is no need to dwell too long on abstract subjects, which are then either forgotten or do not find any application in practice. I remember how two people were tormented by this, very kind, perhaps very smart, but both of them were insufferable pedants: the deceased Balugyansky and Kukolnik. One interpreted to us in a mixture of all languages, of which he knew none well, about Roman, German and God knows what other laws; the other is something about supposed “natural” law.
In addition to them, Storch appeared with his soporific lectures on political economy, which he read to us from his printed French book, without diversifying this monotony in any way. And what happened? During the lessons of these gentlemen, we either dozed off, or drew some nonsense, sometimes their own caricature portraits, and then, for the exams, we learned something by rote, without fruition or benefit for the future. In my opinion, the best theory of law is good morality, and it should be in the heart, regardless of these abstractions, and have religion as its basis. In this, my children are also better off than we were, who were taught only to be baptized at a certain time of mass and say various prayers by heart, without caring about what was happening in the soul.” During the same conversation, the sovereign did not miss the opportunity to pay tribute to the good feelings and true love for the homeland of his former gentlemen. Having expressed his views on patriotism and the idea of nationality, in which, despite all their necessity, he recognized the need to avoid extremes, Emperor Nikolai Pavlovich added that on this side he could not attribute anything to the influence of his teachers, but owed a lot to the people in whose company he lived, namely: Akhverdov, Arsenyev and Markevich. “They,” according to the sovereign, “sincerely loved Russia and, meanwhile, understood that you can be the kindest Russian without hating, however, indiscriminately everything foreign.”
One can easily foresee how, under such conditions, the formation of the Grand Duke proceeded. Knowledge was acquired in fits and starts, without a definite connection that could lead to a lasting and consistent development of mental horizons. And the choice of teaching subjects themselves was made one-sidedly, without a properly developed program. Most attention was paid to abstract, speculative subjects, and languages, less to subjects of a real nature, and as for military sciences, for a long time they were completely removed from the curriculum of the future supreme leader of the million-strong army. The sovereign himself later admitted to his insufficient knowledge of the Russian language, saying not to judge his spelling, since this part was not paid due attention during his upbringing. He generally wrote fluently and without difficulty, but did not always use words in their proper meaning. As for the political sciences, so necessary for the monarch, they were almost not included in the Grand Duke’s education program. According to V.A. Mukhanov, Nikolai Pavlovich, having completed his course of education, was horrified by his ignorance and after the wedding tried to fill this gap, but the conditions of an absent-minded life, the predominance of military activities and the bright joys of family life distracted him from constant desk work. “His mind is not cultivated, his upbringing was careless,” Queen Victoria wrote about Emperor Nikolai Pavlovich in 1844.
However, the Grand Duke did not treat all sciences with the same, in his words, indifference. Abstract, speculative subjects attracted his attention less, and it is unlikely that he was carried away by the poetic image of the heroes of antiquity; applied sciences, related to practical application, as well as historical events of the recent past, were especially to Nikolai Pavlovich’s liking.
From early childhood, the Grand Duke showed a great passion for the art of construction, and this inclination remained in him throughout his life. Easily wielding a pencil, he applied his talent almost exclusively to drawing geometric figures, fortifications, battle plans and to drawing troops. His love for straight lines and symmetrical structures was later embodied in the architecture of Nicholas times. When studying history, the young Grand Duke was especially interested in figures of a later era, and here he encountered people with whom he sympathized or whom he treated with undisguised disdain. His conclusions about some historical figures are characteristic in the sense that they showed the views of the future ruler of a vast monarchy, which he did not change until the end of his life. In the behavior of Otto II, he was indignant at the treachery with which this sovereign acted towards the upper class of the population of Rome (les principaux habitants de Rome).
In the fate of Louis XVI, Nikolai Pavlovich saw the punishment suffered by the French king for failure to fulfill his duty towards the state. “Being weak does not mean being merciful,” he said to his teacher on this occasion. “The monarch does not have the right to forgive the enemies of the fatherland. Louis XVI saw before him real indignation, hidden under the false name of freedom; he would have saved his people from many hardships, not sparing the troublemakers.” He recognized General Bonaparte's best victory as his triumph over anarchy. Peter the Great aroused the Grand Duke’s special sympathies, and this worship of the memory of his brilliant ancestor did not leave him until his death. The cherished desire of Empress Maria Feodorovna to completely remove Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich from the study of military sciences could not be fully realized. The future that could await Nikolai Pavlovich, and the warlike mood that gripped Europe during the Napoleonic Wars, “contributed to the victory of the tender mother over “personal tastes,” and professors were invited to the Grand Duke, who were supposed to read military science in as much detail as possible.” For this purpose, the famous engineer General Opperman and, to help him, Colonels Gianotti and Markevich were chosen.
N.K. Shilder, dwelling heavily in his biography of Emperor Nikolai Pavlovich on the Grand Duke’s inherent passion for watch parades and the small techniques of military craft, unfortunately, gives almost no indication of how the extensive knowledge of military affairs that he undoubtedly possessed developed later Emperor Nicholas. There is no doubt that the Grand Duke devoted all his leisure time to reading his favorite military books and, thus, largely owed the development of his knowledge to himself; but one must think that the first leaders of his military education also played a big role in this regard. The name of General Opperman alone, as a worthy representative of our military engineering science of that time, the awards that Emperor Nikolai Pavlovich subsequently showered on him, as well as the good memory that he retained about his other mentor, Markevich, back in 1847, confirm that military teachers Sciences enjoyed incomparably greater respect from their students than teachers of other subjects.
Information about the military education of the Grand Duke is extremely fragmentary, and it is impossible to form an idea even about those issues that were included in the course of the lectures given to him; this can only be judged approximately.
The Grand Duke's attraction to the art of engineering, discovered from a very early age, and the very specialty of the chief head of military education, General Opperman, give reason to assume that a large share of attention was paid to the proper training of the future inspector general in engineering. As for other military subjects, the information that has reached us contains instructions that in 1813 the Grand Duke was taught strategy, and in 1815 military conversations between Nikolai Pavlovich and General Opperman began.
These conversations consisted of the Grand Duke reading treatises he himself had developed on proposed military actions, or war plans on a given topic, and giving explanations related to the details of the work presented. In the same year, by the way, the Grand Duke compiled a treatise “On the War against the United Forces of Prussia and Poland,” with which the mentor was very pleased, even suspecting that his student had in his hands a memoir compiled on the same topic by a Russian general. At the same time, the Grand Duke was engaged in “military translations” with Markevich, and with Gianotti, reading the works of Giraud and Lloyd about various campaigns, as well as analyzing the project “On the expulsion of the Turks from Europe under certain given conditions.”
These studies, apparently, were not unsuccessful, since in the journals of 1815, General Opperman notes the military talents of Nikolai Pavlovich and advises him to read detailed histories of remarkable campaigns, through which “the Grand Duke should inevitably improve his brilliant military abilities, mainly consisting of talent for correct and clearly judge military actions."
It is worth mentioning, however, one more unexpected leader of the Grand Duke’s military education, namely the future famous “father-commander,” Ivan Fedorovich Paskevich. I met him in Paris in 1815, after which “Nikolai Pavlovich,” says Paskevich in his notes, “constantly called me to his place and asked me in detail about the latest campaigns. With the maps laid out, the two of us spent hours together analyzing all the movements and battles of 12, 13 and 14. Many people were jealous of this and began to say jokingly that he (the Grand Duke) fell in love with me. It was impossible not to love him. His main feature that attracted me to him was his directness and frankness.”
It seems that the Grand Duke’s military education program did not include subjects that could give him a correct understanding of those technical details of military affairs, on which the success of any military operation largely depends, and without a thorough knowledge of which the very study of higher military sciences does not bring benefits to the fullest. In his youth, the Grand Duke apparently was not thoroughly familiar with the requirements that can be placed on a soldier as a physical and combat unit, nor with combat techniques, nor, finally, with all the other elements of war that form the main foundation of military knowledge. and this circumstance, together with other unfavorable conditions, did not remain without a harmful influence on the condition of our army during the reign of Emperor Nikolai Pavlovich. The undoubtedly outstanding military talents of the Grand Duke were mixed, with the incompleteness of his military education, with the watch-parade tendencies of the Alexander era that took root in childhood and gave rise to those consequences that still serve as the basis for duality in the military assessment of Emperor Nicholas I.
However, to justify the leaders of the Grand Duke’s military education, it should be noted that at that time there was neither tactics nor military history as a science based on solid theoretical research; There was no literature of these sciences, which appeared in Russian much later than the twenties.
The course of the Grand Duke's education was to end with his travel throughout Russia and abroad. Nikolai Pavlovich’s urgent desire to participate in the actions of the liberation war finally forced Emperor Alexander to agree in 1814 to the arrival of his younger brothers to the army, and the emperor ordered Adjutant General Konovnitsyn to be with them. This appointment seemed to express the sovereign’s only participation in the upbringing and education of the younger grand dukes, and the choice he made was undoubtedly the most successful. An experienced warrior who covered himself with unfading laurels, Konovnitsyn combined within himself, with his inherent kindness of character and comprehensive acquaintance with military affairs, all the necessary conditions for fulfilling the task assigned to him. Having stayed with the Grand Dukes during their travels in 1814 and 1815, he was appointed the following year to the post of Minister of War, and his fruitful activity as the head of the practical military education of Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich was to cease. Such a short stay with the august young men, coupled with interruptions and the need to conform to the views of General Lamsdorf, could not bring them particularly significant benefit, but in any case it did not remain without a beneficial influence.
When parting with the grand dukes, Adjutant General Konovnitsyn gave them in a special letter a number of tips for their future activities. This letter is of undoubted interest both in relation to the characteristics of the author himself, and because it should have reflected the character traits of the great princes noticed by Konovnitsyn.
“No virtuous feat,” he wrote among other things, “is accomplished without tension of spirit, without labor. Consequently, for good and useful deeds, the mind must be nourished with good knowledge, which adorns old age itself. In order to certainly occupy and nourish the mind, without which it, so to speak, falls asleep, take upon yourself at least one hour a day (but every day without fail) to occupy the mind with some kind of science or knowledge, making a plan for yourself while reading so as not to mix up subjects At the same time. In general discussions one should never insult, or speak ill of someone; by a single carelessness you will get dissatisfied. General politeness attracts, but arrogance, and even more rudeness, will deprive you of great and irrevocable benefits. Stick to people who would not want anything from you, who would not be blinded by your greatness and would tell you the truth with due respect and would contradict you in order to refrain you from making mistakes. If the time comes for you to command units of troops, let your first efforts be about their maintenance in general and about caring for the sick and suffering. Try to improve everyone's situation, don't demand the impossible from people. Shouting and threats will only irritate you and will not do you any good. In the service it is inevitable to stock up on people. If you happen to be in hostilities, take the advice of experienced people. Think about it before you decide to act.”
The departure of the Grand Dukes to the army was a difficult test for Empress Maria Feodorovna, but she was aware of the necessity of it, and therefore put up with the involuntary separation. The Empress arranged the journey of her sons with special care, providing the most detailed instructions to the persons accompanying them, and giving written instructions to the Grand Dukes themselves. These excellent instructions covered all kinds of cases and consisted of a series of highly moral advice concerning the behavior, activities and pastime of the great princes. Maria Feodorovna does not pass over in silence especially military subjects. She persistently warned her sons against getting carried away by the trifles of military service, advising, on the contrary, to stock up on the knowledge that creates great commanders. “It is necessary,” wrote the empress, “to study everything that concerns the saving of a soldier, who is so often neglected, sacrificing him to the beauty of his form, useless exercises, personal ambition and the ignorance of his superior.”
The Grand Dukes were unable to take part in the hostilities, and they arrived in Paris to witness the glory of Emperor Alexander and the valiant Russian army. The opportunity for practical combat experience for Nikolai Pavlovich, unfortunately, slipped away until the Turkish War of 1828. He had to limit himself to only completing his general education.
Emperor Alexander's proposal to take advantage of the younger brothers' stay abroad so that they could improve their education in Paris, under the guidance of the experienced mentor La Harpe, and travel around Holland, England and Switzerland, did not meet with sympathy from Maria Feodorovna, who, in moral matters, was afraid long stay of sons in the capital of France.
And in this case, Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich’s inclination towards everything military was reflected; In Paris, he inspected, preferably, military institutions, a polytechnic school, a nursing home, barracks, and hospitals.
Biographers of Nikolai Pavlovich provide almost no information by which one could judge the influence of his foreign trips in 1814 and 1815 on him. Is it possible to mention only that during these trips the love of the young grand dukes for everything that was theirs and dear one became clear, and, according to Mikhailovsky-Danilevsky, they “admired everything that is Russian.” Then, at a review in Vertu on August 29, 1815, Nikolai Pavlovich rode in front of the formation for the first time, commanding the 2nd brigade of the 3rd Grenadier Division. Reporting this to Empress Maria Feodorovna, Adjutant General Konovnitsyn added that the great princes, “commanding their units in the best possible way, acquired true respect from the troops subordinate to them, serviceability in command, meekness and condescension to all ranks.”
In 1816, Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich undertook extensive travels throughout Russia and England.
The first was aimed at familiarizing oneself with one’s fatherland in administrative, commercial and industrial relations and took place again under the leadership of a new person, namely Adjutant General Golenishchev-Kutuzov. The instructions for this trip, developed with special care by Empress Maria Feodorovna, tried to make it especially instructive and pursued, among other goals, the need for Nikolai Pavlovich to gain popularity among the people.
During his travels, the Grand Duke was obliged to keep special journals, entering into them his impressions on the civil and industrial parts and separately on the military part. These journals, kept by a twenty-year-old Grand Duke who had just completed his education, would be extremely interesting for characterizing him, but, unfortunately, they are unknown in print, and even N. K. Schilder cites only minor excerpts from their civil and military departments . However, these short excerpts also note some of the features of the journal author. The absence of poetic hobbies, general ideas and superficial reasoning, a real mindset with a correct and practical view of things, great observation that does not lose sight of the little things, a thorough and sensible assessment of the state of affairs and a love of order - this is how Nikolai Pavlovich is portrayed from excerpts of his own magazine.
“I must repeat without hypocrisy and with admiration,” Golenishchev-Kutuzov reported to Empress Maria Feodorovna upon returning from the trip, “that His Highness everywhere acquired excellent respect, devotion and love from all classes. I often report to His Highness that he owes everything to Your Imperial Majesty; the rules instilled during upbringing were ordained by Your Majesty.”
The trip to England, according to Maria Feodorovna, was supposed to not only satisfy the curiosity of the Grand Duke, but also enrich him with useful knowledge and experiences. However, at the same time, this journey also inspired some fear, which, however, was completely unfounded given the character of Nikolai Pavlovich that had already become clear, namely: the fear that the Grand Duke would not become too carried away by the free institutions of England and would not put them in direct connection with the appearance of her undoubted well-being. . His character had already become so formed with his characteristic sober worldview, far from any dreaminess, that hobbies in the constitutional sense could not be foreseen.
And indeed, during his stay in England, the Grand Duke was least of all interested in oratorical debates in the House of Lords and in the House of Commons, as well as conversations about these phenomena of English public life. Clubs and rallies common in the country also did not meet with sympathy from Nikolai Pavlovich. “If,” he said to Golenishchev-Kutuzov on this occasion, “to our misfortune, some evil genius brought to us these clubs and rallies that make more noise than business, then I would ask God to repeat the miracle of the confusion of languages, or else it is better to deprive the gift of speech of all those who make such use of it.”
The Grand Duke's four-month stay in England was spent traveling in all directions to get acquainted with various sectors of life in this country, different from all European countries. Nikolai Pavlovich, according to Savrasov, who accompanied him, did not neglect a single subject that deserved it, and with his affectionate treatment he gained universal respect and praise. This review is confirmed by other persons in his retinue.
Sympathy for everything military did not change the Grand Duke in this case either. Having the opportunity to meet a wide variety of political and government figures in the country, of whom England was then proud, he preferred society and conversations with representatives of the British army. England made an indelible impression on the young Grand Duke. The sobriety and positivity of the English mind could not help but please Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich. His sympathy for England could not be shaken, many years later, even by the stubborn opposition that the English cabinet provided to our undertakings. Emperor Nicholas never abandoned the idea of an alliance with Great Britain.
Prince Leopold's life physician, Shtokmar, wrote down in his notes a description of Nikolai Pavlovich's appearance at this time. According to him, he was an unusually handsome, captivating young man, straight as a pine tree, with regular facial features, an open forehead, beautiful eyebrows, an unusually beautiful nose, a beautiful small mouth and a precisely defined chin. He had very decent manners, full of animation, but without tension or embarrassment. At the same time, the Grand Duke surprised English society with his refined politeness towards ladies and the Spartan simplicity of his lifestyle. “Apparently, he has a decisive talent for caring,” Dr. Shtokmar ends his memoirs about Nikolai Pavlovich.
The series of travels described above completed the Grand Duke’s full course of education, and the following year, 1817, the joys of family happiness awaited him. This year the marriage of the Grand Duke to Princess Charlotte of Prussia took place, and Nikolai Pavlovich achieved “that only true and lasting happiness” that he found throughout his life in his family and which he, brought up in the spirit of strict family principles, so longed for even in his youth. 1814.
From this time on, the social activities of Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich began. Richly gifted by nature with that practical mind that is alien to all illusions and hobbies, but full of a sound and businesslike view of things, the Grand Duke showed a much greater ability for analysis than for creativity; the firmness of once established convictions in him very often came at the expense of that flexibility of mind, which is inseparable from the easy perception of new ideas, undoubtedly leading to progress, but also not alien to fatal hobbies. This distinctive feature of Nikolai Pavlovich’s abilities was more suitable for the development and pedantic implementation of an idea in one direction than for changing it by even a slight deviation to the side. The critical mindset of the Grand Duke made it very difficult for him to change his way of thinking, which he could only approach gradually, through a comprehensive assessment of new factors. Slow forward movement was more to his heart than the wide scope of creative thought.
Properly delivered education serves to equalize natural mental gifts, but the education of Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich did not meet these conditions, and he entered the arena of public life only with those rich gifts that nature endowed him with at birth. “The isolated position of the great princes,” Korsakov says on this occasion, “created by the mother’s persistent and unwavering desire to keep them exclusively under her influence, naturally should have delayed the development of political maturity and experience in them.” From a very early age, the character of Nikolai Pavlovich, with high spiritual moral qualities that did not change him throughout his life, was distinguished by unshakable firmness, highly knightly rules, strict performance of duty, cordiality and tender affection for those around him. But, along with this, pride and irascibility, combined with a certain amount of obstinacy and self-will, were infinitely developed in him. These character traits somewhat obscured the knightly-noble figure of the Grand Duke upon a superficial acquaintance with her and contributed to him in acquiring incomparably more detractors than people who were heartily devoted - the stern shell very often hid the soul of the Grand Duke, full of greatness.
If the upbringing of the Grand Duke, under the guidance of Empress Maria Feodorovna, gifted with high virtuous qualities, served to develop the positive qualities of his character, then, on the other hand, the system that dominated his upbringing could not lead to a softening of the negative aspects of Nikolai Pavlovich’s character. The theory of “an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth” was more likely to have the consequence of strengthening the tough character of the Grand Duke, and in no way softening it. But this system of severe corporal punishment also had the harmful side that it instilled in Nikolai Pavlovich a view of them as the main educational means, relegating to the background the system of moral influence and mercy, so akin to his warm-hearted and tender soul. The Grand Duke’s educators, in all likelihood, forgot, and perhaps did not know Betsky’s wise advice that “a noble soul should be restrained through fear of neglect or dishonor, and not through fear of harmful punishment.”
The Grand Duke's passionate worship of everything military, together with the concept of unquestioning discipline, developed the concept of legality and duty as the main tenets of social and family life. Power-hungry to the extreme and not allowing his primacy to be diminished even in small things, Nikolai Pavlovich was unquestioningly submissive in all things to the will of the emperor, his brother, and his mother. The Grand Duke's sense of duty was developed to the point of scrupulousness, and nothing could dissuade him from doing what, in his opinion, his duty dictated.
By this time, Nikolai Pavlovich had sufficiently developed a love for an open, direct way of acting, an aversion to all kinds of falsehood, a spirit of camaraderie, and all this in such definite and unshakable forms that corresponded to the entire make-up of his character.
The course of sciences he completed, and most importantly, the method of teaching them, could not, as was said above, positively develop the mind and abilities of the Grand Duke. He received fragmentary information on various branches of knowledge, without any logical connection or general conclusions; This information was more complete on those subjects that the Grand Duke liked, and completely insignificant on subjects to which they failed to attract his attention.
Such an education could not correspond to the high position that Nikolai Pavlovich occupied by birth, and subsequently, when he had to take the helm of the government, he did not find in his theoretical training those foundations that would help him give his beloved Russia with full benefit and practicality , along with his life, rich spiritual and mental powers generously given to him by nature.
But, at the same time, the Grand Duke’s mentors and educators managed not only to support in him, but also to develop a love for everything Russian, pride in his fatherland; they helped him become a truly Russian tsar, embodying the entire people, ready to follow him everywhere. Emperor Nikolai Pavlovich and the sixty-million-strong gray mass instinctively understood each other and mutually believed in the indestructible strength of each other. In this quality of Nikolai Pavlovich lay the power that, according to all his contemporaries, brought the masses of the people to indescribable enthusiasm when they came into contact with their king, which inspired the adoration of the people for him, despite the sometimes drastic measures in his governance.
Nikolai Pavlovich’s childhood and youth passed between the practical study of all the intricacies of parade and garrison service that were prevalent at that time, involving harsh treatment and demands disproportionate to the strength of the soldier, and the theoretical study of issues related to the conduct of war. The Grand Duke failed to obtain a solid foundation of military knowledge; he was not familiar either practically or theoretically with military equipment; it was embodied for him in those one-sided forms to which he had become accustomed since childhood at parades, parades and ostentatious maneuvers.
The military habits of his youth left a mark on Nikolai Pavlovich for the rest of his life, which ran counter to his outstanding military talents.
This is how the personality of Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich seems to us at the time he completed his education and entered on an independent path in life. The words that V. A. Mukhanov wrote in his diary the day after the death of Emperor Nikolai Pavlovich involuntarily come to mind: “If, with so many excellent qualities with which the late emperor was gifted, he had received an education in accordance with his great purpose, then, without a doubt, he would have been one of the great crown bearers" 57 .
Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich's first steps in the field of public activity were made under extremely unfavorable circumstances. Society, which hardly knew him, not only did not show the slightest feeling of sympathy towards him, young, unknown, just about to begin his service to the Fatherland, but, on the contrary, immediately reacted very hostilely. Wigel, describing in his notes the entry of the Grand Duke's bride, Princess Charlotte, into the capital on June 20, 1817, mentions the biased attitude of society towards Nikolai Pavlovich in a bad direction. According to the author, he read on the Grand Duke’s face already at that time a foreshadowing of “the most terrible criminal passions that would shake the world during his reign.” Further, Wigel states that Nikolai Pavlovich was uncommunicative, cold and completely devoted to his sense of duty; in his performance he was too strict with himself and others. “In the regular features of his white, pale face one could see some kind of immobility, some kind of unaccountable severity. No one knew, no one thought about his purpose, but many in his unfavorable gaze, as if in vaguely written pages, as if they had already read the history of future evils. Let’s tell the whole truth, he was not loved at all.”
The difficult, in the opinion of the majority, sides of Nikolai Pavlovich’s character were known to everyone; According to a characteristic characteristic of all humanity, messages about them quickly spread throughout the city; his positive qualities remained known only to those few who either personally experienced them, or were able to distinguish them under the sometimes stern appearance of the Grand Duke. In addition, the very environment in which he had to live and work before ascending the throne did not facilitate the Grand Duke to express himself fully; The lack of extensive activity, given his nature accustomed to constant work, involuntarily forced him to devote a lot of time to trifles, and the innate and instilled in him concept of a sense of duty placed him in opposition to the negligence that at that time dominated among the officers of the St. Petersburg garrison.
The official activity of Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich before his accession to the throne consisted of the command of the Life Guards. Izmailovsky Regiment, 2nd Brigade of the 1st Guards Infantry Division and since the summer of 1825 this division. At the same time, in the modest position of brigade commander, in charge of exclusively combat training of troops, the Grand Duke had the opportunity to stay for more than seven years, during which he only had to move in the vicious circle of the system of peaceful education of our troops that was dominant at that time. If such prolonged activity in one direction should have left a certain mark on every person, then its impact on Nikolai Pavlovich’s active, strong, direct nature, accustomed to unquestioningly obeying, should have been incomparably stronger.
But along with military service, the Grand Duke, from January 1818, was assigned another duty, which gave more scope for his independent activities. From that time on, he assumed the duties of inspector general for engineering.
The formation of our army at that time is well known. All his contemporaries, both Russians and those foreigners who managed to see our army, speak equally about him in their notes.
After 1815, the future Field Marshal Paskevich writes on this occasion, Barclay de Tolly, obeying the wishes of Arakcheev, began to demand the beauty of the front, which reached the point of acrobatics; he bent his tall figure to the ground to level the toes of the grenadier. “In the year of time,” he concludes, “the war was forgotten, as if it had never happened, and military qualities were replaced by exercisser dexterity.” The direction that reigned in the Russian army drove the best generals and officers from the scene, and General Natzmer quite rightly wrote in his diary the following harsh assessment of them 61 : “The mistakes that were made by the generals are simply incomprehensible, contrary to all common sense. The terrain was completely ignored, as was the type of army that was suitable for it.”
If such a direction of training dominated the entire army, then it should have taken even deeper roots in the guard, under the eyes of Emperor Alexander and his associate Count Arakcheev.
In such and such a situation, Nikolai Pavlovich’s first combat service took place, and he spent not one or two years in this matter, but eight whole years. His nature demanded activity, and fate fenced off the field of this activity with an impenetrable fence of the exercisirship of Arakcheevsky training. It is clear that such a long practice did not pass without a trace for the Grand Duke.
But, simultaneously with the harsh training of the soldiers, complete debauchery reigned among the officers of the Guards Corps. “Subordination disappeared and was preserved only at the front,” writes Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich in his notes about this time, “respect for superiors disappeared completely, and service was one word, because there were no rules, no order, and everything was done completely arbitrarily and as if unwillingly, just to live from day to day.”
Nikolai Pavlovich, brought up in a completely different direction and with different views on official duties, was not able to indulge his ingrained promiscuity. Let us describe in his own words the situation in which he found himself commanding a guards brigade.
“I had just taken command of the brigade when the sovereign, empress and mother left for foreign lands. Out of the whole family, my wife and son and I were left alone in Russia. So, at my very entry into the service, where it was most necessary for me to have a mentor, a brother-benefactor, I was left alone with ardent zeal, but with complete inexperience.
I began to get acquainted with my team and was not slow to make sure that the service was going everywhere completely differently than I heard the will of the sovereign, than I myself believed and understood it, for the rules were firmly ingrained in us. I began to demand - alone, because what I, out of conscience, discredited, was allowed everywhere, even by my superiors. The situation was most difficult; to act otherwise was contrary to my conscience and duty; but by this I clearly put both superiors and subordinates against myself, especially since they did not know me, and many either did not understand or did not want to understand.
As I began to get acquainted with my subordinates and see what was happening in other regiments, I had the idea that under this, that is, military debauchery, there was something more important, and this thought constantly remained a source of strict observations for me. I soon noticed that the officers were divided into three categories: the sincerely zealous and knowledgeable, the good little ones, but neglected, and the decidedly bad ones, that is, talkers, impudent, lazy and completely harmful; but it was them, the last ones, that I persecuted without mercy and tried in every possible way to get rid of them, which I succeeded in doing. But this was not an easy task, for these people formed, as it were, a chain through all the regiments and in society they had patrons, whose strong influence was always reflected in those absurd rumors and those troubles with which their removal from the regiments was repaid to me.”
And indeed, Nikolai Pavlovich was strict and exacting with his subordinates; not a single slightest omission in service went unpunished. But this was not, as many people think, a consequence of his callous heart, but the application of a strict system, the observance of which so often caused him mental anguish. Ruthless severity applied only to persons who were known to the Grand Duke exclusively from the bad side, and in whose misdeeds he saw only evil will. Punishments for random offenses very often entailed the Grand Duke’s efforts to atone for his severity with special attention, and in the case of unjust punishment, a public apology. Many of his contemporaries mention repeated such apologies even at the time when Nikolai Pavlovich was on the throne.
Cases of a warm, cordial attitude towards his subordinates, a desire to come to their aid were far from rare exceptions during this period of the Grand Duke’s life. Even in those few letters to him from Empress Maria Feodorovna that are known in print, Nikolai Pavlovich’s concern for the families of the officers subordinate to him and for material assistance to them is repeatedly visible. Such actions rarely came, for obvious reasons, to the attention of the public, who therefore viewed the Grand Duke exclusively from the negative side. One empty and even somewhat comical incident best confirms Nikolai Pavlovich’s cordial attitude towards his subordinates. In the summer of 1825, when he was already commanding a division, Major General Golovin, one of the Grand Duke’s subordinates, asked him to give him a horse from his stable for the parade, since his own horse had knocked him out of the saddle during the parade rehearsal. “In my current extremity,” General Golovin ends his original request, “I have no one to turn to except Your Imperial Highness, without being ashamed to open up to you in my position.” It is difficult to reconcile the severity and cruelty of the Grand Duke with similar appeals to him from his subordinates!
A more extensive field for independent activity was provided to Nikolai Pavlovich by his position as inspector general for engineering.
In his opening order, he first of all drew the attention of the ranks of the engineering corps to the fact that “by zealous performance of their duties, zeal for the benefit of the state and excellent behavior, everyone will deserve the sovereign's favors, and in me they will find a zealous intercessor in the face of His Majesty. But, otherwise, for the slightest omission, which will never be forgiven under any circumstances, will be punished to the fullest extent of the laws.” Thus, the protective and punitive principle was given first place here, but at the same time, in his independent work, the Grand Duke managed to achieve excellent results, and “the activities of Nikolai Pavlovich as inspector general were brilliant and fruitful in all respects; it brought great benefit to the state, bringing to life the Russian engineering corps” and giving it that solid foundation, the fruits of which we can still be proud of.
The Grand Duke invested all the excess of his inherent energy into the affairs of the engineering department. Almost every day he visited institutions under his jurisdiction; Feeling his lack of knowledge, he very often sat through lectures for officer and conductor classes at the Main Engineering School, studied the art of construction, practiced drawing and other subjects, so as not to be forced to approve construction projects without understanding their essence. Strictly exacting penalties from his subordinates for unsatisfactory buildings, Nikolai Pavlovich did not deny his guilt as the person approving the projects. A. Savelyev cites a case when the Grand Duke, imposing a monetary penalty on one engineering officer whose cornice had fallen during a construction project, ordered a deduction from his salary as well - as the person guilty of approving the project.
During the same period of Nikolai Pavlovich’s life, the beginnings of activity for the benefit of enlightenment were revealed in him, which, within a certain framework and not without some one-sidedness, ran like a red line throughout his entire reign.
Based on the idea of the Grand Duke and under his close leadership, a school for guards ensigns was established in 1823, in which future guards officers were trained in military sciences. Nikolai Pavlovich’s most beloved brainchild was the Main Engineering School, which he created, organized and placed on a solid and lasting foundation. Not a day passed without the Grand Duke visiting his school and delving into the details of his everyday, educational and military life.
In the very first year of the establishment of the school, Nikolai Pavlovich addressed his students with instructions, in which all the same inherent rules of life are visible. “Meekness, consent and unquestioning obedience to the authorities,” wrote the Grand Duke, “are the distinctive signs of those who devote themselves to military service and especially those who entered the Main Engineering School, where, through the bounty of the all-August monarch, all ways to acquire knowledge that form an engineer are open, providing him with this the right path to the honor and glory of the Fatherland and your own. Order and strict fulfillment of the duties assigned to everyone, being immutable rules that can be easily followed at any age and rank, will lead to the above-mentioned virtues that are necessary throughout life.”
But at the same time with this concern for obedience and morality, the great prince showed great care about the proper setting of the educational course. The program of college courses of that time gives an idea of the solid preparation of students both in relation to general education and in their specialty. The best forces of Russian science of that time were invited to become teachers and professors.
As for the discipline that dominated the school, it, of course, differed little from the general trend of that time, when Betsky’s wise advice “to reprimand for mistakes with possible moderation and, using severity, combine it with pleasantness” was not recognized. The officers and conductors were surrounded by a whole wall of precautionary measures that completely restricted their freedom and put them in the position of children. Punitive measures were limited to strict punishments for minor offenses and sometimes to punishments that were offensive to the pride of young people. But such was the spirit of the time, and in other educational institutions the treatment of students was even more harsh.
The Grand Duke, at least, managed to somehow soften this general cruel trend in his school by choosing a number of humane and enlightened superiors. “The treatment of these persons with the youth was affectionate, friendly, the penalties they imposed on the guilty were so mild that they aroused general love for these leaders.”
In addition, Nikolai Pavlovich, through his caring for his students, frequent communication with them, as well as affection and pampering, both his own and that of Empress Maria Feodorovna, tried to raise their moral level, to ease them into the harsh training that was part of the system of Alexander’s time. And many of the old engineers, until their death, reverently remembered the name of their first inspector general.
The modest role of brigade commander and head of the engineering unit, which was of secondary importance at that time, limited all of Nikolai Pavlovich’s official activities before his accession to the throne. He was not involved in any higher government meetings, was not familiar with state affairs, and in general was completely removed from everything that went beyond the scope of his official activities.
“Emperor Alexander was not afraid of the rivalry of Konstantin Pavlovich,” wrote one of the contemporaries of that era; The Tsarevich was neither loved nor respected and had long said that he did not want to reign and could not. Alexander was afraid of Nikolai's superiority and forced him to play the pitiful and difficult role of an empty brigade and division commander, head of an engineering unit that was not important in Russia. Imagine what Nicholas would have been like with his noble, strong character, hard work and love of grace, if he had been prepared for the throne at least in the same way as Alexander was prepared.”
And Nikolai Pavlovich was really burdened by his seven-year stay in the inactive position of brigadier general. However, signs of this displeasure were expressed in him only once, and then in a private conversation with A.F. Orlov. When this latter told the Grand Duke that he wanted to get rid of the brigade, he, blushing, exclaimed: “You are Alexey Fedorovich Orlov, I am Nikolai Pavlovich; there is a difference between us, and if you are sick of the brigade, then what is it like for me to command a brigade, having the entire engineering corps under my command.”
It is difficult to imagine that Nikolai Pavlovich would dare to express to Emperor Alexander his burdensome situation: from a young age he was warned by Empress Maria Feodorovna, who knew well the character of her eldest son, not to be the first to start a conversation with him about business.
In 1824, the Grand Duke spent a long time in Prussia. Here, due to his penchant for everything military, he devoted a lot of time to getting to know the Prussian troops. As a guest and favorite son-in-law of the king, he could fully satisfy his curiosity and had a wider field of observation than in Russia, where his horizons were constrained by the post of brigade commander. The Grand Duke was present at serf and ordinary maneuvers, at reviews, at testing new guns and, finally, was aware of many of the works of the Prussian War Ministry.
The Grand Duke shared his impressions in letters with Emperor Alexander, and these letters, rather like reports, are interesting in the sense of characterizing the Grand Duke himself and his military views. One can see in them the same inherent observation, brevity and conciseness in expressions, the absence of any abstractions, a sound assessment of everything seen, and, moreover, an assessment not only in general phrases, but taking into account all the details that never escaped the attention of the Grand Duke . While offering his own judgment very carefully in the report, he preferred to cite the opinions of other, more competent persons.
By the way, Nikolai Pavlovich had to attend the testing of new carbines loaded from the treasury. Giving the sovereign a very detailed report on this test, the Grand Duke did not show himself to be such an opponent of the improvement of firearms as he was usually considered to be. In this regard, he gave only the opinion of a specialist about the benefits of the new weapon, but not for general use for fear of the soldiers quickly using up the ammunition they carried. Similar objections, as is known, had the right of citizenship seventy-five years later.
The Grand Duke's long stay in Berlin did not remain without influence on the strengthening of his sympathies for the Prussian army, which then did not leave him throughout his life.
During this period, Nikolai Pavlovich was deprived of independence in his private life to an even greater extent than in his official activities. Empress Maria Feodorovna continued to look at him, already a family man, as if he were still a minor youth, and kept him in strict obedience. This passion of Maria Feodorovna to restrict the freedom of her younger sons reached the point that Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich and Grand Duchess Alexandra Feodorovna received reprimands from her for leaving Pavlovsk for a ride without permission to Tsarskoe Selo and visiting Empress Elizabeth Alekseevna.
Nikolai Pavlovich’s difficult official and social position seemed to be rewarded by his complete family happiness. In his free time from service and court life, he indulged in the joys of a quiet family life in the Anichkov Palace - a life that he had long strived for and about which he never stopped dreaming. “If anyone asks,” he said to the Grand Duchess on this occasion, “in which corner of the world true happiness is hidden, do me a favor and send him to the Anichkovsky paradise.” And indeed, nothing could be more touching than seeing the Grand Duke in his home life. As soon as he crossed the threshold, the gloominess suddenly disappeared, giving way not to smiles, but to loud, joyful laughter, frank speeches and the most affectionate behavior with others.
In such meager circumstances, the life of the already designated heir to the Russian throne flowed until the fateful moment of the interregnum, which, against the will of Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich, elevated him to the throne.
And in these difficult days of the interregnum, Nikolai Pavlovich, refusing to the last extreme from his right to the throne, showed the greatness of his character and commitment to the rule of law, which invariably distinguished him from a very early age. Only on December 12, 1825, having finally become convinced of the adamant decision of Tsarevich Konstantin Pavlovich not to accept the crown generously offered to him, Nikolai Pavlovich took the reins of government, to which he devoted the last twenty-nine years of his life entirely.
Reading the letters of the Royal Couple,
You involuntarily find yourself in a beautiful world,
A world of amazing, crystal purity -
Love is like a clear reflection of Heaven...
Many lines have been written about the power of love between these two people, as evidenced by 630 letters found in the suitcase of the last Russian Tsarina, cynically published by the Bolsheviks. “Oh, if only our children were as happy in their family life!” - Alexandra Fedorovna wrote in one of her letters. But in character and in appearance, Alexandra was the complete opposite of her husband. Tall, slender, with a regal bearing and large sad eyes - she looked like a real queen, seemed to be the personification of power and majesty. She never lost awareness of her high position, except in the nursery.
Her letters to Nikolai Alexandrovich are the most accurate evidence that we have about the inner life of the beautiful young girl who later became the Empress of All Russia.
I can't be without you
I won’t live without faith,
My mind is running away from me
And the strength remains.
But You are my salvation
Love and beauty.
And again I draw strength,
Touching only You.
Nothing softens and beautifies life more than prayer.
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Hearts are drawn to each other, talking about their related interests, souls - talking about the divine.
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Have mercy on those whom God has given the bitter experience of being separated from their loved ones.
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The Lord God is with you wherever you go.
p.s. The correspondence begins upon the return of Tsarevich Nikolai Alexandrovich to Russia after his betrothal on April 18, 1894 to Princess Alix in Coburg in Germany.
Oh, how I dream of holding you to my heart, kissing your sweet head, my love. Without you I feel so alone. May God bless you, my treasure, and may He protect you and give you sleep...
You know my thoughts are with you and I miss you. My priceless one. Tell your dear parents and all your loved ones that I love them very much... I kiss you many times... and I remain, my dear, loving you tenderly,
Your girl, Alix.
Your dear photo stands in front of me and makes me feel my loneliness, and the words on it make me so happy.
All your photos look at me with big beautiful eyes. Oh, if only you were here and I could press you to my heart... Yes, my love, it was so terrible at the station in the presence of everyone to say goodbye to you coldly. I should have thought about everything before you arrived. I will never forget these first days and how pigishly I behaved towards you, forgive me, my love. Oh, if only you knew how much I adore you, and the years have only strengthened my love for you, and I wish only one thing: to be worthy of your love and tenderness. God bless you my dear love.
Lots of tender kisses from your deeply devoted little girl, Alix.
Your bride! How unusual that sounds, honey. I am always thinking about you.
Dearest Niki,
...As soon as I finish one letter to you, I want to start the next one. I'm an old talker, and when you're around I go mute, like an old owl. If you could recommend any good book, translated from Russian, that you would like your stupid little frog to read, please do so...
Ah, we should be patient and not grumble, but I feel terribly lonely and I wish you would hug me with your strong loving arms. When you know that you are loved, you become more interested in life.
I can imagine how glad you are that you are already home and can kiss your parents and receive their blessing. Happy is he who has parents! It was so nice of your mother to ask me not to call her Aunt anymore. I will happily say “mother” and “father”, but I will not be able to pronounce “mother” and “father”. These words remind me so vividly of the past and make me yearn for my dear parents more than usual. But your parents will always be mine, and I will love and honor them...
“Wife,” how unusual it sounds. I still can't imagine the old owl being yours! If only she were worthy of you and could really help and comfort you. But she will do everything in her power... I hear the old organ playing down in the city. This reminds me of my childhood. It seems so long ago, so much has happened since then. Such unforgettable losses, and now this joy!..
“Love is the only thing on earth that we never lose. It is like a cold river that becomes wider and deeper as it approaches the sea, and which makes all the fields turn green. Where it flows, beautiful flowers bloom. Once upon a time it flowed through heaven and was called the River of Life.”
Yes, indeed, love is the greatest good on earth. And the one who does not know it is worthy of pity. But I must hurry... Goodbye, my beloved. My truly dear, the best of those living on earth.
May God bless you now and forever. Many tender kisses from the ever-loving Alix
...I received your letter, for which I kiss you with love and thank you warmly. You can’t imagine how happy I was to receive it and the news that your parents agree... I feel like a different person after your letter arrived, and all these words and flowers dear to me... They are looking forward to meeting you , they all love you very much. Well, I think I can understand that. You are such a pig. Everyone is losing their head because of you.
With many tender kisses and blessings, I remain always deeply devoted to you, little one, Alix
...Good morning my sweet boy - it's my birthday! 22! Oh, how I wish you were here, my love! And your magnificent bracelet - how you, a naughty prankster, dared to give me such a wonderful thing - it confuses me. And your dear letter - you really will spoil me. Many tender kisses, and once again my heartfelt thanks.
Yours deeply loving, Alix.
The thought of tomorrow's separation makes me unhappy. Oh my love, what will I do without you? I am now so used to being always by your side that I will feel completely lost... May God bless you and keep you on your journey and safe return home. Be sure to tell Mom how happy we were that, thanks to her wishes, you went to your uncle’s silver wedding. After all, this gave us the opportunity to spend two more days together.
Next year at this time - God willing - I will always walk with you, and then I will belong to you even more completely. You will help me understand everything so that I can love your religion as much as you do.
A ray of sunshine fell on my papers,
And I whisper: “Slide off of him, darling...”
My heart is tired without you.
God, give me courage for separation!
How fervently I prayed for you,
Our prayers will meet again, do you hear?!
There is no pretense between us - the path is closer, -
The joy of trust and feelings merged.
I bless you with all my heart, beloved.
Our crosses are a stairway to Heaven!
My dear, Niki, protected by God,
Only the Lord knows what is needed...
Love - Firebird - eternal, holy -
They are locked in our hearts forever.
And the heart cries in joy, rejoicing,
In separation - in torment - sweetly yearning -
We haven’t lost our tenderness through the years!
Love that went through torment and suffering,
Bloomed more strongly in the trials of thorns,
Didn't stain the Angels' hearts.
Love - that has been awarded the crown!
Oh, Nicky, my thoughts will fly after you, and you will feel like your Guardian Angel is hovering above you. And although we are separated, our hearts and thoughts are together, we are connected to each other by invisible strong bonds, and nothing can separate us. I think breaking up is one of the hardest things in life: smiling when your heart is breaking! I can't bear to think about it. Oh, dear Nicky, how I love you more and more every day. Boundless true devotion, almost inexpressible in words. I can only repeat over and over again: “I love you, I love you, I love you, I adore you and I adore you.”
My priceless darling, little Aliki, Around me are all the photographs of my sweetheart that I unpacked, and they, together with the memories of your stay here, brighten up my loneliness.
Darling... know that I truly love you more and more every day!
Darling, don’t think me stupid, but I can’t start a single letter without repeating what I constantly feel and think about: I love you, I love you. Oh darling, what is this power that has made me your prisoner forever? I can’t think about anything except you, my dear, and I put my life in your hands, I can’t give more. You have complete power over my love, every drop of it! Although we are apart, our souls and thoughts are united, isn’t it, dear? Oh, my Aliki, if you only knew how much happiness you gave me, you would be glad and nothing would disturb the peace of your heart. How I would like to be next to you, whisper tender words of love and consolation in your ear...
And, honey, please always write to me if you need to know something. Speak directly and frankly. Never be afraid to tell me whatever you want. We should know everything about each other and always help each other, right, dear?
...With the warmest love and the most tender kisses,
I remain your devoted and deeply loving one, Niki.
God bless you.
Yes, my child, indeed, our souls and thoughts are united, despite the separation, because only our bodies are separated. Our souls and hearts are together, and nothing can separate them. Darling, don’t be tormented that, albeit involuntarily, you allegedly made me suffer. On the contrary, your great love helps me endure everything. We can only pray that the Lord will help me, and thinking about you also helps me. I know I will love your religion. Help me to be a good Christian, help me, my love, teach me to be like you. Pray for me, my love. It’s so nice that I can tell you everything and you understand me...
Today is four months since our engagement, and my thoughts fly back to Coburg - will I ever forget the experiences of that day and what it brought me? I don't deserve this gift that God gave me after five years of despair - let Him make me worthy of it.
You think that there is nothing special in your eyes. Well, here you are seriously mistaken: there are whole worlds in them - so deep and true, and big, and sweet. I could stare at them forever.
I remembered your lovely little poem, which I love so much.
When the shining light of day
Dies in the arms of the night,
I only need to remember you,
And the evening darkness recedes.
Every beautiful sunset reminds me of these four lines!
(first letter after the start of the war)
From an egoistic point of view, I suffer terribly from this separation. We are not used to her and I love my precious sweet boy so endlessly. It’s been almost twenty years now that I’ve belonged to you, and what bliss it has been for your little wife!
My love, my telegrams cannot be very ardent, since they pass through so many military hands, but you will read between the lines all my love and longing for you.
My fervent prayers follow you day and night. May the Lord protect you, may he protect, guide and guide you, and bring you home healthy and strong.
I bless and love you, as rarely has anyone ever loved, I kiss every dear place, I press you tenderly to my heart.
Forever your wife
The image will lie under my pillow this night before I send it to you with my warm blessings.
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